한국 구술사의 현황과 대안적 역사쓰기

허영란(Hur, Young-ran) 역사비평사 2013 역사비평 Vol.- No.102

There are increasing doubts about the objectivity and fairness of the science of historical writing since the late 20th century. An alternative approach is oral history based on direct experience and memory. Oral history can be defined as a methodology encompassing all history written on the basis of oral interview, i.e., oral records and written accounts based on these. In Korea where recording has traditionally been hampered by cultural objections, laws and taboos, it was inevitable that the historians turned their attention to oral history. Interest in oral history has grown rapidly from the urgency to record as much as possible in order to preserve living memories that would otherwise be lost with the death of those being interviewed. Oral history introduces subjectivity and presentness into the writing of history because it is based on personal experience and memory. It also realizes the possibility of subversion through the (re)organization of memories that may be contrary to the official record promulgated by institutionalized history. It is important to focus on the possibilities that oral history can open up in order to meaningfully explore alternative history writing. One cannot write all history using only oral history, but this method can certainly make an important contribution to the democratization of history writing by adding personal reminiscences that would otherwise be lost, by illuminating those aspects of history interpretation that may differ from official history, and by restoring those fluid and multi-faceted historical facts that are too often not dealt with by the science of modern historical writing.

역사교과서와 지역사, 기억의 굴절 : `울산공업센터`의 역사와 기억을 중심으로

허영란 ( Hur Young Ran ) 역사문제연구소 2017 역사문제연구 Vol.21 No.1

History textbooks provide a framework of identity for the community to share and contain an identity that the later generations are expected to reproduce. In the 21st century, history education puts an emphasis on the diversity of historical subjects and the multiplicity of historical interpretations as it should evolve into education to bring up autonomous and democratic citizens rather than individuals that are obedient to power. As an attempt to search for this, this study set out to review the relationship between history education and historical research via local history that was a specific venue of life. This study critically examined the descriptions of Ulsan, the “industrial capital of South Korea,” in old history textbooks and searched for directions for alternative research and descriptions in order to check the mainstream perceptions of local areas. It criticized the ways that local areas were reproduced in historical research so far and the preemptive perspectives that made up the base and compared the tension between national and local history and between national commemoration and local autonomous reproduction. In addition, this study reviewed whether it would be optimistic to write new history books by summoning local memories and investigated the possibilities and difficulties of “marginal historical studies” such as local and oral history.

조선총독부의 오일장에 대한 통제 및 활용과 그 한계

허영란(Hur Young-Ran) 한국사학회 2006 史學硏究 Vol.- No.82

조선총독부는 1914년 「시장규칙」을 공포하여 ‘公營制’를 근간으로 하는 시장정책을 확정했다. 그 핵심은 조선인이 일상적으로 이용하는 오일장을 지방행정기관과 경찰로 하여금 일원적으로 관리통제하게 만드는 것이었다. 일제는 오일장을 원시적이고 낡은 유습으로 규정하면서 쉽게 재편할 수 있다고 보았지만, 그 수가 줄기는커녕 지속적으로 확대되었다. 그러한 현실을 인정하지 않을 수 없었던 총독부는, 1930년대에 접어들어 농촌진흥운동을 추진하는 과정에서 조선인과 밀착되어 있는 오일장을 사회정책적 수단으로 활용하는 방안을 모색하였다. 특히 체계적인 농민조직이 결성되기 전인 1933~34년에는 조선인을 대상으로 한 정책선전을 위해 장날을 적극 이용하였다. 반면 농촌진흥운동의 세부 목표에는 장날 감축이나 오일장 출입제한이 계속 포함되어 있었다. 오일장이 노동생산성을 낮추고 생활의 합리성을 저해한다는 근본 인식에는 변함이 없었기 때문이다. 1934년 이후에는 총독의 직접 지시에 따라 장날 축소를 모색했지만 그것이 농민생활에 끼칠 부정적 영향에 대한 우려 때문에 결국 흐지부지되었다. 대신, 음주와 도박 등의 폐해를 줄일 목적으로 여성의 오일장 출입을 권장하였다. 한편 産業組合과 殖産契를 활용하여 오일장을 대체하는 계획도 수립되었지만 실효는 없었다. 그러나 전시통제가 실시되면서 1941년부터 강제적으로 장날이 축소되었으며 1943년 이후 오일장은 사실상 정지 상태가 되었다. 조선총독부는 1930년대 후반까지 지속적으로 오일장을 축소하고자 노력했지만 결국 실패했다. 그런 정책에도 불구하고 오히려 오일장은 사회적 변화에 유연하게 대응하면서 증가하였다. 식민당국의 구체적 통치는 조선인의 일상세계와 충돌하면서 우회할 수밖에 없었고 최초의 방침을 수정하지 않을 수 없었다. 조선인에게 오일장은 경직된 제도가 아니라 일상적 질서의 구성요소였으므로, 그러한 현상은 외부로부터 일상에 가해진 강제에 대한 조선인의 적응과 고집의 일면을 반영하고 있다. The Chosun government-general confirmed the market policy based on the 'public management system' by proclaiming a「Market Rule」 in 1914. Through this, the colony organization made local administrative organizations and police authorities to manage and control the 5-day interval market which Koreans usually used. Labelling the 5-day interval market as a primitive and old custom, the organization took an optimistic view to improve and reduce it, however not only the traditional practice of 5-day interval markets continued but also the number of markets increased. Eventually the Chosun government-general made plans to use the 5-day interval market as a means of social policy in the 1930s when it pursued the rural promotional movement. There was intensive propaganda about the rural promotional movement using the market day around 1933~34 before a systematic rural organization was formed. On the other hand, because government officials thought that farmers going to and from markets impeded productivity of labor it also sought to reduce or stop the market days. Taking advantage of the governor-general, Ugaki's instruction in 1934, the government-general explored aggressive ways to reduce the market days, but it was unsuccessful due to public anxiety about the negative influence the change would have on the farmers. Instead, women were encouraged to go to the market. One reason was to control men's drinking and gambling habits. In addition to that, the government-general set up a plan to replace the 5-day interval market by utilizing sanupjohap(the industrial union) and siksangye(the mutual aid club for the promotion of industry), but it also became ineffective. Finally under the wartime control, the market days were reduced from 1941 and the 5-day interval market was suspended after 1943. The Chosun government-general lead improvement of reorganization and general customs against the 5-day interval market and unsuccessfully tried to reduce or close the traditional market until the latter part of 1930s. On the contrary, 5-day interval markets increased throughout the Japanese colonial period, and even showed changing shape to correspond with social changes. The flexibility reflects Chosun people's adaptation and resistance against the compulsion discussed above. At last, the control of colonial government had to make a detour because of the adaptation and resistance of the Chosun people.

일제시기 읍·면협의회와 지역정치 ― 1931년읍·면제 실시를 중심으로

허영란 ( Hur Young Ran ) 역사문제연구소 2014 역사문제연구 Vol.18 No.1

The purpose of this study was to investigate political changes brought about to the community by the revision of the local system implemented by the Japanese Government-General of Korea in the 1920s and 1930s to emphasize the realization of publicness and the expansion of autonomy. Part of the revision of the local system in 1920 was the introduction of an election system as proof that Korean people were ruled equally to Japanese people with no discrimination. The revision of 1930 was designed to entrust local public affairs to local self-government bodies for the realization of local autonomy true to the name. Raised by the Japanese Government-General of Korea in the process of revising the local system, “autonomy” did not mean the national self-awareness or political independence of Korean people. However, there was a need to induce active participation from local people in order to increase the efficiency of local administration. In the background was their confidence that they could make it sure that autonomy and independence they were emphasizing would not result in the national self-awareness of Korean people. The implementation of the new local system offered some space for active acts to the subjects of reality in spite of the weaknesses of the system itself and the limitations with its institutional authority. Local residents followed the political practice to make use of the limited system of Eup or Myeon Council as a resource of local politics. Eup or Myeon Council was a place where the ruling power of the colonial authorities was intersected with the autonomy of the community. It was also a venue where the traditional and emerging elites met face-to-face and a place of discussions and competition to deal with the public issues of the local community. It also partially revealed conflicts between the nation and community, confrontations between peoples, and internal collision of Korean people. There were negative opinions about discussing “local politics” in a colony characterized by the exclusion of suffrage, but there is no doubt that Eup or Myeon Council was a “political resource” in the lacal community. It is only natural that “politics” will unfold where there are conflicts surrounding the distribution of public resources and power. Local elites competed over public and private interest and community hegemony. Local residents also experienced politics at the level of linkage with community movements. The present study searched for methodology to make an approach toward political experiences that took place in the community through Eup or Myeon Council.

일제시기 지역사회와 식민지 공론장

허영란(Hur, Young ran) 한국사연구회 2013 한국사연구 Vol.161 No.-

1936년 ‘달리조사’와 식민지 농촌 아카이빙(archiving)

허영란(Hur, Young-ran) 한국사학회 2015 史學硏究 Vol.- No.120

1936년 여름, 일본 도쿄에서 온 의학부 학생들과 아틱뮤지엄의 민속학자들이 울산 달리마을의 경제상태와 위생상태, 마을공동체의 민속을 조사했다.(달리조사) 시부사와 케이조의 지원을 받아 순수하게 민간 차원에서 이루어졌던 이 만남은, 한국 민중과 한국인 및 일본인 엘리트가 일상생활을 매개로 접촉한 독특한 경험이었다. 조사단에 대한 주민들의 태도는 조사원들이 분명히 느낄 수 있을 만큼 냉랭했는데, 그 기저에는 민족적 적대감과 식민통치에 대한 불만이 깔려 있었다. 조사단에는 일본인만이 아니라 한국인 엘리트도 포함되어 있었지만, ‘빈곤’과 ‘과로’에 시달리는 농민들로서는 특별한 친근감을 느낄 여유가 없었다. 농촌 개조라는 진보적 관심을 갖고 있었지만, 학생 조사단에게 달리마을은 가난하고 비위생적이며 동정심을 자아내는 타자였다. 민속학자들에게는 식민지 농촌을 대표하는 사례이자 일본의 민속과 비교하기 위한 과학적 조사대상일 따름이었다. 달리조사의 과정, 그것을 통해 생산된 경제, 위생, 민속에 관한 기록, 수집된 민속용품 등은 근대적 의료와 학문에 종사하는 외부 전문가들의 식민지 농촌에 대한 ‘아카이빙(archiving)’ 작업으로 볼 수 있다. 1936년 당시 조사단에게 달리마을은 조선의 가장 평범하고 대표적인 농촌으로 설정되었다. 그로 인해 달리조사에는 한창 진행되고 있던 마을공동체의 변화와 해체, 내적 균열은 적극적으로 반영되어 있지 않다. 이 논문에서는 그러한 특징을 비롯해서, 달리조사의 주체와 주민의 상호인식, 아카이빙에 담겨있는 다원적인 의미를 살펴보았다. In the summer of 1936, a group of medical students from Tokyo, Japan and the folklorists of the Attic Museum conducted an investigation into the economic and hygienic state of Dal-ri Village of Ulsan and the folklore of its community (Dal-ri Survey). The investigation, which was purely in the private dimension under the auspice of Keizo Shibusawa, was a unique encounter and experience between the Korean public and the elites of Korea and Japan via everyday life. The villagers’ attitude toward the investigation group was so cold that the investigators were able to feel it themselves, and there were complaints about the colonial rule of Japan as well as their national animosity. Even though the investigation group included Korean students, the farmers did not have the leisure to feel friendly towards them, suffering from “poverty” and “overwork.” Although having progressive interest in rural renovations, the student investigation group regarded Dal-ri Village as nothing but a community of others that was poor and unhygienic and evoked its sympathy. As far as the folklorists were concerned, it was merely a subject of scientific investigation to compare one of the representative colonial rural villages with the folklore of Japan. The investigation process of Dal-ri and also the records about its economy, hygiene, and folklore produced in the process and the folk artifacts collected in the process represented an “archiving” work for a colonial rural village for outside professionals in the fields of modern medicine and science. Dal-ri Village in the year of 1936 was set as one of the commonest and most representative agricultural villages in Joseon by the investigation group, which was why they did not actively reflect the changes, breakup, and internal cracks of the village community that were fully happening in the Dal-ri Survey. This study examined the mutual perceptions between the subjects of the Dal-ri Survey and the villagers and the pluralistic meanings of its archiving as well as those characteristics.

집합기억의 재구성과 지역사의 모색 : 울산 장생포 고래잡이 구술을 중심으로

허영란 ( Hur Young Ran ) 역사문제연구소 2014 역사문제연구 Vol.18 No.2

This paper presents an analysis of the recollection and meaning of the whaling memories created in the twentieth century around Jangsaengpo, Ulsan. Jangsaenpo was where mod-ern whaling developed in the Korean Peninsula, but the prohibition of commercial whal-ing since 1986 and rapid industrialization broke up the whaling port. “The whale” has started to attract attention as an icon for place marketing in the Ulsan area, and the whal-ing history of Jangsaengpo received more interest. Jangsaengpo is not whaling port any-more, that`s why the collective memory of whaling has been undergoing a process of re-organization according to regional identity as led by the local government. Oral memories have cracks in them, and their interpretations are pluralistic. Historians working on local history should not merely shed objective light on the past but should also pursue the truth and truthfulness of history and take an active part in the reorganization and collection of history with respect to collective memory, thus organizing local history as a social, com-munal memory.

근현대 울산지역 장시 변동과 지역질서의 재편

허영란(Hur, Young-Ran) 부산경남사학회 2011 역사와 경계 Vol.81 No.-

조선후기에 형성된 장시체계는 지역의 경제구조와 위계를 반영한다. 20세기에 전개된 지역질서의 변화는 장시체계 및 개별 장시에 영향을 미쳤다. 장시를 둘러싸고 전개된 지역 갈등과 지역질서의 변화는 상호 규정적이다. 울산지역에서는 일제시기에서 해방 후에 걸쳐 전국 어느 곳보다 많은 장시가 신설되었는데, 그 이유는 증가된 시장 수요가 하위 기초시장의 신설로 나타났기 때문이다. 울산지역의 장시체계는 울산읍내장을 중심으로 발전했지만, 울산읍내장이 역내 상권을 넘어서서 영향을 미칠 정도의 큰 규모는 아니었다. 토지소유 상황으로 미루어보아 울산읍내는 일제강점 초기에 이미 일본 상권의 지배하에 놓였던 것으로 추정되며, 그 세력은 지속적으로 확대 강화되었다. 이런 조건은 울산읍내에서 시구개정, 시장 이전 등의 현안을 둘러싼 갈등이 폭발적으로 분출하는 것을 억제 하는 조건으로 작용했다. 울산읍은 울산지역의 경제적 중심이자 행정의 중심지였지만, 병영이나 언양, 동면에 비해 식민체제에 대한 저항의 역량은 취약한 편이었다. 이러한 울산읍의 정치사회적 상황은 울산읍내의 시구개정과 공설일용품시장 설치, 장시 이전을 둘러싼 시장갈등의 전개에 영향을 미쳤다. 1962년에 공업센터로 지정된 이래 울산은 한국 산업화를 선도하는 지역이 되었지만, 1970년대까지 울산의 장시체계는 계속 확대, 강화되었다. 또한 국가 정책적 차원에서 거대한 규모로 공업화가 진행되었지만, 일제강점기의 지역갈등 구조가 반영된 울산 구도심의 시장구조는 일제시기 그대로 유지되었다. The jang-si system formed in late Joseon reflected local economic structure and hierarchy. The changes to local order in the 20th century influenced the jang-si system and individual jang-sis. The local conflicts and changes to local order surrounding jang-sis were mutually defining. The Ulsan area witnessed the biggest increase of jang-sis across the nation during the Japanese rule and after liberation as the increasing market demands were manifested in the form of new basic markets. In the Ulsan area, the jang-si system developed around the five-day market of Ulsan-eup, which, however, was not big enough to have influences beyond the commercial zone of the station. Given the situations surrounding land ownership, it is estimated that Ulsan-eup must have been under the influence of Japanese commercial power already in the early days of Japanese rule and that Japanese commercial power continued to expand and strengthen gradually. Those conditions worked to suppress the explosion of conflicts over such issues as revision of districts and transfer of markets in Ulsan-eup, which had weak resistance capabilities against the colonial system compared with Byeongyeong, Eonyang, and Dongmyeon although it was the economic and administrative center of the Ulsan area. Those political and social situations of Ulsan-eup affected the development of market conflicts over revision of districts, creation of public market, and transfer of jang-si in Ulsan-eup. Ulsan, which was appointed as an industrial center in 1962, grew to lead the nation"s industrialization, but its jang-si system continued to expand until the 1970s. Even though large-scale industrialization was under progress as part of national policies, the market structure of Ulsan"s old town reflecting the structure of local conflicts at the end of Japanese rule remained the same as the Japanese rule.

Colonial Modernity and Rural Markets during the Japanese Colonial Period

Hur Young-ran(허영란) 고려대학교 한국사연구소 2010 International Journal of Korean History Vol.15 No.2

일제시기 한국사에 대한 최근 연구는 공통적으로 ‘식민지 근대’를 화두로 삼고 있다. 식민지배는 근대성을 배제하는 것이 아니라 근대성이 형성되고 재생산되는 하나의 조건이라는 점, 전지구적으로 진행된 근대가 각 지역에 따라 매우 다양하고 이질적으로 경험되었다는 점에 주목하면서, 한국이 경험한 근대생의 성격을 해명하고자 하는 것이다. 식민지 근대에 대한 재인식이 민족주의 일색의 식민지 연구에 의미 있는 전환을 가져왔지만, 근대적 양상에 대한 다양한 검토는 주로 공업과 도시라는 두 차원에 집중되었다. 농업과 농촌은 산업구성이나 안구구성에서 지배적 비중을 차지하고 있었음에도 불구하고, 식민지 근대의 해명이라는 문제의식에서 뚜렷한 위치를 설정하지 못했다. 새로움 보다는 이전 시대와의 연속성이 두드러지는 농민의 존재양식을 여러 각도에서 검토할 수 있겠지만, 그들을 외부와 연결시키는 농촌시장, 즉 장시는 그 존재의 혼성성을 잘 보여준다. 식민지 자본주의는 자본가와 노동자, 지주와 농민의 계급적 갈들을 심화시켰지만, 일제의 위압적인 지배에 대한 방어의 필요성은 사회세력의 계급적ㆍ계층적 분화를 억제시켰다. 그러한 조건이 야기한 혼성성은 농촌시장인 장시에 그대로 반영되었다. 농업의 상업화와 조선총독부의 식민지 농정은 농민의 궁핍을 심화시켰다. 영세농민들은 생계유지를 위해 농산물의 궁박판매로 내몰렸다. 그러한 생계유지형 교환이 이루어지는 곳이 바로 장시였다. 일제시기에 장시가 확산된 이유를 정리해보면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 식민지 자본주의 하에서 영세한 농가경제를 유지하기 위해 농민들은 진입이 자유로운 농촌시장, 즉 장시를 필요로 했다. 둘째 농촌 장시는 식민지 상품유통체제에 유연하게 적응하여, 농가와 농민, 농촌촌락을 세계시장과 연결하는 네트워크 시장으로서 기능했다. 장시는 일본자본주의가 요구하는 농산물과 원료 등을 수집, 배출하는 기능과 자본주의적 상품을 배급, 판매하는 통로이기도 했다. 셋째, 장시는 정치를 금지당한 한국인들의 에너지를 사회문화적인 형태로 표출하는 공간이었다. 장시갈등에는 지역사회를 종횡하는 대립과 균열, 연대와 공존의 정치성이 반영되어 있다. 넷째, 장시는 그 자체가 기초적인 교역기구로서 지역 경제를 활성화하는 데 기여하는 집합재(collective goods)였으며, 교통기관, 관공서 등 관련 시설의 집중을 유도하여 추가적인 지역개발 효과를 가능하도록 만드는 매개체였다. 따라서 시민 등 지역주민들은 지역발전과 그에 따른 이익을 확보하기 위해 장시 유치에 힘썼고, 그것이 일제시기에 나타난 장시 확산의 한 가지 요인이 되었다. 1920~30년대에 확인되는 장시갈등은 공공재를 둘러싼 권력과 지역사회의 다양한 갈등 양상을 보여준다. 그것이 식민당국의 힘을 거스를 정도는 아니더라도, 권력과의 경합이 이루어지는 사회적 공간의 존재 가능성을 암시한다. 그것을 통해 식민권력의 일방적인 독주가 관철되는 것만은 아닌 ‘지역사회’를 상정해 볼 수 있다. 그리고 이렇게 장시갈등을 통해 확인되는 것, 즉 전통적인 공동체성, 호혜주의, 평등주의, 지역이기주의, 개발/발전에의 욕망, 시장적 이익의 추구가 결합된 혼성성이야말로 농촌시장에 투영된 식민지 근대성이라고 할 수 있을 것이다. Recent studies on Korean history during the Japanese colonial period have in general focused on ‘colonial modernity’ as their main theme. They have sought to analyze the characteristics of the modernity which Korea experienced, while paying special attention to the fact that while modernity should not be ignored, colonial rule should be perceived as having been a condition that contributed to the formation and reproduction of modernity; and that modernity, which was carried out at the global level, was variously and heteronomously experienced in individual regions. This fresh perception of colonial modernity has helped to bring about a meaningful change in the heretofore nationalism-centered study of the colonial era. Nevertheless, a great number of these analyses of modern elements have tended to concentrate on two spheres: industry and urban areas. To this end, although agriculture and rural areas accounted for a significant majority of industry and the overall population respectively, these elements were not identified as being crucial to the formation of the proper interpretation of colonial modernity. The study of the elements of the traditional lifestyle of farmers that were passed down from generation to generation is indeed a more simple one than the analysis of the new elements that were introduced. However, the rural markets, or changsi, which connected farmers to the external world, clearly exhibit the hybridity that characterized their lives during the colonial era. Colonial capitalism had the effect of worsening the conflicts between capitalists and laborers, as well as between landlords and farmers. However, the necessity to defend the nation against Japan’s dictatorial rule also had the effect of mitigating the inherent hierarchal differences between the various social groups. This hybridity was also reflected in the changsi markets that operated in rural areas. The commercialization of agriculture and the agricultural policy of the Government-General of Chos?n had the effect of further exasperating the already dire situation which farmers faced. The direness of this situation forced many small-scale farmers to try to eke out a living by selling their agricultural wares at lower than market value prices. In this regard, the changsi emerged as the main sphere in which such exchanges designed to ensure farmers’ ability to continue to earn a living were carried out. The expansion of the changsi during the Japanese colonial period was motivated by the following factors. First, under the colonial capitalist structure, farmers needed the changsi, which they could freely enter, to maintain their small-scale farming household economies. Second, the changsi in rural areas functioned as networking markets that effectively connected these rural areas to the global market. The changsi played an important role in terms of the collection and exporting of the agricultural products and raw materials demanded by Japanese capitalism, but also functioned as windows for the distribution and sale of capitalist goods. Third, the changsi was a socio-cultural hybrid space in which Koreans, who were prohibited from participating in politics, could release their pent-up energy. To this end, the changsi conflicts reflected not only the confrontations and fissures that crisscrossed local society, but also the inherent politics of coexistence and alliance. Fourth, the changsi, in their capacity as a basic trading mechanism, served as collective goods which contributed to the activation of local economies. Furthermore, additional local development effects could be expected through the advent of other collective goods, such as financial institutions, agricultural product inspection centers and agricultural product stores, and means of transportation. In this regard, local residents, or simin, sought to attract changsi to their areas as part of efforts to ensure local development and reap the benefits of such development. This can be

역사 교육의 ‘문화적 전환’과 고등학교 『한국사』의 내용 구성 검토

허영란(Hur, Young-Ran) 한국사연구회 2016 한국사연구 Vol.- No.172