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        • KCI등재

          Study on Storytelling in Sports Game: Focus on FIFA 19

          한석희 (사)한국컴퓨터게임학회 2019 한국컴퓨터게임학회논문지 Vol.32 No.3

          '스콜라' 이용 시 소속기관이 구독 중이 아닌 경우, 오후 4시부터 익일 오전 7시까지 원문보기가 가능합니다.

          Sports game is one of popular genre in video games all around the globe, and soccer is one of them. It is safe to say that FIFA series produced by EA Sports of Electronic Arts(EA) has been the most favorite soccer game. Above all things, it focuses on reality; it deals with not only high-quality graphics, but also a variety of licence reflecting the real soccer world. The significant point is that recently FIFA series handsomely provide story mode called “The Journey” from FIFA 17 to FIFA 19, which gives a brand new look, and it is such a novel innovation in the game. In this study, it explores “The Journey: Champions” mode of FIFA 19 released on September, 2018; it functions as a story mode with three main characters, Alex Hunters, Danny Williams, and Kim Hunter. And each character has unique goal, style, and storyline. Specifically, this study researches own storytelling of each character’s story. By doing so, it studies not only the aspects of storytelling inside sports game, but also shows various realms of soccer game. Since soccer has been a popular sport in South Korea for a long time, it is expected that this study satisfies many South Korean audience and scholars.

        • 제조업의 미래

          한석희 한국IT서비스학회 2016 한국IT서비스학회 학술대회 논문집 Vol.2016 No.춘계

          '스콜라' 이용 시 소속기관이 구독 중이 아닌 경우, 오후 4시부터 익일 오전 7시까지 원문보기가 가능합니다.

        • KCI등재

          중국의 신안보개념('新安全觀')-다자간 안보에 대한 중국의 협력가능성과 한계-

          한석희 한국외국어대학교 국제지역연구센터 2004 국제지역연구 Vol.8 No.1

          With its continued reform and open-door policy, China has changed its diplomatic attitude toward multilateral institutions. Since 1990s, China has actively participated in multilateral security institutions, both international and regional levels, and consistently increased the degrees of its activity. Given China's traditional reluctance to the multilateralism, China's changes in its diplomatic attitude seems remarkable. This article emphasizes China's new security concept as the major initiative to lead this change. Globalization is a symbolic trend of the post-Cold War international relations. Taking democartization, norm-making, and marketization, globalization as major vehicles, globalization pursues to change the world in a unified fashion. China also commits its full participation in globalization, understanding globalizating a irreversible world phenomenon. However, China's attitude toward mulitlateral security institutions has limitations. If we apply a qualitative evaluation, China pursues a limited acceptance of multilateralism, in which it takes advantage of the multilateral institutions for the benefits of its national interests and national development, while it negates to accept international norms, rules, and regulations for their changes. It is largely because China's new security concepts emphasizes the importance of its national sovereignty. China still translates the national sovereignty in a very traditional fashion, which does not form with that of international community. China has generally followed different paths, in many dimensions, from those that the Euro-Americans suggest. In defining sovereignty, China still inclines to break through a new wave of development path, which is still far away from what the West expects. 중국은 지속적인 개혁․개방정책과 함께 1990년대부터 대외관계의 태도를 전환하고 있으며 이는 다자간 국제체제에 대한 적극적인 가입․활동에서 구체적으로 나타나고 있다. 본 논문에서는 이러한 중국의 대외행태적 변화요인을 중국의 신안보개념에서 구하고 있다. 일반적으로 탈냉전기 국제사회의 변화는 세계화로 대표되고 있으며, 세계화시대의 국제사회는 다자주의에 의해 유지되고 있다. 중국도 탈냉전기 세계화를 거스를 수 없는 시대적 조류라고 인식하고 국제사회의 다자주의 추세에 적응하기 위한 신안보개념을 수립하게 되었다. 중국의 신안보개념은 국가안보의 개념을 확대하여 비전통안보까지 포함하고 있으며, 전통적 군사안보 영역에서도 다자주의를 수용하는 근거로 역할하고 있다. 중국은 다자간 안보체제에 참여함으로써 자국의 이미지제고 및 상호신뢰구축을 도모하고 있으며, 이를 국제사회의 평화와 발전에 기여하는 근거로 제시하고 있다. 그러나 다자주의에 대한 중국의 태도를 질적인 측면에서 평가해 볼 때, 중국은 아직도 다자주의를 제한적으로 도입하고 있으며 그 주요 원인은 중국의 주권문제에 있다. 중국은 아직도 주권을 보수적으로 해석하고 있으며, 따라서 향후 중국의 발전방향도 서구의 예측과는 다른 방향에서 설정될 것이다.

        • KCI등재후보

          Beijing Consensus - The Case of China-Angola Relations -

          한석희,F. John Henry Lim,Heajin Byun 국가안보전략연구원 2009 국가안보와 전략 Vol.9 No.4

          Recently, much controversy has been surrounding China’s foreign policy towards Africa as African countries are progressively growing in favor of aligning with China over the United States. With China as their partner, African elites are able to maintain the status quo of their regimes, maintaining their power, while gaining development aid and support from China without the regulations and restrictions that democratic Western countries and Western-based organizations such as th IMF impose upon them. Generally, China new approach to the underdeveloped states like Africa has been called “Beijing Consensus.” Angola is a prime example fo this trend as in early 2005. This paper reviews and analyzes the effects and Iimitations of China’s Beijing Consensus projected over African states, in particular Angola. China’s Beijing Consensus has thus far been fairly successfully. However, with challenges also come opportunities. Understanding the realities of the Beijing Consensus towards the developing world will help mitigate apparent problems and advance the achievement of each party’s goals.

        • KCI등재

          Changing Taiwan-PRC Relations under Ma Ying-jeou And Its Implications for Korea

          한석희 신아시아연구소 2008 신아세아 Vol.15 No.3

          The victory of the Kuomintang (KMT) on the Taiwan’ presidential election on March 22nd of 2008 and subsequent inauguration of Ma Ying-jeou as the president of Taiwan on May 20th could mark a new watersheds in Taiwan’s overall diplomacy. Ma and his KMT recently started to promote its damaged diplomatic relationship with China; to improve its economic performance by opening to China; and to manage annoyances in Taiwan-U.S. relations by supporting the regional status quo and strategic ambiguity. Recognizing the convicted changes of Ma’s diplomatic and economic overture, Korea welcomes the fresh diplomatic détentes between Taiwan and China. One of positive repercussions of Ma’s engagement policy toward China is that it helps promoting civilian rapprochement between Korea and Taiwan. Since 1992, when Korea had established diplomatic relations with China, Korea and Taiwan had severed long and traditional bilateral ties. Despite, the bilateral interactions between Korea and Taiwan has consistently been increased not only in terms of trade, but also in terms of tourism. But uncomfortable relationship between Taiwan and China for previous years has kept Korea from freely approaching to Taiwan. Due to the heavy dependence on China in particular in economy and diplomacy, Korea could not but being prone to China’s diplomatic pressure not to be close to Taiwan. For Korea, it was almost impossible to expand its official relationship with Taiwan and was even cautious to keep civilian interactions between Taiwan and Korea. However, the inauguration of Ma Ying-jeou and his subsequent détente with China saves diplomatic room for Korea’s civilians to squeeze in. Expecting that friendly relations between Taiwan and China would make China less enthusiastic to implement diplomatic pressure for isolating Taiwan, Korea feels much relieved to expand the cooperation with Taiwan. Given growing number of tourists and direct flights, and increasing volume of mutual economic exchanges, Taiwan and Korea have already paved the grounds for expanding mutual relationship. Since Ma’s détente with China is not oriented to a structural change, however, Korea’s cooperation with Taiwan should be limited within the fields of economy and culture, far from touching upon the issue of political status of Taiwan. Given the advantage of hedging, Korea should manage the relationships both with China and Taiwan, leaving military, security, and diplomatic contacts to be minimized.

        • GLOBALIZATION AND SOCIALIZATION IN CHINA

          한석희 연세대학교 동서문제연구원 2002 Global economic review Vol.31 No.2

          The end of the Cold War has marked the rise of globalization as one of the contending issues in international relations. As a dominant wave of world transition, globalization requires the states to coordinate their behavior and align their policies and standards to a generalized principle of conduct or to certain suggested directions. While some states have actively and positively responded to these changes, a few others have struggled to retard the influence of globalization, viewing it as a threat to social stability, state sovereignty, and national and cultural identity. However, China shows a dual response to this challenge. It welcomes globalization as a way to enrich national competitiveness, and it confines the impact of globalization exclusively within the economic field only, lest its regime stability be shaken. Hence, this paper argues that the impact of globalization on Chinese international behavior falls short of a fundamental change in Chinese worldview. To prove this argument, this paper explores the Chinese characteristics of globalization and China’s domestic impediments to limit socialization.

        • KCI등재

          China’s Status-Quo-Plus Policy toward the Korean Peninsula and Its Implications

          한석희,김용순 연세대학교 동서문제연구원 2013 동서연구 Vol.25 No.2

          To change “status quo minus” into “status quo plus” in the region, China has advocated the resumption of the Six-Party Talks in dealing with the North’s nuclear ambitions. And China’s recent expansion of economic influence in terms of trade and investment in the North seems to be contributing to North Korea’s dilapidated economy. But the most important factor is North Korea’s sincerity regarding dismantling its nuclear devices on the diplomatic table, and the question is whether the North will initiate profound policy change to reform and open door, following China’s suggestion. There exists a gap in perception between China and its neighbors in either seeing the North Korean problem as a political concern which needs to be contained, or seeing them as issues which must be addressed separately. As long as this perceptional gap exists, the policies of the parties interested in North Korea will have differing aims and effects.

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