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          일제 경찰기구의 위생 선전

          최재성(Choe, Jae-Seong)(崔在聖) 한일민족문제학회 2021 한일민족문제연구 Vol.40 No.-

          '스콜라' 이용 시 소속기관이 구독 중이 아닌 경우, 오후 4시부터 익일 오전 7시까지 원문보기가 가능합니다.

          日本の朝鮮統治が30年が過ぎた時点で、30年以上の間に衛生思想の普及のためにいくつかの施策を実施したにもかかわらず、伝染病にかかった患者数と死亡者数は大幅に減らなかった。朝鮮で衛生観念の普及のために帝國主義日本の警察は怖がらせてなだめる「ニンジンと鞭」施策を展開した。なだめる施策は、時間と空間を活用した宣伝活動である。特定の時間を設定して集中宣伝する方法は、「衛生デー」や「防疫週間」などの運営である。一定の空間に大衆を集め宣伝する方法は、各種「展覧会」の開催などである。京城で衛生展覧会が初めて開催された1921年末にも、5年前に比べて伝染病患者数は1.7倍程度増加した。患者数は約1500人程度増加した。5年後の1926年には、患者数と死亡者数の両方減少した。その間に1922年から京城と地方の衛生展覧会、1924年の蠅展覧会、そして各地の「衛生デー」の設定、運営があった。1926年の伝染病患者数の減少は、これらの活動の影響と言えるかもしれませんが、5年後の1931年までに再び増加傾向があります。1933年防疫展覧会と防疫週間の設定が同時に行われた後、統計を見ると、1936年にも1931年に比べて患者数と死亡者数の両方若干の増加を示す。患者数は約18%、死亡者数は31%増加した。上昇曲線の傾きは1920年代に比べて緩やかだったが、増加は依然として続いていた。コレラは減少効果があった1930年代後半には、衛生デーと防疫週間が設定され、運営されていましたが、1941年の伝染病患者数と死亡者数の両方が増加しました。5年前より各各35%,21%増加した。1942年には1年前より患者数,死亡者数,死亡率ともに若干減少を示した。減少傾向の逆転に最大の貢献をした伝染病は、天然痘だった。代わりに、1942年には発疹チフス患者数と死亡者数が大幅に増えたが、天然痘の統計数値がその増加を相殺した。結核患者関連の統計は着実に増加現象を見せた。入院患者·外来患者·治療延日数の三方1931年比で1939年の統計は、それぞれ3.5倍、4.5倍、2.87倍に激増した。1936年には結核予防週間と1938年の結核予防デー設定運営、1939年の結核予防展覧会はすべて、このような結核患者激増への対応だったとすることができる。しかし、1942年の健民運動週間にもまだ結核撲滅が主な目標であったことから分かるように、結核問題は依然として大きな問題であった。 At the time of the Japanese colonial rule over 30 years, the number of patients and deaths from infectious diseases did not decrease significantly even though the Japanese police implemented various measures to spread hygiene ideas for 30 years. In order to spread hygiene ideas in Joseon, Japanese police have implemented a ‘carrot and whip’ policy that threatens and appeases. The soothing measure is propaganda activities that utilize time and space. The way to set up a specific time and promote it intensively is the operation of ‘Hygiene Day’ and ‘Anti-virus Week’. The way to bring the public together in a certain space and promote it is to hold various ‘exhibitions’. At the end of 1921, when the hygiene exhibition was held for the first time in Gyeongseong, the number of infectious disease patients increased by 1.7 times compared to five years ago. Five years later, in 1926, both the number of patients and the number of deaths decreased. In the meantime, there were hygiene exhibitions in Gyeongseong and local areas since 1922, a fly exhibition in 1924, and ‘Hygiene Day’ establishment and operation in various places. The decrease in the number of infectious disease patients in 1926 is the influence of these activities. But five years later, in 1931, it was on the rise again. After the 1933 anti-virus exhibition and the anti-virus week setting were simultaneously performed, statistics showed a slight increase in both the number of patients and the number of deaths compared to 1931 in 1936. The number of patients increased by about 18 percent and the death toll by 31 percent. The slope of the upward curve was gentler than in the 1920s, but the increase remained. However, only cholera had a reduction effect. In the late 1930s, also hygiene day and anti-virus week were established and operated. However, both the number of infectious disease patients and the number of deaths in 1941 did not decline; they increased by 35 percent and 21 percent, respectively, compared to five years ago. In 1942, both the number of patients, the number of deaths and the death rate decreased slightly compared to a year ago. The epidemic that contributed the most to the reversal of the decline was smallpox. Instead, in 1942, the number of typhus patients and deaths increased significantly, but the statistical figures of smallpox offset the increase. The statistics related to tuberculosis patients showed a steady increase. The number of inpatients, outpatients, and treatment days increased 3.5 times, 4.5 times, and 2.87 times, respectively, compared to 1931. In 1936, the Tuberculosis Prevention Week, the 1938 Tuberculosis Prevention Day, and the 1939 Tuberculosis Prevention Exhibition were all responses to the increase of tuberculosis patients. However, as we can see from the fact that tuberculosis eradication was still the main goal in the 1942 campaign week, the tuberculosis problem was still a big problem.

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          조선총독부 발행 1910·20년대 교과서의 보건·위생론

          최재성(Choe, Jae-Seong)(崔在聖) 한일민족문제학회 2020 한일민족문제연구 Vol.38 No.-

          '스콜라' 이용 시 소속기관이 구독 중이 아닌 경우, 오후 4시부터 익일 오전 7시까지 원문보기가 가능합니다.

          The purpose of this article is to examine the health and hygiene descriptions of the textbooks published by the Governor-General of Joseon and to find the contents of the discipline that the colonial powers aimed at. In addition, the research method reviewed the health and hygiene-related units for three subjects of textbooks: Moral training, Joseon-language reading, and National-language(Japanese) reading, in which the “will” of Japanese colonial rule is directly and explicitly projected. In addition, the descriptions of the textbooks were tracked by time to extract the theory of health and hygiene of colonial powers and compared with articles from other media (newspapers, magazines, etc.). In this paper, we first considered the process of publishing textbooks in the 1910s and 20s. In 1911, the “Joseon Education Ordinance” was enforced, but the Japanese Government-General of Joseon could not immediately issue textbooks as new contents, so it first used textbooks compiled by the Korean Empire’s undergraduate departments. Thus, ‘correct’ textbooks were published from 1911. At the same time, the Japanese Government-General of Joseon started a textbook compilation project in accordance with the school system and the confirmation of each school curriculum, and published almost all of the books for ordinary schools in 1917. In 1922, a new ‘Joseon Education Ordinance’ and ordinary school regulations were promulgated and enforced again. Accordingly, textbooks for ordinary schools were newly published. From the 1910s to the 1920s, textbooks were published three times. Secondly, we looked at the logic of health and hygiene. The 1910s and 20s textbooks are based on the theory of health and hygiene that health and hygiene should be taken care of for filial piety (parent), public interest (society), and loyalty (state). Furthermore, there is a logic that health spreads in the order of individuals, societies, and countries. Third, we identified characteristics through key words. What can be seen from the core words of textbooks published in the 1910s and 20s is, first, units of subjects directly related to an individual’s body in lower-level courses, and units of topics related to public hygiene in higher-level courses. Second, it is a characteristic of each period, which shows that new content has been added or replaced by the latter. 本稿の研究目的は朝鮮総督府が発行した教科書の保健·衛生に関する記 述を調べ、植民権力が目指していた規律の内容を探ることだ。また、研究方 法は日帝(総督府)の“意志”が直接的かつ露骨に投影されている修身、朝鮮語 読本、国語読本の3科目の教科書を対象として保健·衛生関連の単元を検討 した。また、教科書の叙述を時期別に追跡し、植民権力の保健·衛生論を抽 出し、他のメディア(新聞、雑誌など)の記事とも比較した。 この論文ではまず1910~20年代の教科書発行過程を考察した。1911年、朝 鮮教育令が実施されたが、朝鮮総督府は教科書を新しい内容で直ちに発行 できないため、代わりに大韓帝国の学部編纂教科書を活用した。1911年から ‘訂正’教科書が発行された。それと同時に朝鮮総督府は学制および各学校の 教科課程の確定に合わせて教科書編纂事業に着手し、1917年に普通学校の 教科用図書のほぼ全てを出版した。1922年には再び新しい朝鮮教育令と普通 学校規定が公布され、4月から施行された。それに伴い普通学校の教科書も 新たに発行された。1910年代から1920年代に至るまで、このように3次にわたり 教科書が発行された。 第二に、保健·衛生の論理を考察した。1910~20年代の教科書では親孝 行(親)、公益(社会)、忠誠(国家)のために健康と衛生に注意しなければならないというのが保健·衛生論に基づいている。さらにこの三つを網羅して健康が個人·社会·国家に波及するという論理もある。3番目に、核心語を通じて特徴を把握した。1910~20年代発行の教科書の核心語から分かるのは、第1に、より下級課程では個人の身体と直接関連のあるテーマの單元であり、より高級課程では公衆衛生と関連したテーマの單元だ。第二に、時期別の特徴として、後期にいくほど新しい内容が追加されたり、交替したりすることが分かる。

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          이여성의 1930년대 초 농업문제 인식

          최재성(Choe, Jae-seong) 독립기념관 한국독립운동사연구소 2017 한국독립운동사연구 Vol.0 No.57

          1930년대 초 농촌의 붕괴 현상에 직면하여 이여성은, 식민지 조선 농업문제에 대해 신문과 잡지, 그리고 저서를 통해 그의 인식을 발표했다. 이 글에서는 그 가운데 크게 농업 관련 정책에 대한 부분과 토지분배상황 부분을 살펴보았다. 먼저 일제 식민정책은 1910년대 토지조사사업과 1920년 이래 산미증식계획이다. 이여성이 인식한 1910년대 토지조사사업 결과는, 광대한 규모의 국유지 창출과 국유지의 민족차별적 이용이다. 조선총독부는 대한제국의 국유지를 그들의 국유지로 만들고, 또 무주지도 국유지로 했는데, 무주지의 국유화는 ‘불법의 몰수’ 과정이었다. 이여성은 그 과정에서 일반 조선인의 법률적 관념이 박약하여 등기를 하지 못하여 무주지로 처리됨으로써 소유권을 박탈당했다고 보았다. 이 점은 고경흠·박문규·인정식의 견해와 비교할 때 이여성 인식의 한계가 드러나는 부분이다. 그리고 이렇게 확보된 국유지 중 ‘양전옥답’의 역둔토에 대해 조선총독부는 동척과 일본인 개인에게 대부 또는 매각했고, 매립을 통해 큰 이익을 볼 수 있는 공유수면은 일본인 자본가를 중심으로 하여 분배했으며, 국유 미간지도 일본인 관리 및 유신용자 위주로 분배하여 민족차별적 특혜를 부여했다고 보았다. 다음으로 이여성은, 산미증식계획의 목적은 일본 식량 문제 해결을 위한 것으로, 식민지로부터 부족분을 이입하는 것이 경제적, 국제정치적으로 안전한 해결방법이므로 “것이 산미증식계획의 제1목적인 동시에 그 계획을 세우게 된 근본적 동기였다.”라고 파악했다. 또 이여성은, 수리조합은 수리조합비 수납을 통해 농민의 이해에 영향을 미치는 존재로 인식했다. 수리조합이 농민 반발과 민원을 유발하고, 조합원 이익을 무시하며, 조합 간부와 지주가 반목하는 등 조합 자체 내의 백폐로 인해 조합 경영 곤란을 초래했다고 보았다. 산미증식계획과 수리조합에 대한 이여성의 인식은 고경흠과 인정식 등 다른 지식인의 그것과 다르지 않았다. 이어서 토지분배상황에 대한 이여성의 인식을 보면 다음과 같다. 식민지 조선의 농촌에서는 일본인(개인과 법인)이 조선인의 농지를 소유하여 민족적 계급적 모순을 심화시켰다. 막대한 자금력을 가진 일본 농업자본은 부동산 담보 대부를 통해 상환 불능 토지 등에 대한 권리를 갖게 되었고, 그에 따라 토지 소유 조선인은 농업 이익이 감소하고, 채무자가 되는 형편이었다. 그중 대표적인 것은 동양척식주식회사와 조선식산은행이었다. 그리고 토지 겸병(자작지의 소작지화 현상)의 급속 진전에 따른 지주와 소작인의 증가와 중간층의 몰락, 계급 대립의 첨예화, 그리고 조선인 대지주의 감소와 일본인 지주의 격증이라는 민족모순의 심화 등을 지적했다. 이상을 통해 이여성 인식의 특징을 정리하면 다음과 같다. 먼저 이여성은 조선 농업문제의 기원이 되었던 ‘토지조사’사업에 대해서는 직접 언급하지 않았고, 토지조사사업의 결과 국유지화 되는 원인에 대해 다른 지식인들과 다르게 그 해석이 협소했다. 둘째 이여성은 다른 지식인들과는 달리 현상의 원인과 과정이라는 역사적 접근보다는 결과로서의 현상에 주목하는 태도를 보였다. 일본인 토지소유 과정을 천착한 인정식과는 달리 그 실태에 대해 주로 취급했기 때문이다. 셋째 이여성은 일제의 민족 차별적 태도를 부각했다. 국유지의 불하와 대부 과정에서 일본인을 우대한 것이라든지, 토지소유관계에서 일본에 비해 조선의 중간층이 적고 하층이 다수라는 점과 자작지와 소작지 중 일본은 자작지가 더 많고, 조선은 소작지가 더 많다는 점을 적시한 것이 그 사례이다. 넷째 다른 지식인들의 글은 운동가 내부 또는 지식인 사회에서만 읽혀진 한계가 있었으나 이여성의 글은 대중 매체인 신문을 통해, 그리고 저서로서 출판되어 보다 광범위한 독자를 대상으로 했다. In the face of the collapse of rural areas in the early 1930s, Yi yeoseong published his perceptions of colonial Joseon agriculture through newspapers, magazines, and books. In this article, I looked at the part of agriculture policy and the part of land ownership relation. The characteristics of Yi yeoseong’s recognition are summarized as follows. First of all, Yi did not directly mention the ‘Land Survey’ project, which was the origin of the Joseon agriculture problem, and the interpretation of the cause of the land survey as a result of the land survey project was different from other intellectuals. Secondly, Yi’s attitude was focused on the phenomenon as a result rather than the historical approach of phenomenon and process unlike other intellectuals. Third, Yi highlighted the discriminatory attitude of the Japanese people. In the case of land ownership, there are few middle class of the Joseon and there are a lot of the lower classes, and that of Japan, there are more Self-cultivated land in Japan, and more tenant land in Joseon.

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          일제 식민지기 이여성(李如星)의 민족운동

          최재성 ( Jae Seong Choe ) 수선사학회 2011 史林 Vol.0 No.39

          Yi yeoseong(1901~?) whose real name is Yi myeong-geon, was a nationalist in the first half of 20 century. He did a national liberation struggle under the rule of Impeialist Japan. After liberation from Japanese rule, he engaged in the movement for establishing national state. He was one of the member of Hyeseongdan organized during 3·1 Independence movement. He was arrested by Japanese police, was put in prison for 3 years. After discharge from jail, he went to study to Japan. He did activities in Bukseong-hoe and Ilwol-hoe, socialist Korean young peple`s and student`s groups. These activities were dirrect engagement of national liberation struggle. After living in Shanghai for about 2 years, he wrote in the newspaper, the Dong-a ilbo and Joseon ilbo, about the people of a small and weak power, the peoples of the philippines, Egypt, India, Vietnam, etc. These writings were written to extract hints help to Korean national struggle. From the year of 1931, he published a series of Statistical study of Korea. He exposed the actual condition of colony and the nature of Impeialist Japanese rule in these works. Japan was reorganized on the war basis in 1937, the year of the invasion of china. Under the Japanese extreme control on all dimensions, Yi yeoseong devoted to paint paintings relate to historical figures and events, and study the history of the Korean traditional clothings. Writing about the people of a small and weak power in the newspaper, Publishing series of Statistical study of Korea, painting historical paintings, and studying the history of the Korean traditional clothings were indirrect engagement of national liberation struggle.

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          일반논문 : 1910~20년대 일제의 어업조합 방침과 운영

          최재성 ( Jae Seong Choe ) 수선사학회 2014 史林 Vol.0 No.47

          The fishermen`s unions(FU) were established from 1912. Joseon government-general(JGG) started to permit to set up the FU for procuring aquatic resources, immigration promoting and protecting of Japanese fishermen, and Korean fishermen and fishing villages. In 1910s, because the policy of JGG about the FU was very passive, permitting to establishment of the FU was so selectional, and the activities of FU were very insignificant. In 1920s, JGG changed the policy. The new policy of the FU was very positive. The promotion expenses, salaries of directors, and subsidies for cooperative activities of the unions were started to give unions by the JGG. Therefore, the number of unions and union`s members were increasing. Inducements of the union`s members were exercising fishing rights by the union and participating cooperative facilities of the union. But the exclusive ownership of fishing rights by the union was dissatisfaction of Korean fishermen. And Forced selling of fish instead of loaning funds was another complaint of Korean fishermen, too. Because Korean fishermen had to respect their duties instead of their rights. JGG judged the activities of FU in 1920s were also insufficient, changed the policy of the union to revise the fishries law and fishermen`s union rule, etc.

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          ‘창씨개명’과 친일 조선인의 협력

          최재성(Choe Jae-Seong) 독립기념관 한국독립운동연구소 2010 한국독립운동사연구 Vol.0 No.37

          창씨개명은 일제가 조선인에게 강요한 ‘황국신민화 정책’의 일환으로 실시된 것이었다. 그 목적은 조선인의 생각과 마음을 일본인과 똑같이 만들려는 민족성 말살이었다. 조선 민중들의 머리 속에서 조선민족이라는 의식을 완전히 없애고 대신 그 자리에 일본 민족의 일원이라는 인식을 주입하기 위해 시행된 것이었다. 그래서 그 실시 날짜도 일제가 일본민족의 기원일로 기리고 있는 ‘2600년 기원절’로 잡았다. 창씨제가 실시된 목적은 일본식 ‘家’제도를 도입하여 조선의 각 가정을 일본 천황을 종가로 하여 천황제를 지탱하는 기초로 삼는다는 것, 황국신민화의 일환이라는 점이 지적되어 왔다. 필자는 이에 덧붙여 자신의 실적을 과시하고 싶어 했던 총독 남차랑의 욕심이 더해졌던 것이라 보았다. 제도 시행 초기에 이 제도에 호응하는 조선인은 많지 않았다. 겉으로는 강제성을 부정하면서도 속으로는 억지로라도 시키고 싶었던 조선총독의 의지에 따라 일제는 실적을 높이기 위해 온갖 방법을 다 동원했다. 도별 실적을 공표하여 도별 경쟁을 유도했고, 신고가 마감된 이후에는 실적 비율을 높이기 위해 호적 총수 대신에 ‘실재 호적수’라는 개념을 도입하여 모집단의 비중을 낮추면서 통계수치를 아전인수식으로 이용했다. 이 제도가 실시되는 과정에 친일 조선인이 협력한 사례로는 크게 네가지 방식이 있었다. 맨 먼저는 사법법규조사위원회 위원으로 활동하며 창씨제 실시를 위한 법안 마련에 참여한 이승우 등의 경우이다. 두 번째는 솔선하여 창씨와 개명을 한 행위로 종래의 姓 · 본관과 무관한 씨를 창설하고 일본식으로 개명하여 창씨제 실시 초기에 신고를 마친 경우이다. 세 번째는 창씨를 독려한 행위이다. 관리로서 솔선 창씨하고 창씨를 독려한 조선총독부 고등관들의 사례, 글과 강연을 통한 권유 선전한 이광수 등의 사례 등이 이에 속한다. 네 번째 창씨제 실시에 대한 감사표시 행위인데, 감사문 발송 결의 주도, 국방헌금 기부, 기념탑 제작 전달 등이 이에 속한다. 친일 조선인이 창씨제 시행과정에서 보였던 이와 같은 협력 행위를 명확히 밝혀내고 그들에게 역사적 책임을 묻는다면, 이들의 협력 행위와는 달리 문중의 정체성을 유지하기 위한 고육지책으로 창씨를 결정하고, 문중회의의 결정에 따라 창씨 신고를 이행한 대다수 조선민중에게 씌워진‘친일’ 혐의는 벗겨질 수 있을 것이다. 이는 ‘창씨=친일’이라는 오해를 대중적으로 확산시켜 창씨개명과 관련된 친일문제의 책임을 희석시키려는 ‘친일 청산’ 방해 세력의 시도를 무력화시키는 일이기도 하다. Imperialist Japan, especially the Japanese colonial Government enforced Korean people to change their surname from Korean style, Seong(姓) to Japanese style, Ssi(氏) in 1940. The changing of Koreans’ surname Policy by the Japanese colonial Government was to enforce Korean people to make their thoughts and minds to same to Japanese things. The Japanese colonial Government tried to efforts to increase the number of Koreans who registered new surname, although the Governor-general, Minami Jiro denied the Registration of new surname, Japanese style, Ssi(氏) was not compulsion. Part of Korean who were pro-Japanese rule also collaborated to increase the number of Koreans who registered new surname. Collaboration were four types. First, engaging to prepare a bill, as the member of the Council for revision of the relevant regulation. Second, Registering of both Japanese surname and name, not only surname but name early. Third, Being a pioneer who registered new surname early than mass Korean, and propagating the registration of new surname by contributing a column to newspaper and giving a lecture. And the last, expressing their gratitude for changing surname policy, for example, leading to make resolution to send a letter of thanks to the Governor-general, donating political contribution to Imperialist Japan.

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          논문 : ≪수자조선연구(數字朝鮮硏究)≫의 체재(體裁)와 내용 분석

          최재성 ( Jae Seong Choe ) 수선사학회 2013 史林 Vol.0 No.44

          The Books of the Statistical Study of Korea were written by Yi yeoseong and Kim seyong. They first contributed articles to the Chosun Ilbo from April 1931 using each pen name of cheongjeongsaeng and cheolgusaeng. And they gathered the articles and published the volume one of the book of the Statistical Study of Korea in July 1931. In November 1931, they brought out the second volume of the book in the way of the volume one. In the volume two of the Statistical Study of Korea, the other of their articles of the Chosun Ilbo and original copies of the magazines were used. The Statistical Study of Korea was censored by the Japanese Government General of Korea. Although both the original articles of newspaper and magazines and the Books of the Statistical Study of Korea were censored, the censorship in the latter was more severe. In comparison with the former and the latter, we can partially find parts of deletion by censorship; What the authors wanted to say, What the Japanese Government General of Korea wished to hide. For Example, strong criticism of wrong policies of Government General and national discrimination etc.

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          조선총독부 발행 1930~40년대 교과서의 보건ㆍ위생론

          최재성 ( Choe Jaeseong ) 수선사학회 2020 史林 Vol.0 No.73

          The theory of health and sanitation in 1930s textbooks emphasizes arousing a sense of hygiene. This pointed to the Joseon people's hygiene, and they said to strive for the “public interest.” In the 1910s and 20s, the logic was that health and hygiene were necessary for filial piety, public interest and loyalty, but by the 1930s, filial piety and loyalty disappeared, and only “public interest” remained explicitly in textbooks. In addition, the description that the hygiene concept of Joseon people has not been spread still emphasizes the inferiority of Joseon people's spirit. Another popular health and hygiene theory in 1930s textbooks is the emphasis on cleaning. It also intended to foster the spirit of labor through cleaning, reflecting the reality of vocational education emphasized in the revised Joseon Education Ordinance. And the usual physical training is also the main content of health and hygiene theory of health and hygiene. In the wartime system, a different theory of health and hygiene emerged than usual. Children needed health to grow into soldiers and producers. In addition, infectious diseases were recognized as cancerous to increase productivity, and they were also a major obstacle in avoiding air strikes in air defense shelters. Thus, injection was implemented as a preventive measure against epidemics, and the textbook included a unit called ‘injection’. At the end of the Japanese Colonial Period, he emphasized the state again, stating that mental and physical health was a requirement for the good people of the imperial army.

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