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      • 중하위직 공무원의 역할 인식 탐색: 이중성과 역할 모순

        한승주 명지대학교(서울캠퍼스) 정부혁신연구소 2017 정부행정 Vol.13 No.-

        The purpose of this study is to explore the role perception of civil servants. Since the civil servants’ behaviors can be influenced by their subjective role perception, it is meaningful to study the role perception of civil servants in order to find out the causes of bureaucratic problems. Using in-depth interview data regarding midle and lower ranking civil servants in local governments, this study finds out that they have major relationship with four counter partners: elected/politcal oficials, other governments(in particular, central government), private companies performing public service, citzen(complainants). Moreover, the respondents recognize they have dual roles in relation to each counter partners. Although their dual and contradictory role perceptions may be stresful for themselves, they sems to be receptive to the situation. Based on these findings, a folow-up study should be focused the reason why they are embracing their dual and contradictory roles. 본 논문은 공무원의 주관적 역할 인식을 분석하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 주관적 역할 인식에 따라서 행동의 차이가 발생할 수 있으므로, 공무원의 역할 인식을 확인하는 것은 관료제 문제 분석에 중요한 의미가 있다. 이를 위해 지방자치단체 중하위직 공무원과 인터뷰를 수행한 결과, 공무원들은 선출직 및 정무직 상사, 다른 정부기관, 민간기업, 시민(민원인)을 주요 업무 상대방으로 꼽았으며, 이들 각각과의 관계에서 자신의 역할을 이중적으로 인식하고 있었다. 그 이중적 인식은 역할 모순 상황으로 볼 수 있었으나, 역할 수행자인 공무원은 모순적 역할 수행에 관한 스트레스를 강조하기보다 이를 받아들여야할 것이라고 인식하고 있었다. 이러한 연구결과를 바탕으로 향후 공무원의 이중적, 모순적 역할 인식의 원인과 집단 간 차이, 역할 인식의 결과 등이 분석될 필요가 있을 것이다.

      • KCI등재후보

        홍수터 복원을 위한 침수 내성 참나무 수종 선발

        한승주,김혜주,유영한 한국습지학회 2009 한국습지학회지 Vol.11 No.2

        '스콜라' 이용 시 소속기관이 구독 중이 아닌 경우, 오후 4시부터 익일 오전 9시까지 원문보기가 가능합니다.

        우리나라 하천변 홍수터의 복원수종을 선발하기 위하여 우리나라 낙엽성 참나무 주요 6종의 유식물을 일반 토양(대조구)과 뿌리가 잠기는 침수된 토양에서 재배하여 그 생육변화의 차이를 분석하였다. 생육분석에 사용한 항목은 잎 수, 잎 길이, 잎 폭, 잎 면적, 지상부 길이, 줄기 길이, 줄기 직경, 뿌리 길이, 식물체 길이(뿌리 길이+줄기 길이), 잎 무게, 줄기 무게, 뿌리 무게, 식물체 무게 등 13가지 형질이다. 졸참나무는 관찰한 13가지 모든 형질에서 침수처리구에서도 잘 자라 대조구와 생육 차이가 없었다. 갈참나무는 식물체 길이 만, 떡갈나무는 잎 길이 등 4개 형질에서, 굴참나무는 잎 수 등 6개 형질에서, 상수리나무는 뿌리 길이 등 7개 형질에서, 신갈나무는 잎 수를 제외한 12개의 형질에서 대조구보다 침수 처리구에서 못 자랐다(p<0.05). 전체적으로 볼 때 낙엽성 참나무류의 침수에 대한 내성의 순서는 졸참나무>갈참나무>떡갈나무>굴참나무>상수리나무>신갈나무 순으로 감소하였다. 따라서 참나무류를 하천변의 홍수터 복원 시에는 졸참나무나 갈참나무를 식재하는 것이 바람직하다. In order to select the water flooding-tolerant trees among Korean oaks, we cultivated the sapling of 6 deciduous oak species, Quercus acutissima, Q. mongolica, Q. variabilis, Q. dentata, Q. aliena and Q. serrata, under the water flooding treatment and the control, and analysed the growth difference among them. For comparing the growth between treatment and control, we measured 13 morphological and ecological traits, such as leaf Leaf number, leaf length, leaf width, leaf area, shoot length, stem length, stem diameter, root length, plant length, leaf weight, stem weight, root weight, plant weight. Q. serrata have no growth difference between water flooding treatment and control, but the rest 5 species showed the growth reduction in water flooding treatment. Tolerance of oak species to water flooding was risen in order of Quercus acutissima, Q. mongolica, Q. variabilis, Q. dentata, Q. aliena and Q. serrata. Thus, among Korean deciduous oaks, it is desirable to plant Q. serrata for flood plain restoration of river.

      • KCI등재

        테러공격 이후 세계질서 변화와 한반도 정세

        한승주 고려대학교一民국제관계연구원 2002 국제관계연구 Vol.6 No.1

        This paper intends to raise important substantive questions for the post 9-11 "paradigm shift" and configuration of power relations with particular emphasis upon the U.S.-Asian Relations. The paper also reckons with how the Asia Pacific regional and global order, as well as inter-Korean relations, should be set up because of or despite the September 11 attacks. The September 11^th terrorist attacks have had a significant effect on the Asian regional order as well as on the global order. Globally, they have had two seemingly contradictory effects. On the one hand, the post-9·11 situation has presented the major powers of the world including the United States, Russia and China to build a "system of concert," overcoming their rivalries and conflicting interests. It seems to have given a new impetus to promote multilateralism in international relations. On the other hand, it has helped to revive and rediscover what is known as "realism in international politics, realism that recognizes the supremacy of the state and national interest as individual states become the main protector of their citizens in times of crises. The system of concert is also evolving in East Asia which, until September 11th, 2001, had been slow in catching up with the Western world(Europe and America) in international cooperation and multilateral mechanisms. Most remarkable in this regard is the improved relations between China and the United States and, secondarily, between China and Japan. Even though sources of conflict remain among the various countries, major powers such as the United States, Russia, China and Japan, now place greater emphasis upon cooperation and mutual assistance in fighting global terrorism. It nevertheless seems that Asians will continue to live in a regional order where a new system of concert that evolves in the aftermath of the 9·11 attacks coexists with a traditional geopolitical and real politics order. What effect did the global "terror war" have on the Korean Peninsula and inter-Korea relations in particular? For North Korea, the 9·11 attacks represented both and opportunity and a danger. It was an opportunity for North Korea to redeem its suspicion of linkage with terrorism by cooperating with the United States more actively in its fight against terrorism. It was an opportunity to persuade the Bush administration that North Korea, after all, is a country that it could do business with. Pyongyang could have been more forthcoming in supporting America's war on terrorism. On the other hand, it represented a risk and danger because of its past record relating to international terrorism and possession of capabilities in bio-chemical weapons as well as missiles. It was a risk in that North Korea was not free from possible linkage with international terrorism either through direct involvement of in the course of trading weapons of mass destruction and their technology. That having been said, what do we make of the "Axis of Evil" speech by President Bush and its possible repercussions? Although in the speech the reference to North Korea was made in the context of America's broader war efforts on terrorism, we might deduce that there were at least three messages contained in the speech that pointed to North Korea as a key element of th axis of evil. One is that the United States does not consider North Korea worthy of being a dialogue partner unless it changes its ways, especially regarding weapons of mass destruction. Another message could be that it was a clear-cut warning to North Korea that any misbehavior of North Korea, especially in regard to weapons of mass destruction and missiles would surely bring about counter-measures by the United States. With the message, President Bush bound the United States to a strong response to such infringements (from the U.S. point of view) as sale of missiles or bio-chemical weapons abroad, particularly the Middle East, or the resumption of test-firing of missiles. The third message seems to bo that, although North Korea is not necessarily the next target of military action, it is not completely outside of becoming the target of military action against it. Thus, the U.S. policy toward North Korea seems to have traveled from active engagement to a kind of neglect, benign or otherwise, to what some peopled called "congagement." Pyongyang and Seoul must be disappointed and disturbed by President Bush's "axis of evil" speech. On Pyongyang's part, it has blamed the Bush administration for the stalled talks with Seoul. However, the lack of U.S. enthusiasm for dialogue with North Korea did not prevent Pyongyang to reopen talks, although only temporarily, with South Korea in September, 2001. Recognizing that the United States was not in a hurry to improve relations with North Korea, Pyongyang chose to take a tough stance to both the United States and South Korea. Now, it is a lot more than simply not resuming dialogue with North Korea. While fully accepting South Korea's prerogative to pursue the Sunshine Policy, the Bush Administration has taken an even tougher stance vis-a`-vis North Korea. However, North Korea is expected to continue to pursue a policy that sought neither a breakthrough nor a break-off in relations with South Korea. Even though Pyongyang sees no particular advantage at this time to warm up relations with South Korea, it does see a disadvantage in breaking off all relationship, inasmuch as it continues to require outside help, particularly in food and energy.

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