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How Democracy Facilitates South Korean Interest in Free Trade Agreements
A. 쿠퍼 드러리,Jonathan Krieckhaus,Chika Yamamoto 한국학술연구원 2014 Korea Observer Vol.45 No.1
In recent years South Korea has been unusually active in signingfree trade agreements (FTAs), which is usually seen as a sign of thecountry’s economic interest in expanding trade. We argue thatKorean foreign economic policy also follows a political interest,namely that Korea prefers to pursue FTAs with fellow democracies rather than with authoritarian regimes. This preference for democracieshas three complementary origins: 1) democratic dyads arepeaceful dyads, such that Korea need not worry about empoweringrival nations through FTAs, 2) democratic regimes are more accountable,such that FTAs are more likely to be enforced in a democraticregime, and 3) democratic countries are more likely to see a nationalinterest in FTAs, further increasing the chances of Korea pursuing aFTA. We test this argument with an original dataset on Korea’s FTAconsideration from 2000 to 2011, using Cox Proportional Hazardsmodels.
조슈아 쿠퍼 레이모(Joshua Cooper Ramo),김진공(번역자) 고려대학교 아세아문제연구소 2009 亞細亞硏究 Vol.52 No.3
The China’s experience and new ideas is not only a model for China, but has begun to remake the whole landscape of international development, economics, society and, by extension, politics. China’s new development approach, I call this the Beijing Consensus, replaces the widely-discredited Washington Consensus. It is driven by a desire to have equitable, peaceful high-quality growth, and turns traditional ideas like privatization and free trade on their heads. It does not believe in uniform solutions for every situation. It is defined by a ruthless willingness to innovate and experiment, by a lively defense of national borders and interests, and by the increasingly thoughtful accumulation of tools of asymmetric power projection. Beijing Consensus consists of three theorems. The first is the necessity of bleeding-edge innovation to create change the moves faster than the problems. This second theorem demands a development model where sustainability and equality become first considerations. Finally, the Beijing Consensus contains a theory of self-determination that stresses using leverage to move big, hegemonic powers, and the notion of asymmetric defense.
An Exchange on, “Diversionary Dragons, or ‘Talking Tough in Taipei’”
Jonathan Sullivan,이탄 리,패트릭 제임스,A. 쿠퍼 드러리 동아시아연구원 2011 Journal of East Asian Studies Vol.11 No.1
In “Diversionary Dragons, or ‘Talking Tough in Taipei’” (Journal of East Asian Studies 9, 3: 369–398), Yitan Li, Patrick James, and A. Cooper Drury presented a newly created data set to show that Chen Shui used independence rhetoric and confrontation with the mainland as a diversionary tactic in the face of domestic political difficulties. In the present exchange, Jonathan Sullivan challenges the authors’ understanding of how the Democratic Progressive Party used the Taiwan independence issue—and the authors’ interpretation of independence—and raises questions about the coding of press coverage as a means of identifying true preferences. The authors respond, concluding that the future use of such diversionary tactics is by no means foreclosed.