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崔成哲 한양대학교 한국학연구소 1987 韓國學論集 Vol.11 No.-
This paper is a general appraisal of the political philosophy of Pre-Chin Confucianists as philosophers in ancient China. It endeavors to show that the government should necessarily be based on its people and also the morality of a rular is one of the most influential elements in relation to the political success or faillure. If one word could characterize literally the history of Chinese philosphy, that would be humainism-not the humanism that denies or slights a Supreme Power, but on that professes the inity of man and Heaven, In this sense, humanism has dominated Chinese thought from the down of its history. The philosophical basis of Confucius lies on the deep understanding of the divine nature of human beings as the subjgation of an animal instinct and on the political moralism. The personal character of a ruler is absolutely important in politics. The moral character of a ruler is the wind and that of common people is the grass. Whenever the grass has the wind upon its, it assuredly bends. Confucius moral thought, therefore, contributed greatly to the development and the doctrine of leadership in the modern society. The career Mencius was amazingly similar to that of Confucius, whom he proclaimed as one of the greatest sages. Mencius teachings were basically derived from Confucius. But in the centural doctrine of the Confucius school, Mencius took a big step forward, and his new theory colored his other doctrines. Mencius built his philosophy that man was naturally born good. His doctrine of innate knowledge and ability has become the backbone of an idealistic philosophy of Wang Yang-Ming and his followers for almost two hundred years. Mencius thought that humanity and rightrousness must be the guiding principles in goverment. He strongly advocated human government. He vigorously opposed righteousness to utility, advantage and profit. His idea of revolution based on the people in government made the greatest advocate of democracy in the history of China. Hsun-Tzu's philosophy is the rule of propriety and also he emphasizes wisdom. Mencius and Hsun-Tzu have generally been considered as repre- senting the two divergent tendencies of the idealistic Confucianism and the naturalistic on in the ancient China, Shortly, Hsun-Tzu was natur- alistic and Mencius idealistic. In this repect, both have been compared with Aristotle and Plato, respectively. As Confucius and Mencius idolized Yao anc Shun, Hsun-Tzu did Yu. Consequently, it is possible that he chose Yu himself, for he didn,s seek for man of morality like Yao and and Shtn, but one of great accomplishment.
朝鮮後期 實學의 改革思想 : 17·8세기 社會·經濟的 變動과 關聯하여 In connection with the socio-economic changes in the 17-18th century
崔成哲 한양대학교 한국학연구소 1984 韓國學論集 Vol.6 No.-
The reformation philsosphy was constituted for about 300 years from the end of the 16th century to the 19th century. This study does not aim at general aspects of the Sil-Hak but is focused on the reformation philosophy relevant to the socio-economic changes in the 17~18th century. Yet it is difficult to analyze all the philosophy of th eperiod due to the varieties of the philo-sophies. Therefore, the major persons of the time-Ryu, Hyung-won(柳馨遠) Lee, Ik(李翼) Park, Ji-won(朴趾源) Park, Je-ka(朴齊家) Chung, Yakyong(丁若鏞) and their reformation philosophies of the land system, draft system, slave system, state examination system and industrial development brought into focus in this study. The Sil-Hak advocates in this period did not belong to the ruling class who were decision maker in the government but were rather outsiders for from decision making. Censequently their advocacy was based on the national standpoint in terms of the existence significance of the human being. Sil-Hak, therefore, seems to have been a national movement rescuing the nation which fell apart because of the Japanese invasion and the Mongolian invasion in the result of the party strife in the period. The most important content of the philosophy in the Sil-Hak was narrowed into the equal distribution of wealth. The concept of wealth at that time was the ownership of the land and they claimed that the exclusive possesion of the land should be restrained and it should be equally distributed to the common people. The main aim of the reform philosophy in the Sil-Hak lies in the existence consciousness and the human equality by reforming the structural inpediment such as the systems like slaveary and state examination confined to the gentry, introducing the policy for the people. These revolutionary thoughts appear to have been the beginning of the modern pragmatiam in the sense of practising the technical innovation in agriculture and industry.
최성철 서강대학교 국제지역문화원 2018 통합유럽연구 Vol.9 No.2
Novalis’s Christenheit oder Europa is an essay on the philosophy of history and a prophecy of religious utopia written in hopes of rebuilding the continent through religion in the face of crisis of the European society caused by the French Revolution and revolutionary wars. He dreamed of a glorious golden age of medieval Europe, which was integrated by Catholicism. But unfortunately this provocative text has spawned controversy since birth, has undergone a rough process of publication, and has since suffered from numerous misinterpretations and distortions. This paper attempts to interpret this controversial text of Novalis, written in the form of speech, as follows: The essay is basically a work that starts from the past ‘history’ and criticizes the actual ‘politics’ of that day and has a structure that dreams of a utopian peaceful community in Europe that will be integrated into one ‘religion.’ So I hope that this provocative text, through proper reading and interpretation, would be able to give, though limited, some suggestions, lessons, and reflections on the present and future of the most opaque European Union today. 노발리스의 「기독교 또는 유럽」은 당대의 유럽 사회가 프랑스혁명과 혁명전쟁으로 위기에 직면하자 가톨릭 신앙으로 유럽이 통합되었던 중세의 찬란했던 황금시대를 꿈꾸며 유럽이 다시 종교로 부활하길 희망하면서 작성된 일종의 역사철학적 에세이이자 종교적 유토피아의 예언서다. 그러나 불행히도 이 도발적 텍스트는 그 탄생 시점부터 논쟁을 불러일으켰고, 출판까지 험난한 과정을 거쳤으며, 이후 수많은 오독과 왜곡된 해석 및 수용의 역사를 겪었다. 본 논문은 연설문 형식으로 작성된 노발리스의 이 논쟁적 텍스트를, 기본적으로 과거의 ‘역사’에서 출발해, 당대의 현실 ‘정치’를 비판하면서, 미래에 하나의 ‘종교’로 통합될 유럽의 유토피아적 평화 공동체를 꿈꾸는 구조를 갖는 작품으로 해석하고자 한다. 그래서 나는 궁극적으로 이 텍스트가 적절한 독해와 해석을 통해 오늘날 지극히 불투명한 유럽연합의 현재와 미래에 비록 제한적이나마 몇 가지 시사점, 교훈점, 반성점 등을 제시해줄 수 있기를 희망한다.
최성철,이긍호,최영철,Choi, Sung-Chul,Lee, Keung-Ho,Choi, Yeong-Chul 대한소아치과학회 2002 大韓小兒齒科學會誌 Vol.29 No.1
본 증례는 경희대학교 치과대학병원 소아치과학교실에 상악 중절치의 치수노출을 동반한 외상을 주소로 내원한 아동의 치험례이다. 증례 1은 미성숙 치근을 가지는 만 8세의 남아로 치아의 치수 노출에 따른 수산화칼슘 치수절단술을 이용한 치근단 형성술을 시행한 후 치아 재부착술을 시행한 증례이며, 증례 2는 점상의 치수노출을 보이는 미성숙 영구 중절치를 직접 치수 복조 추 석회화 층을 형성하는 기간동안 레진을 이용하여 유지한 후 치아 재부착술을 시행하였고 증례 3은 치은 연하로 치경부 파절을 보이는 만 12세의 환아로 신경치료 후 골 삭제술과 골 성형술을 동반한 판막술을 시행하여 carbon fiber post를 이용한 치아 재부착술을 시행한 증례이다 이상의 증례를 통하여 치아 재부착술을 성공적으로 시행하였으며 심미적으로 양호한 결과를 얻었기에 보고하는 바이다. When a tooth is fracture with the pulp exposure, and if a fragment is large enough to save, reattachment of the fragment would be a choice of treatment and reattachment of the fragment provides several advantages over other forms of dental restoration following crown fracture. For the purpose of tooth reattachment, it is important to preserve the sound enamel around fracture area. For young patients, tooth reattachment has more advantages in the sense that they recover faster and that it enables other treatments at the same time. Through the continuous advancement in adhesion technology and the effort for aestheticism, various reattachment methods have been practiced and more efforts are considered necessary. The presented cases are that we had practiced in our department in Kyung Hee Medical center, I may address that fragmentation has been successfully done with aesthetically fine results, and no pathologic changes were found in short term follow-ups.
최성철 북한연구소 2004 北韓 Vol.- No.387
최성철 역사학회 2022 역사학보 Vol.- No.256
The main purpose of this paper is to examine the relationship between Heidegger and historicism. It is ambivalent and complex. There are parts that both repel each other and attract each other. In a word, it can be described as a love-hate relationship. First of all, Heidegger defined historicism as a ‘modern phenomenon’ that tramples not only ‘history’ (Geschichte) and ‘the historical’ (das Geschichtliche), but also ‘present’ and ‘future’ by using dead concepts such as ‘historical science’ (Historie) and ‘past’. For that reason, he believed that such Rankean historicism, which had a lot of political implications, could and should inevitably disappear one day. However, Heidegger unintentionally approached the historicism he criticized, when he argued that the existence of ‘being there’ (Dasein) and ‘being’ (das Seiende) is determined only through the being of subject and the concept of time. This is because Heidegger’s concept of ‘subject’ is similar to that of ‘individuality’ of historicism, and his concept of ‘time’ has some similarities with the historicist concept of ‘development’. However, Heidegger did not put an end to his discussion at this point. His historical thought was directed toward overcoming German historicism by interpreting history as ultimately encompassing even the ‘future’. Heidegger’s futuristic historical thought, distinct from German historicism, should eventually be called ‘Heideggerian historicism’. 본 논문은 하이데거와 역사주의가 어떤 관계에 있는지 살펴보는 데 주목적이 있다. 하이데거와 역사주의 사이의 관계는 양의적(兩義的)이고 복합적이다. 둘 다 서로를 밀어내는 부분도 있고, 서로 끌어당기는 부분도 있다. 한마디로 애증의 관계라고 할 수 있다. 우선 하이데거는 역사주의를 ‘역사학(Historie)’과 ‘과거’와 같은 죽어 있는 개념들로써 인간 존재의 의미와 본질을 규정하는 중요하고 살아 있는 개념인 ‘생기(生起)’로서의 ‘역사(Geschichte)’와 ‘역사적인 것’만이 아니라 더 나아가 ‘현재(적인 것)’와 ‘미래(적인 것)’까지도 압살해버리는 ‘근대적 현상’으로 규정했다. 그 때문에 정치적인 함의가 잔뜩 내포된 그러한 랑케식 역사주의는 언젠가 필연적으로 소멸할 수밖에 없고 또 소멸되어야 한다고 보았다. 그러나 하이데거는 이러한 독일 역사주의와의 비판적 대결 속에서 정교하게 만들어나간 자신의 역사사상에서 ‘현존재’와 ‘존재자’의 실존이 바로 주체의 존재와 시간의 개념을 통해서 결정된다고 주장하면서 본의 아니게 정작 그가 비판했던 역사주의의 ‘개체성 사상’과 ‘발전 개념’ 등 핵심 개념들에 가까이 다가가는 모습을 보여주었다. 하지만 하이데거의 행보는 여기서 멈추지 않았다. 그의 역사사상은 역사를 궁극적으로는 ‘미래적인 것’으로까지 포괄하는 것으로 해석함으로써 독일 역사주의를 극복하는 쪽으로 향했다. 독일 역사주의와는 확연히 구별되는 하이데거의 이러한 미래적 역사사상은 결국 ‘하이데거적 역사주의’로 불려야 한다.
墨子의 政治思想 硏究 : 兼愛를 中心으로 With focus on the idea of 'universal love'
崔成哲 한양대학교 사회과학대학 1992 社會科學論叢 Vol.11 No.-
The basic element of Mo Tzu's thought system(i.e., Mohism) is universal love. According to him, all the troubles and turmoils in the world are resulted from human being's instincts not to love each other. To overcome troubles and turmoils, therefore, men need to remove selfishness and to love each other so that mutual benefit can be promoted and order and peace can be maintained. The starting point of Mohism lies on the concept of mutual benefit. His theory on the benefit is concerned about public benefit, and the latter is based on the concept of universal love. According to him, the institution for implementing universal love is the 'state.' In addition, the barometer of political success is gauged not by the institution itself but by men who manage that institution. Thus, political leaders should be those who possess the basic quality of cleverness and capability. He emphasizes that wise men stand for the basis of politics. The ideal society Mo Tzu has in his mind is the society of 'Great Unity' in which peace and order is maintained, equality is promoted, life is safeguarded, and men love each other. He maintains that the Great Unity society can be realized through the practice of universal love. One of the basic characteristics ingrained in Mohism is the idea of anti-extravagance or frugal life. The ideas of 'economy of expenditure,' 'simplicity in funerals,' and 'condemnation of music' are basic components of the idea of frugal life. Frugal life is demanded first of all on the part of leaders so that people could pursue a prosperous life. For us living in a turbulent time, Mo Tzu's idea of 'universal love-mutual benefit' has special meanings.
최성철,홍영표 한국정치외교사학회 2005 한국정치외교사논총 Vol.26 No.2
This study analyzes the relationships between North Korea and Western Europe during the Cold War era. First, during the period from 1948 to 1954, the two sides maintained hostile relationships owing to the deepining of the Cold War and the Korean War. Second, North Korea and European countries attemped to carry out their own foreign policy line overcoming the limits of the Cold War during the period from 1955 to 1970. Accordingly the two counterparts began to have contacts and exchange, however limited. Finally, during the period from 1971 to 1988, North Korea and Western European countries sought to establish formal relationships influenced by a detente mood in international scene and by internal necessities. 본 연구는 냉전기 북한·서유럽 관계를 3개의 시기로 나누어 분석하였다. 첫째, 유럽에서 냉전이 고조되고, 아시아에서도 한국전쟁으로 냉전이 심화된 1948년에서 1954년까지의 시기로로, 이 기간에는 양자가 동서진영의 틀 안에서 벗어나지 못하고 적대관계를 유지하였다. 둘째, 1955년부터 1970년까지 기간에 북한과 서유럽은 각각 진영외교에서 벗어나 나름대로 독자노선을 추구하였으며, 따라서 양자는 제한적이나마 접촉과 교류를 시작할 수 있었다. 마지막 1971년부터 1988년까지의 시기에는 북한과 서유럽이 데탕트라는 국제환경의 등장과, 각각 대내적 필요성에 의해 협력관계를 강화하고, 공식적 외교관계 수립을 모색한 기간이다.본 연구는 단순히 양자관계의 전개과정만을 살펴보는 것이 아니라, 시기별로 북한과 유럽의 대외정책 노선 및 그러한 정책 방향을 설정하게된 대내 및 대외 배경을 분석하고, 이를 기반으로 양자간 관계를 검토하였다.
최성철 한양대학교 한국학연구소 1983 韓國學論集 Vol.3 No.-
Hsu¨n-tzu's philosophy of politics is the rule of kingly way as he disagrees to the rule of feudal way. He discusses that the propriety has to be a base in order to materialize the rule of kingly way since the propriety is most ideal in politics. He also insists that the heaven and the earth is the basis of life whereas the propriety and righteousness are the basis of politics. It is widely known that benevolence (仁 jen), righteousness (義 i) , propriety (禮 li) and wisdom (智 chih) are the four elementary ways in the Confucian school. In particular, Confucius regards benevolence is most important; Mencius regard righteousness and Hsu¨n-tzu regards, propriety. There would be no arguing that propriety is an indispensible basis in the constitution of human order among the Confucian followers. Hsu¨n-tzu, thus, states: $quot;the man is born with desire. Therefore, the desire unfulfilled, one is bound to seek it. In seeking it, he may contend with others. Contending with others, the whole society is easily ruined. Knowing all these, the wise kings in olden days taught us that to set up a norm in ruling a society is a basis of the propriety.$quot; When inquired on the method of ruling a state, he reliped that: $quot;I heard of grinding oneself, but never heard of ruling a state.$quot; continuing that: $quot;a ruler (leader) is the fountain of the people. If the fountain is not clear, the lower flows become turbid.$quot; Summing up all these thoughts on political philcsophy, Hsu¨n-tzu's philosophy is thus narrowed as follow: $quot;Leading a family is only possible after a leader is properly trained, while ruling the world is only possible after he fully governs his own state.$quot; In politics, Hsu¨n-tzu stresses that theory comes out of a through study. That is to say when the rule of a society is based on propriety, the people and the ruler naturally become harmonious and the society is prosperous. In contrast, the society all shrink and become awry when the people in a society conflict with the ruler. Without the theory-no ordinariness, no trust to rule the society, polictics is never expected to be successful. Difficulty arises when a ruler is ignorant of propriety. People would keep order and respect their leader, if he likes propriety and shows the norm. The nature of man is evil; his goodness is only acquired by training. Hsu¨n-tzu stresses that man is a social animal and the social norm is thus indispensible. The concept of the heaven in Hsu¨n-tzu's philosophy was superintendent and an object of deliberate spiritualism. Yet, it is note worthy that thisconcept later became an object of philosophy, science and mechanism. His concept of the heaven is totally different from the dhilosophy of heaven Man Unity because he observes it as a part of the nature. As the material civilization has been quickly developed recently, the importance of human moral is gradually neglected and ignored. Therefore human life is limping and offbalanced. This phenomenon ubiquitous in the world worries intellectuals, who regard that the man may destruct the world eventually. On this viewpoint Hsu¨n-tzu's philosophy of propriety suggests us so many things for the modern political philosophy.