http://chineseinput.net/에서 pinyin(병음)방식으로 중국어를 변환할 수 있습니다.
변환된 중국어를 복사하여 사용하시면 됩니다.
- 中文 을 입력하시려면 zhongwen을 입력하시고 space를누르시면됩니다.
- 北京 을 입력하시려면 beijing을 입력하시고 space를 누르시면 됩니다.
RISS 인기검색어
- 검색키워드
- 저자 : 허영란 (검색결과 155 건)
- 무료
- 기관 내 무료
- 유료
-
-
-
-
Colonial Modernity and Rural Markets during the Japanese Colonial Period
허영란 고려대학교 한국사연구소 2010 International Journal of Korean History Vol.15 No.2
Recent studies on Korean history during the Japanese colonial period have in general focused on ‘colonial modernity’ as their main theme. They have sought to analyze the characteristics of the modernity which Korea experienced, while paying special attention to the fact that while modernity should not be ignored,colonial rule should be perceived as having been a condition that contributed to the formation and reproduction of modernity; and that modernity, which was carried out at the global level, was variously and heteronomously experienced in individual regions. This fresh perception of colonial modernity has helped to bring about a meaningful change in the heretofore nationalism-centered study of the colonial era. Nevertheless, a great number of these analyses of modern elements have tended to concentrate on two spheres: industry and urban areas. To this end,although agriculture and rural areas accounted for a significant majority of industry and the overall population respectively, these elements were not identified as being crucial to the formation of the proper interpretation of colonial modernity. The study of the elements of the traditional lifestyle of farmers that were passed down from generation to generation is indeed a more simple one than the analysis of the new elements that were introduced. However, the rural markets, or changsi,which connected farmers to the external world, clearly exhibit the hybridity that characterized their lives during the colonial era. Colonial capitalism had the effect of worsening the conflicts between capitalists and laborers, as well as between landlords and farmers. However, the necessity to defend the nation against Japan’s dictatorial rule also had the effect of mitigating the inherent hierarchal differences between the various social groups. This hybridity was also reflected in the changsi markets that operated in rural areas. The commercialization of agriculture and the agricultural policy of the Government-General of Chosŏn had the effect of further exasperating the already dire situation which farmers faced. The direness of this situation forced many small-scale farmers to try to eke out a living by selling their agricultural wares at lower than market value prices. In this regard, the changsi emerged as the main sphere in which such exchanges designed to ensure farmers’ ability to continue to earn a living were carried out. The expansion of the changsi during the Japanese colonial period was motivated by the following factors. First, under the colonial capitalist structure, farmers needed the changsi, which they could freely enter, to maintain their small-scale farming household economies. Second, the changsi in rural areas functioned as networking markets that effectively connected these rural areas to the global market. The changsi played an important role in terms of the collection and exporting of the agricultural products and raw materials demanded by Japanese capitalism, but also functioned as windows for the distribution and sale of capitalist goods. Third, the changsi was a socio-cultural hybrid space in which Koreans, who were prohibited from participating in politics, could release their pent-up energy. To this end, the changsi conflicts reflected not only the confrontations and fissures that crisscrossed local society, but also the inherent politics of coexistence and alliance. Fourth, the changsi, in their capacity as a basic trading mechanism, served as collective goods which contributed to the activation of local economies. Furthermore, additional local development effects could be expected through the advent of other collective goods, such as financial institutions, agricultural product inspection centers and agricultural product stores,and means of transportation. In this regard, local residents, or simin, sought to attract changsi to their areas as part of efforts to ensure local development and reap the benefits of such development. This can be ...
-
-
허영란 역사문제연구소 2022 역사비평 Vol.- No.139
This article examines the current status and meaning of oral history and local history in S.Korea from the point of view of public history. The author presented three concepts of public history in a Korean context. And it has been argued that the expansion of public history requires professional historians to change their roles. In Korea, as in the West, the public’s consumption of histories has expanded rapidly. It is not usually due to the direct involvement of the historian. It means that the public has emerged as a subject in the consumption of histories like in cultural democracy. Beyond the popularization of history led by experts, the public led the consumption of histories on their own and began to participate directly in writing histories. In particular, oral history is a very useful method of public history, and local history is becoming a concrete site in which it is implemented. Professional historians are required to train public historians to be active in the local community and to communicate with the public in various areas of public history. 이 논문은 공공역사 관점에서 한국의 구술사와 지역사의 현황과 의미를 제시했다. 한국 맥락에서 유동적이기는 하지만 공공역사라는 개념이 사용되는 세 가지 용례를 정리하고, 공공역사의 팽창으로 인해 전문적인 역사학자의 역할 변화가 요구된다고 주장했다. 서구와 마찬가지로 한국에서도 역사학자의 직접적 관여와는 별개로, 대중의 역사소비가 급격하게 확장되었다. 그것은 문화민주주의에서처럼 역사에 대해서도 대중이 주체로 등장하게 되었음을 의미한다. 전문가가 주도하는 역사대중화를 넘어, 일반 대중 스스로 역사소비를 주도하고 역사쓰기에 직접 참여하기 시작했다. 특히 구술사는 공공역사의 매우 유용한 방법이며, 지역사는 그것이 구현되는 구체적인 현장이 되고 있다. 전문 역사학자는 지역사회에서 활동할 수 있는 공공역사가를 양성하고 다양한 공공역사 영역에서 일반 대중과의 소통에 나설 것을 요구받고 있다.
-
-
1912년 로이 채프먼 앤드류스의 고래 조사와 ‘한국계 귀신고래’
허영란 역사문제연구소 2023 역사문제연구 Vol.52 No.-
In January 1912, Roy Chapman Andrews (1884-1960), an assistant curator at the American Museum of Natural History (AMNH) in New York City, traveled to the Oriental Whaling Company's whaling station at Jangsangpo, Ulsan, Korea. He stayed there for about seven weeks and conducted a firsthand study of devilfish, or gray whales, which had disappeared from the California coast. Based on this research, he published "THE CALIFORNIA GRAY WHALE" in 1914, in which he concluded, based on his analysis, that the gray whales in Korean waters was the same species as the California gray whales. The gray whale skeletons that Andrews collected in Jangsaengpo and sent to the United States are still preserved in the AMNH and National Museum of Natural History (NMNH), a testament to the dedication and scholarly contributions of a American scientist at the forefront of natural science in the early 20th century. Using Andrews' research as a basis, the nationalistic and romanticized narrative of the 'Korean gray whale(한국계 귀신고래)' was 'invented' in South Korea in the 1980s. However, Andrews viewed gray whales in Korean waters as the same species as California gray whales, and there is no expressions or descriptions in his paper that could be directly linked to 'Korean gray whales'. The enthusiasm for the 'Korean gray whale(한국계 귀신고래)' can be seen as a nationalist reinterpretation of Andrews' work, in which he immersed himself in science, ignored the the placeness of Jangsaengpo, a colonial whaling port under Japanese control, and otherized local Koreans. Jangsaengpo whaling station was a transnational site where multiple networks of Japanese whalers, Norwegian catchers, American scientist, and Korean residents operated. The nature and meaning of Andrews's survey on gray whales at Jangsaengpo are therefore linked to the question of how to reconceptualize the task of decolonization in Korea in the 21st century and to research the multilayered histories of the local.
-
-
연관 검색어 추천
이 검색어로 많이 본 자료
활용도 높은 자료
