나치 독일 정규군의 유대인 학살과 과거사 극복

최호근(Choi Ho-Keun) 한국제노사이드연구회 2007 제노사이드연구 Vol.2 No.-

Since the World War II many parts of the German society struggle to come to terms with its own past, but very slowly. The exhibition Vernichtungskrieg. Verbrechen der Wehrmacht 1941 bis 1944 was the very example which shows well the way in which the German society reacted against its own shameful past. Upon the end of the war in 1945, several prominent Wehrmacht generals made a statement that defended the actions against partisans, executions of hostages, and the use of slave laborers as necessary to war effort. The generals contended that the Holocaust was committed by the SS and its partner organizations, and that the Wehrmacht command had been unaware of these actions in the death camps. This statement said that the armed forces had fought honorably and left the impression that the Wehrmacht had not committed war crimes. Although a number of high Wehrmacht officers stood trial for war crimes, the ‘legend’ of the Wehrmacht did not easily perished. The road to come to terms with the past of Wehrmacht was really long and dark. Both German states needed to establish armed forces, and could not do so without trained soldiers and officers that had served in the Wehrmacht. Cold War priorities and taboos about revisiting the most unpleasant aspects of World War II meant that the Wehrmacht’s role in war crimes was not seriously re-examined until the late 1980s. The view of the ‘unblemished’ Wehrmacht was shaken by an exhibition produced by the Hamburg Institute for Social Research titled Wehrmachtausstellung. The popular and controversial traveling exhibition asserted that the Wehrmacht was involved in planning and implementing a war of annihilation against Jews, prisoners of war, and the civilian population. The exhibition of course provoked many criticisms. These led its committee to conclude that the exhibition be reopened in revised form. The exhibition and the debates related to it show well the twisted long-process to overcome the shameful past in German society. Nowadays the past of the Wehrmacht stands in the center of the Vergangenheitsbew ltigung in Germany.

치주질환 심도에 따른 조직내 림프구 및 NK 세포의 변화에 관한 면역조직학적 연구

최호근,권영혁,이만섭,Choi, Ho-Keun,Kwon, Young-Hyunk,Lee, Man-Sup 대한치주과학회 1993 Journal of Periodontal & Implant Science Vol.23 No.2

Periodontal disease research has been focused on understanding the immunopathologic mechanisms which may operate in the development and maintenance of peiodontal inflammatory changes. Immunologic and inflammatory responses may relate to the etiology and pathogenesis of periodontal disease. In order to research immunopathology of periodontal disease, previous investigators have spent much time on the distribution of lymphocyte subpopulations and NK cells but they have spent less time on the changes of those cells to the periodontal disease severity. The purpose of study was performed to investigate the changes of the distribution of T lymphocytes, B lymphocytes, T lymphocyte subsets, and Natural Killer cells in the gingival epithelium and connective tissue of the periodontal disease with the various clinical parameters including Gingival Index, Sulcular Bleeding Index, and pocket depth. Gingival tissues were obtained from 25 patients with different severity of periodontal disease. Serial cryostat sections displaying a cross section of gingiva were labelled with monoclonal antibody for pan T cells, T cytotoxic/suppressor cells, T helper/inducer cells, pan B cells, and NK cells were develped using an avidin-biotin-peroxidase system. Lymphocyte populations were enumerated in repeatable fields from gingival section. 1. T cells were more increased at grade 1 and 3 than at grade 0 of gingival index (p<0.05). Helper T cells and NK cells were significantly increased at grade 1, 2, 3 than at grade 0(p<0.05). 2. T cells were more decreased at grade 3 and 4 than at grade 1 of sulcular bleeding index (p<0.01, p<0.05). Especially, Natural Killer cells were significantly increased at grade 1, 2, 3, 4 than at grade 0 (p<0.05, p<0.001). 3. The ratios of helper T/suppressor T cells were more decreased at grade 4 than at grade 0 and at grade 4 than at grade 2 of sulcular bleeding index (p<0.05, p<0.05). 4. Helper T cells were significantly decreased at grade II and III than at grade I, however the Natural Killer cells showed a increasing tendency with the increase of the pocket depth, there were no significant differences between each grade of pocket depth. 5. The ratios of helper T/suppressor T cells were tended to be decreased with the increase of the pocket depth, there were no significant differences between each grades of pocket depth. There was a very weak change in the distribution of T lymphocytes, B lymphocytes, T lymphocyte subsets, and Natural Killer cells in the gingival epithelium and connective tissue of the periodontal lesion with the various clinical parameters including gingial index, sulcular bleeding index, and pocket depth. But, the number of T lymphocytes and Natural Killer cells were significantly changed in gingival index and sulcular bleeding index.

한국에서 랑케 역사학의 수용 : 일제 강점기에서 현재까지

최호근(Choi, Ho-Keun) 한국사학사학회 2021 韓國史學史學報 Vol.- No.44

이 글은 서구 근대 역사학의 도입 이후 한국에서 나타난 ‘랑케 현상’의 원인과 특징적 내용을 살펴봄으로써, ‘실증사가’로 고착된 랑케의 이미지를 수정하고자 한다. 지난 한 세기 동안 한국에서 이루어진 랑케 역사학의 수용은 ‘실증사학의 비조’라는 조야한 랑케 이미지가 그의 저작들에 대한 독서와 해석의 축적을 통해 수정되어 온 과정이었다. 그러나 이 길은 결코 단선적이거나 지속적인 진보의 과정이 아니었다. 1970년대 중반까지 한국 학계는 메이지유신 이후 한 세대 동안 일본 학자들과 마찬가지로 랑케를 그저 ‘실증사가’로서 받아들였다. 해방 이후에도 한 세대 동안 한국 역사가들의 랑케 이미지는 거의 바뀌지 않았다. 일부 역사가들이 긍정적 의미에서 랑케를 실증사학의 표상으로 받아들였던 데 반해, 또 다른 일부 역사가들은 부정적인 시각에서 랑케를 식민사관의 운반체(vehicle)로 활용된 실증사학의 개창자로 간주했다. 양측 모두에게 공통적으로 중요했던 것은 랑케 역사학의 내용이 아니라 학문 권력의 기호로서 랑케의 명성이었다. 이러한 인식은 1970년대에 와서야 바뀌기 시작했다. 이때부터 서양사학자들의 연구를 통해 다면적인 랑케 역사학의 면모가 확인되었다. 그럼에도 불구하고 한국 역사학계 안팎에 널리 유포된 실증사가로서 랑케의 이미지가 사라지기까지는 앞으로도 많은 시간이 걸릴 것이다. This article attempts to modify the image of Ranke, which has been fixed as a father of “scientific” historical school, by examining the ‘Ranke phenomenon’ that appeared in Korea since the introduction of modern Western historiography. The reception of Ranke’s theory and methodology in Korea over the past century has been a process in which the crude image of Ranke as “scientific” historian has been modified through the accumulation of reading and interpretation of his works. However, this path was never a monolithic and/or continuous process of progress. Until the mid-1970s, the Korean academia, like Japanese scholars after the Meiji Restoration for a generation, accepted Ranke just as a “positivist” historian. Even after liberation from Japan, the image of Ranke among Korean historians hardly changed for a generation. While some historians accepted Ranke as a symbol of empirical historian in a positive sense, others regarded him as an pioneer of “scientific school of history” used as a vehicle for colonial view of history from a negative perspective. What was of common importance to both sides was Ranke’s reputation as a symbol of academic power, not the content of his historiography. This perception only began to change in the 1970s. From this time on, the aspect of multifaceted historical thoughts of Ranke was confirmed through the research of historians who major Western history. Nevertheless, it will take a long time before Ranke’s existing image disappears which has already been widely distributed inside and outside the Korean community of historical studies.

역사서술과 문학의 중첩과 갈림 -랑케의 『종교개혁 시기의 독일사』 내러티브 분석-

최호근 ( Choi¸ Ho-keun ) 한국서양사학회 2021 西洋史論 Vol.- No.148

이 글에서 필자는 랑케의 『종교개혁 시기의 독일사』를 분석함으로써, 독일 역사주의를 대표하는 랑케의 역사서술의 특징을 파악하고자 하였다. 이러한 텍스트 분석을 통해 역사서술이 문학과 공유하고 있는 특징들을 확인할 수 있었다. 랑케는 그의 텍스트에서 수사학적 기법들을 적극 활용하였다. 그러나 그의 서술에서 문학적 장치들은 어디까지나 도구적으로 활용되었을 뿐이라는 점을 간과해서는 안 된다. 랑케가 재현하고자 했던 것은 개연성의 세계가 아니라, 원자료를 통해 확증할 수 있는 경험의 세계였기 때문이다. 그렇지만, 경험적 세계에 대한 천착이 랑케의 역사서술을 문학으로부터 구별해주는 유일한 요소는 아니다. 랑케의 역사서술에서 이보다 더 중요한 것은 다양한 시간의 차원들에 대한 의식이었다. 그의 주안점은 구조의 시간, 경향과 국면의 시간, 사건의 시간을 역사서술 속에서 통합하는 데 있었다. 그의 서술에서 이러한 통합을 가능하게 해준 것은 마르틴 루터라는 세계사적 개인이었다. 이러한 점을 고려할 때, 『종교개혁 시기의 독일사』를 역사서술의 탈수사학화나 역사와 문학의 중첩을 보여주는 사례로 단순화하는 것은 무리이다. 이 저작은 중년 이후부터 랑케가 도모했던 역사서술의 심미화의 결과로 평가하는 것이 좀 더 적절할 것이다. The aim of this article is to identify the characteristics of Ranke‘s historical writings by critically analyzing his Deutsche Geschichte im Zeitalter der Reformation. These textual analyses identify the characteristics which his historical narrative shares with literature, by looking specifically at the manner with which he actively uses rhetorical techniques. However, it should not be overlooked that literary devices were instrumentally used in his description, as what he wanted to represent was not a world of possibilities, but a world of experience that could be corroborated through raw materials. Nevertheless, his obsession with the empirical world was not the only factor that distinguished Ranke's historical narrative from literature. His focus was on integrating the structures of time, of trends and phases, and of events. It was actually Martin Luther, a historical individual from the Church, who made this integration possible in his historical narrative. Taking this into consideration, it is unreasonable to regard Ranke's Deutsche Geschichte im Zeitalter der Reformation as an example showing the difference between historical and literary narrative, or the overlap of historical writing and literature. It would be more appropriate to evaluate this work as a result of the aestheticization of the historical narrative which Ranke sought after within the body of works he produced in his middle age. (Korea University / hchoi21@korea.ac.kr)

막스 베버와 독일 역사학 - 막스 베버의 역사사회학과 동시대 역사가들의 영향관계를 중심으로

최호근(Ho Keun Choi) 한국서양사학회 2001 西洋史論 Vol.68 No.1

The purpose of this article is to examine Weber`s position with his historical sociology in the history of German historicism, especially from a methodological viewpoint. It was argued strongly in recent years that he must be regarded as a outstanding scholar who criticized the irrational character of the historicism in its later phase. This argument is, however, based not on Weber`s own estimation of the contemporary German historiography as a whole. The article examines Weber`s attitude to the practice as well as theories of the contemporary historians by analyzing his own theoretical and historiographical works. The mast important clue for a explanation of Weber`s relation to German historicism is the fact that his critical attitude to Karl Lamprecht`s cultural history, a challenge to the traditional history, and to its positivistic assumptions was mostly based upon the theoretical position of the representatives of German `political history`. The point of this position was a respect for the social action of man in history and for `understanding` (Verstehen) as a historical method. It was the core of the German historicism which Max Weber shared with his contemporary historians. Weber tried to innovate the historical method `understanding` by removing irrational factors in its concept. He articulated the logic of `understanding` which was neglected in German historiography after J. G. Droysen with his concept forschend zu verstehen. The core of the logical mechanism of `understanding` called Weber causational explanation. In this sense Max Weber can be regarded not merely as a critic but as a creative successor of German historicism. (Korea University)

일차대전과 프리드리히 마이네케

최호근(Ho Keun Choi) 한국독일사학회 2001 독일연구 Vol.- No.1

Der Erste Weltkrieg stellte in mehrfacher Hinsicht einen bemerkenswerten Wendepunkt des politischen und historischen Denkens Friedrich Meineckes dar. Zuerst fällt seine veränderte Stellungnahme zur politischen Verfassung in Deutschland auf: Er wandelte sich von einem ‘Herzenmonarchisten’ zu einem ‘Vemunftrepublikaner’. Eine weitere deutliche Veränderung ist in thematischer Hinsicht zu beobachten: Sein historisches Interesse verschob sich m verstärktem Masse auf unpolitische Gebiete. Zudem führten Kriegserfahrung und Demütigung ihn zu einem Ansatz der kritischen Überprüpfung der deutschen Vergangenheit. Die wichtigste Wandlung in seinem historischen Denken fand jedoch auf der historischen Grundanschauung statt: Durch den Krieg erkannte er auf das schärfste die starken Schatten der Identitätsphilosophie im deutschen historischen Denken und kehrte zur Individualitätsidee zurück. Meineckes Neigung zur Individualität wurde zwar durch das Kriegserlebnis veranlasst, war aber keine grundsätzliche Neuerung in seinem historischen Denken. Diese Neigung ist bereits in seinem Persönlichkeitsidealismus der frühen Phase seiner Geschichtsanschauung deutlich zu erkennen. Vor diesem Hintergrund meine ich, dass die Kriegserfahrung keinen wesentlichen Bruch in seinem historischen Denken mit sich brachte. Aus seiner kritischen Haltung zur an der Nation orientierten deutschen Geschichtswissenschaft und aus seiner Forderung nach einer Universalgeschichte folgte keine eindeutige theoretische und methodologische Wandlung bzw. Vertiefung. Deswegen liegt die Bedeutung der Kriegstätigkeit Meineckes eher darin, dass er in einer extremen Situation sein Wissenschaftsideal weiter beibehielt. Abgesehen von der Frühphase des Krieges bis 1915 strebte er auch bei seiner Kriegstätigkeit als Publizist noch nach der Sicherung der methodischen und perspektivischen Strenge der Geschichtswissenschaft. Auch von der epidemischen ethnischen Stereotypenbildung war er wenig beeinflusst. Dadurch bildete er eine der wenigen Ausnahmen unter den deutschen Historikern, die meist für die Pflicht eines Bürgers zur patriotischen Hingabe an die Nation die Gebote eines kritischen Wissenschaftlers opferten.

기념시설을 활용한 역사교육

최호근(Choi, Ho-keun) 호서사학회 2013 역사와 담론 Vol.0 No.66

계몽사상과 역사주의 : 특집기획논문

최호근(Choi, Ho-Keun) 한국사학사학회 2011 韓國史學史學報 Vol.0 No.23

이 글의 목적은 계몽사상에서 역사주의로의 이행의 성격을 규명하는 데 있다. 이를 위해 이 글에서는 계몽사상과 역사주의의 관계를 이론, 방법론, 재현방식이라는 세 가지 각도에서 검토하였다. 이를 통해 밝혀진 점은 다음과 같다. 첫째, 계몽사상이 이론을 서술을 위한 전략으로 상정했던데 반해, 역사주의에서 이론은 역사의 진행을 파악하기 위한 탐구의 틀로 받아들여졌다. 둘째, 계몽사상에서 방법이 서술의 방법에 한정되었던데 반해, 역사주의에서는 지식을 획득하기 위한 절차와 수단이라는 의미로 확장되었다. 셋째, 계몽사상에서 이야기식 서술이 지배적이었다면, 역사주의는 압축과 각주에 의한 전문가적 글쓰기를 표방하였다. 이와 같은 차이에도 불구하고, 계몽사상과 역사주의의 관계를 단절로 파악하는 것은 일면적이다. 왜냐하면 역사주의의 핵심이라 할 수 있는 역사성에 대한 존중은 후기 계몽사상에서도 발견되고, 서술방식에서도 연속적 측면이 충분히 존재하기 때문이다. 이러한 점들에 근거하여 이 글에서는 역사주의를 단순히 계몽사상의 대립물이나 연속으로 보기보다는, 특히 이론과 방법론 측면에서 계몽사상을 발전적으로 계승한 결과로 파악한다. This paper is to grasp characteristics of the transformation from Enlightenment to Historicism. It deals with the relation between Enlightenment and Historicism under the point of view: theory, methodology, and the mode of representation. The results of the research are as follow: First, the Historicism regarded the theory as a scheme of research to apprehend the process of history, whereas the Enlightenment understood it mainly as strategies for description. Second, in the period of Historicism was the meaning of method gradually expanded: from the method of description to procedure and tool gaining knowledges. Third, the Historicism advocated professional writing which is characterized through summarization and footnotes. Despite of many differences between Enlightenment and Historicism, it seems to be one-sided to interpret the relation simply as ruptured one. Some historians of Enlightenment showed enough respect for historicity as the historicists. Moreover there was continuity in the way of writing. Therefore the Historicism could be interpreted rather as a result of the Enlightenment than as a antipode or continual result of it.

제노사이드란 무엇인가?

최호근(Ho Keun Choi) 한국독일사학회 2004 독일연구 Vol.- No.8

Der vorliegende Aufsatz setzt sich mit unterschiedlichen theoretischen Konzepten bei der Definition von Genozid in den letzten Jahren auseinander, um zur Erweiterung und Vertiefung der Forschungen uber den Massenmord an den Zivilisten vor und nach dem Korea-Krieg beizutragen. Er ist in drei Abschnitte untergeteilt: zunachst pruft er die Entstehungsgeschichte der “Konvention uber die Verhutung und Bestrafung des Volkermordes”, die die Generalversammlung der Vereinten Nationen am 9. Dezember 1948 verabschiedete: dann pruft er die konstitutiven Faktoren der Genozid-Konvention: schlieβlich befaβt er sich mit den unterschiedlichen Alternativen fur die Konvention, die in den letzten Jahrzehnten von den Spezialisten aus verschiedenen Fachbereichen vorgeschlagen worden sind. Aus der Untersuchung folgern sich vier Punkte. Erstens konnte man die Intention der Tater nicht nur durch die Dokumente, sondern durch verschiedene Indizien nachweisen. Zweitens muβ man die Kategorie der Opfergruppe erweitern, um diejenigen zu umfassen, die insbesondere aus politischen, sozialen und okonomischen Grunden exterminiert wurden. Drittens kann man verschiedene Machtgruppen neben dem Staat als potenzielle Tater des Volkermordes berucksichtigen. Viertens gilt es auch als Genozid, wenn die Eliten einer Gruppe systematisch vernichtet wurden, obwohl sie in ihrer Zahl nur ein Bruchteil der Gruppe seien. Aus diesen Grunden sollte die Genozid-Konvention der Vereinten Nationen so revidiert werden: Wenn ein Staat oder eine ahnliche Machtgruppe mit Absicht eine bestimmte Menschengruppe ganz oder teilweise aus nationalen, ethnischen, rassischen, religiosen, politischen, sozialen, okonomischen oder anderen Motiven systematisch und geplant zerstort hatte, konnte es als Genozid angenommen werden.

내러티브와 역사교육

崔豪根(Choi, Ho-Keun) 역사교육연구회 2013 역사교육 Vol.125 No.-

The paper is to show the significance of narrative for history education in three points. First, it tries to grasp distinctive characters of historical narrative. Second, it clarifies the structure of historical narrative on the basis of preceding inquiries especially in seventies and eighties of 20th century. Third, it discerns three types of historical narrative and shows various combination of them. The main feature of historical narrative lies in the consciousness of time. Depending on the scope of time historical narrative could be divided in three types: macro, meso, and micro narrative. Macro narrative mainly relies on normative explanation, whereas micro narrative for the most part is based upon intentional explanation. Historical narrative, therefore, should be constructed variously depending on the recipient.