단릉(丹陵) 이윤영(李胤永)의 시문에 나타난 영남의 인상-1728년 무신란(戊申亂)의 흔적을 중심으로-

최선혜 이화여자대학교 한국문화연구원 2014 한국문화연구 Vol.27 No.-

The Mushin Rebellion(戊申亂) that broke out in 1728(Year 4 of Yeongjo) was one of the largest uprisings in the history of the Joseon Dynasty. It was instigated in 1728, the year of Mushin, on the pretext of revenging King Gyeongjong by an alliance of Soron hardliners and Namin(南人)/Sobuk(小北) political factions, and it was put down by Oh Myeong-hang(吳命恒) and Bak Mun-su(朴文秀), the ministers from the moderate Soron faction. Although the rebellion was suppressed in 17 days, it had a tremendous impact. Many noble families in Gyeongsangdo were ruined, the province was blamed for being the seat of the rebellion, and the families of Namin and Soron/Sobuk factions were placed in de facto political imprisonment. He has 3 times journey to yeongnam(嶺南). First, he went with uncle Yi Hwa-jung who was appointed governor in 1740. Second, he was accompanied uncle Yi Tae-jung who was appointed to the high government post of Dongrae Busa in 1748. And he see off Yi Yoo-soo who met by friend in Danyang. At this moment, his father Yi Gi-jung was appointed governor of Danyang, then he lived in Danyang. However, He defined the boundary in Noron scholars in Yeongnam. The Youngnam journey appearing in Yi Yun-yeong’s anthology Dalleungyugo(丹陵遺稿) follows the path of the Mushin Rebellion. On the road through Yeongnam there are beautiful views and countless scenic spots. Therefore throughout the poetry in Yi Yun-yeong’s anthology Dalleungyugo the writer’s complex feelings are expressed. From this we can grasp Yi Yun-yeong’s admiration for the old literary tradition of Yeongnam as well as his mixed sentiments about the region as the place of the rebellion. 1728년(영조 4) 이인좌를 중심으로 소론 강경파 및 남인‧소북 세력은 경종의 복수를 명분으로 전국적인 규모의 무신란(戊申亂)을 일으켰다. 반란은 같은 소론의 오명항(吳命恒)‧박문수(朴文秀) 등에게 17일만에 진압되었으나 그 여파는 막대하였다. 특히 영남은 누대의 명문세족들이 대거 몰락하였으며 사실상의 정치적 금고 상태에 놓이게 되었다. 이윤영(李胤永)은 노론의 강경파로서 평생 영조의 탕평책에 반대하여 벼슬을 포기하고 일생을 기행과 문학 창작에 바친 문인이었다. 그 중 영남 방문은 도합 세 차례 이루어진 것으로 보인다. 1740년에 금산 군수로 부임한 백부 이화중과 함께, 1748년에는 중부 이태중의 동래 부사 부임길에 동행했다. 그리고 1751년 단양 군수로 부임한 부친 이기중과 함께 간 단양에서 영남으로 유배를 떠나는 이유수를 만나 벗이 되어 안동까지 동행했다. 이윤영은 이러한 여행길에서 영남대로를 지나며 무신란과 임진왜란의 흔적‧수려한 산수‧명승지와 마주하였다. 교유의 범주에서 노론계 영남 문인들이 대부분이었다는 점에서 한계를 보였으나 이윤영은 영남의 전통과 무신란 이후의 현실에 대하여 안타까운 감정을 시에 담았다. 또한 세 차례에 걸쳐 영남을 방문하면서 시에 드러나는 심리는 옛 전란에 대한 불안에서 안타까움과 위로로 변화하는 양상을 보였다. 따라서 노론 문인의 영남에 대한 인식의 폭을 읽어낼 수 있다는 데 의의가 있다.

일부 폐경기여성의 채식군과 일반식군의 영양섭취상태, 골대사 및 만성 퇴행성 질환의 위험인자에 관한 비교연구

최선혜,승정자,김미현,이숙연,송숙자 대한지역사회영양학회 1999 대한지역사회영양학회지 Vol.4 No.3

The amount and type of dietary protein that effects affect bone mineral loss after menopause and different dietary patterns may influence anthropometric measurements, biochemical values, and bone metabolism. Objective : Our objective was to investigate bone metabolism and chronic disease factors in two different dietary patterns. Design: The sample consisted of 40 lacto-ove-vegetarians(LOV) and 49 omnivores aged from 47 to 85 years in good condition without any medical problems. Results : The average energy intake of LOV was 1414.0kcal and omnivores, 1403.2kcal. The difference between means was not statistically significant. The differences of means of body weight and BMI between the two groups were not significant but the systolic blood pressure of LOV group was significantly lower than omniovores(p<0.05). The values of serum cholesterol(p<0.05) and glucose(p<0.05) of LOV were signifcantly lower than that of omnivores. The serum albumin level(p<0.01) of LOV was lower than it'scounterpart but in a normal range. The intake of crude fiber(p<0.05) of LOV group was significantly higher. The urinary pH of LOV was 7.4 and that of omnivores was 6.3(p<0.001). Plant calcium(p>0.05) and plant iron(p<0.001) had positive correlations with the uninary pH but animal protein(p>0.05) and animal iron(p>0.05) had negative correlations with the urinary pH. The level of urinary biochemical marker of bone resorption, deoxypyridinoline(DPD) of LOV was significantly lower than the other group(p>0.05). The T-scores of bone mineral density for the two sites in the two groups were not significantly different. Conclusions : The DPD level and urinary pH value of LOV were more desirable for the bone metabolism that the omnivores. The diet of LOV had lower risk factors of chronic diseases than the other group.

조선전기 지방의 산천제(山川祭)와 재지품관

최선혜 국립민속박물관 2003 민속학연구 Vol.- No.13

사대부 의식 -『봉성문여(鳳城文餘)』및 제(諸) 시문(詩文)을 중심으로

최선혜 이화어문학회 2018 이화어문논집 Vol.46 No.-

The purpose of this study is to reveal the consciousness of Yi Ok (李鈺, 1760-1812) by examining “Bongseong-moonyeo鳳城文餘,” “Dokjoomoon讀朱文”, and “Jemunsinmoon祭文神 文.” Yi Ok lived in the city that was the center of Confucianism, and was merely a young student when he wrote these works. Was he a symbol of resistance to social oppression? Was he intended to be an icon of rebellion? Yi Ok was punished by the King for two years when he was in his mid thirties. He was prevented from taking the management selection examination, and as a result of an administrative error, he had to make an arduous journey. “Bongseong-moonyeo,” which he wrote on this journey, was considered a symbol of resistance. Yi Ok faithfully fulfilled the King's orders, he tried to submit a response to the King's command, and also served in the army, but as much as he tried to conform to the system, the system rejected him. Despite this, Yi Ok carried out the King’s orders faithfully, and had a strong sense of bureaucratic duty. Although people tend to think of the middle class as having been held back, they did have the chance to serve in the bureaucracy in Gyujanggak. After changes in the regulations, Yi Ok retook the exam by fitted answer and served in the military. Paradoxically, the more he tried, the more he was rejected. Later, Yi Ok made a crack in the stubborn literature system enforced by the King. However, this article focuses on a paradoxical situation that was not his intention. Yi Ok embodied an authentic literary style in the 18th century. This article examines this aspect through his writings. Between conservative values and innovative writing, I will try to fill in the empty space of Yi Ok as a writer. 본고는 이옥(李鈺, 1760-1812)의 저작 중『봉성문여(鳳城文餘)』와 「독주문」, 「제문신문」 등 여러 시문에서 형상화된 사대부 의식을 밝히는 데 목적을두었다. 주자학이 강고했던 시대에서 이옥의 사회적 지위는 서얼 가문 출신 유생에 지나지 않았다. 36세(1796)와 37세(1797)에 소품문체를 이유로 군왕에게 과거 응시에 관한 제재를 받았다. 이후 행정상의 절차 오류로 인하여1799년 10월 다시 삼가현으로 내려갔다가 다음해 2월 서울로 돌아왔다. 이여정에서 이옥은 『봉성문여』를 창작하며 소품문체로 문학적 저항을 하였던 인물로 간주되었다. 그러나 이옥의 실상은 정조의 명령을 성실히 이행하였던, 예비 사대부의식을 지닌 유생이었다. 서얼이란 사회적 지위에서 연상되는 울울한 이미지와 달리 당대는 서얼에게 규장각 각리의 길이 열려 있었다. 이옥은처분을 받고도 다시 과거에 응시하여 군왕의 기준에 맞는 답안을 제출하기 위하여 노력하였고, 충군에도 성실했다. 그러나 체제에 순응하려 할수록 도리어 체제에 거부당하는 역설이 반복되었다. 훗날 이옥은 주자학이 지배하던 완고한 고문 체제에 균열을 일으켰던아이콘으로서 연구되었다. 그러나 본고는 이옥이 의도하지 않았던 역설, 체제에 순응하고자 하였으나 소품문을 구사하였기 때문에 당대의 강고한고문 체제에 균열을 가속하였던 정황에 주목하였다. 여러 시문 및 『봉성문여』와 같은 소품문을 살펴보면 옛적 채시관의 책무대로 지역의 낯선풍속과 노래 등을 수집하여 왕도의 교화에 보탬이 되고자 했던 의도를 읽을 수 있다. 그리하여 핍진한 인정물태와 문체의 혁신성에 주력하는 연구사 사이에서 보수적인 사대부 의식을 지닌, 소품문체를 구사하는 유생 문인이라는 빈 공간을 채워 넣을 수 있을 것이다.

조선 초기 『明皇誡鑑』과 『內訓』 - 여성에 대한 서책 간행과 왕권의 안정

최선혜 순천대학교 남도문화연구소 2011 南道文化硏究 Vol.0 No.21

The Lesson through in the Ming emperor(『明皇誡鑑』) and The Inner Teaching(『內訓』), compiled in the early Chosŏn period, are two of the most representative works on women of the time. In The Lesson through in the Ming emperor, the entire blame for the rebellion was shifted onto Ān Lùshān(安祿山), Yang Guifei(楊貴妃), and Yang Guozhong(楊國忠), much to the benefit of Emperor Xuanzong of Tang (唐 玄宗). The Inner Teaching, which succeeded The Lesson through in the Ming emperor praised how the emperor's relatives in law never interfered with the power structure of the political system, and criticized the stewardship of the emperor's mother. The kings of early chosen were extremely cautious of potential threats to their reign, such as possible abnormal succession and political interference from the in∼laws of their wives. This is to say, the virtues that were advocated the most to women of the palace had to do with sustaining the patriarchal structures within the public sector. For the dynasty itself was the intended family to the wives of the king. Patriarchy functioned both as a political system and a means of control by linking filial piety and loyalty together in a holistic way, posting the king as its formats ruler. As the king fulfilled the role of the national father figure, he had to have submissive queens and concubines. Consequently, these women had to follow the order which was promulgated upon them according to the needs of the king. The women within the palace could not have any political or social relationships, and if they could not keep this order they would be considered as having caused a problem that threatened the dynasty from its foundations. The sustenance of the king's political power was done by maintaining patriarchy as a political system, by which the king could control his people. The cultural methods by which this was done were books one women, such as The Lesson through in the Ming emperor and The Inner Teaching.

EPC 글로벌 US 컨퍼런스

최선혜,김대중 한국정보통신기술협회 2004 TTA저널 Vol.96 No.-

조선전기 국왕의 점술 맹인 활용과 그 의의

최선혜 호남사학회 2008 역사학연구 Vol.33 No.-

이 연구의 목적은 조선전기 국왕이 점술 맹인을 활용한 정치적 사회적 목적과 의의를 밝히는데 있다. 국왕은 권력의 가장 정점에서 유교에 따라 백성을 위한 정치를 펴는 사람이며, 맹인은 지극히 소외된 소수자로서 주로 점술로 삶을 영위하는 구휼과 자비의 대상이었다. 이 양 극단에 있던 사람이 점술을 매개로 일정한 관계를 유지하였으며, 그 관계는 전적으로 국왕의 필요에 의한 것이었다. 조선시대에 유교는 국왕과 관료를 중심으로 조직된 정치 질서의 동반자이면서 동시에 초자연적인 질서와도 연결되는 이념이었다. 따라서 유교적 의식은 개인의 신앙을 표현하는 의례로서의 성격을 넘어 매우 공적이고 정치적인 의미를 지니는 것이었다. 이에 무당이나 승려는 국가의 공적인 의식에서 밀려났으며 그 소외의 정도는 점점 심해져 갔다. 점술인은 이와 다른 처지였다. 무당과 승려는 ‘司祭’로서의 역할을 가진 종교인이었던 것에 비해, 점술 맹인은 사제로서 의뢰자와 더불어 특정 종교의 의식을 함께 행하거나, 점술을 매개로 공동체를 형성·강화하는 성격은 약하였다. 이에 점술 맹인은 검교직 등을 지니고 국왕 가까이에서 점술인으로서 활동하였다. 국왕이 점술인을 활용한 까닭은 첫째 운명론과 관련하여서이다. 태조에게 새 왕조의 창업주로서의 정당성을 확보하는 일은 매우 중요한 과제였다. 이를 위해 가장 중요하게 거론된 논리는 물론 유교의 天命論이었다. 천명은 天子로 자처하는 帝, 王에게 天이 내리는 명령으로서 백성을 다스리는 소임과 권한을 의미하고, 일반인에게는 주어진 運命이나 本性을 뜻한다. 이 점에서 제왕이 받은 하늘의 명은 이른바 ‘天命’이면서 그의 ‘運命’이기도 하다. 점술인은 이 운명을 점치는 사람이었다. 점술인이 왕의 운명을 占으로 논하는 것은 왕의 천명을 말하는 것이기도 하다. 이에 즉각적이고 직접적으로 답을 주는 운명 내지 팔자론을 통해 왕으로서의 명을 받았음을 내세우는 일은 정치적으로 매우 효과적이었다. 둘째, 가뭄이라는 天譴을 벗어나는 기우제와 관련하여서이다. 가뭄에 대한 시종일관한 논리는 군주에 대한 하늘의 견책이었다. 가뭄 해소를 위해서 군주는 더욱 삼가고 조심하여 하늘의 꾸짖음 앞에 근신해야 한다는 점이 강조되었다. 왕으로서는 빈번하게 일어나는 한재를 당하여 근신하는 자세를 보이며 관료의 질책을 온전히 감당하는 것은 큰 부담일 수밖에 없었다. 이에 기우와 관련한 각종 행사를 정성스레 치르도록 관심과 후원을 보이며 이 부담을 덜고자 하였다. 이러한 필요 속에 국왕은 관료들의 부정적인 입장에도 불구하고 맹인을 내세운 기우제를 내내 시행하였다. 맹인이 왕명에 의해 비를 비는 것은 국왕이 맹인을 통해 비를 주관하는 천신에게 기원하는 일이다. 국왕은 점술 맹인을 가까이에 두고 가뭄을 이유로 군주를 압박하는 관료의 입김을 약화시켰던 것이다. 셋째, 왕실의 혼사와 관련하여서이다. 왕은 점술 맹인에게 직접 명을 내려 당대 왕실과 혼인을 맺을만한 집안을 방문하여 해당자의 八字를 점쳐 올리게 하였다. 왕실의 배우자를 결정하는데 점술 맹인이 올린 팔자는 혼사의 가부를 결정짓는 주요한 요소였다. 점술의 결과에 따라 그 혼사가 좌우될 수 있을 정도이기 때문이다. 국왕이 이처럼 점술인을 활용한 배경은 국왕이 가장 의식해야 하는 사대부 역시 일상적인 삶에서 점술에 매우 가까이... The purpose of this research is to shed a light on the use of blind fortunetellers by the kings of early Chosŏn from a political and sociological aspect. In Chosŏn, the king was a person of the highest authority who's duty was to govern the people, while the blind were an isolated minority, The blind were objects of social relief and mercy. Though they were of most opposite polarities in Chosŏn society, the two groups maintained a relationship by means of divination and oracle of the blind fortunetellers, This particular relationship was entirely by the need of the king. In Chosŏn, Confucianism was a political partner of the sociological order of kings and aristocrats, and it was also a philosophy regarding supernatural order. Thus Confucianistic rites evolved from a personal representation of faith into a ritual of national and political importance. Hence, shamans and monks were gradually excluded from the rituals of national importance. This degree of exclusion only increased as time passed. A blind fortuneteller was not a priest(司祭), unlike a shaman or a monk. Also, blind fortunetellers were not performers of certain rites and they also did not form any communities regarding any religious rituals. There are many reasons why a king would want to make use of a seer. First of all, it was because of the theory of destiny, which was a Confucianistic idea. For Taejo(太祖) it was very important to assure justness as a founder of a whole new dynasty, Chosŏn. In order to do this, the most importantly discussed theory was the theory of the mandate of Heaven(天命論). The mandate of Heaven(天命) means a mandate(運命), that the Heaven have given to the king, who was supposedly the son of Heaven, For the king, this mandate, contained the right and duty to govern the people. While to the average person, it meant destiny(運命). A blind fortuneteller was a person who tried to see into this same fate. Thus, envoking the authority of this theory of destiny(運命論), which was from Heaven, gave an assured answer to the justness of the king. Second, it regarded a ritual for rain(祈雨祭), which was a means of escaping Heaven's rebuke(天譴). Heaven's rebuke, another Confucianistic idea, was often regarded as prolonged drought. The opinion theorized about drought was that it was a punishment, or rebuke, of Heaven to the king. To solve the drought, it was emphasized that a king had to be penitent in front of the Heaven's mandate. For a king, it was a great burden to endure the lashes of the aristocrats. For many aristocrats did seek to admonish the king of the consistent droughts. Thus, the king wished to resolve his burden by supporting and taking an interest in various ceremonies regarding a ritual for rain. In need to do this, the king continuously conducted a ritual for rain's led by the blind fortunetellers. When a blind fortuneteller prayed for rain in the name of the king, it was in actuality the king praying via the blind fortuneteller for rain, to the god of the skies. By conducting such well-organized and high-class rituals, the king resolved the anger and admonishment of his aristocrats. Also, he could lessen his burden as one who is governed by Heaven's mandate. Thus when a king kept the blind seer close to him, he could lessen the criticism regarding droughts, of his royal courts. Third, it was because of the royal matrimonies. When a royal matrimony was planned, the kings of Chosŏn directly commanded the blind fortuneteller to visit the family which was to be married with the king's family. Then the blind fortuneteller would take a fate(八字) of candidates, and report it to the king. This report of the blind fortuneteller was a very important source for the king to decide if the marriage was to go through or not. It was because the results of the fate could even affect the state of the marriage itself. The kings of Chosŏn had to always be aware of the literates. In using the fortunetellers, the ...

Activation of Lysophosphatidic Acid Receptor Is Coupled to Enhancement of Ca2+-Activated Potassium Channel Currents

최선혜,이병환,황성희,이상목,나승열,김현중 대한약리학회 2013 The Korean Journal of Physiology & Pharmacology Vol.17 No.3

The calcium-activated K+ (BKCa) channel is one of the potassium-selective ion channels that are present in the nervous and vascular systems. Ca2+ is the main regulator of BKCa channel activation. The BKCa channel contains two high affinity Ca2+ binding sites, namely, regulators of K+ conductance,RCK1 and the Ca2+ bowl. Lysophosphatidic acid (LPA, 1-radyl-2-hydroxy-sn-glycero-3-phosphate) is one of the neurolipids. LPA affects diverse cellular functions on many cell types through G proteincoupled LPA receptor subtypes. The activation of LPA receptors induces transient elevation of intracellular Ca2+ levels through diverse G proteins such as Gαq/11, Gαi, Gα12/13, and Gαs and the related signal transduction pathway. In the present study, we examined LPA effects on BKCa channel activity expressed in Xenopus oocytes, which are known to endogenously express the LPA receptor. Treatment with LPA induced a large outward current in a reversible and concentration-dependent manner. However, repeated treatment with LPA induced a rapid desensitization, and the LPA receptor antagonist Ki16425 blocked LPA action. LPA-mediated BKCa channel activation was also attenuated by the PLC inhibitor U-73122, IP3 inhibitor 2-APB, Ca2+ chelator BAPTA, or PKC inhibitor calphostin. In addition, mutations in RCK1 and RCK2 also attenuated LPA-mediated BKCa channel activation. The present study indicates that LPA-mediated activation of the BKCa channel is achieved through the PLC, IP3, Ca2+, and PKC pathway and that LPA-mediated activation of the BKCa channel could be one of the biological effects of LPA in the nervous and vascular systems.

Changes in c-Fos Expression in the Forced Swimming Test: Common and Distinct Modulation in Rat Brain by Desipramine and Citalopram

최선혜,정성,조진희,조윤하,김진욱,김정민,김희정,김현주,신경호 대한약리학회 2013 The Korean Journal of Physiology & Pharmacology Vol.17 No.4

Rodents exposed to a 15-min pretest swim in the forced swimming test (FST) exhibit prolonged immobility in a subsequent 5-min test swim, and antidepressant treatment before the test swim reduces immobility. At present, neuronal circuits recruited by antidepressant before the test swim remain unclear, and also less is known about whether antidepressants with different mechanisms of action could influence neural circuits differentially. To reveal the neural circuits associated with antidepressant effect in the FST, we injected desipramine or citalopram 0.5 h, 19 h, and 23 h after the pretest swim and observed changes in c-Fos expression in rats before the test swim, namely 24h after the pretest swim. Desipramine treatment alone in the absence of pretest swim was without effect, whereas citalopram treatment alone significantly increased the number of c-Fos-like immunoreactive cells in the central nucleus of the amygdala and bed nucleus of the stria terminalis, where this pattern of increase appears to be maintained after the pretest swim. Both desipramine and citalopram treatment after the pretest swim significantly increased the number of c-Fos-like immunoreactive cells in the ventral lateral septum and ventrolateral periaqueductal gray before the test swim. These results suggest that citalopram may affect c-Fos expression in the central nucleus of the amygdala and bed nucleus of the stria terminalis distinctively and raise the possibility that upregulation of c-Fos in the ventral lateral septum and ventrolateral periaqueductal gray before the test swim may be one of the probable common mechanisms underlying antidepressant effect in the FST.

Differential effects of ginsenoside metabolites on slowly activating delayed rectifier K+ and KCNQ1 K+ channel currents

최선혜,이병환,김현중,정석원,황성희,나승열 고려인삼학회 2013 Journal of Ginseng Research Vol.37 No.3

Channels formed by the co-assembly of the KCNQ1 subunit and the mink (KCNE1) subunit underline the slowly activating delayed rectifier K+ channels (IKs) in the heart. This K+ channel is one of the main pharmacological targets for the development of drugs against cardiovascular disease. Panax ginseng has been shown to exhibit beneficial cardiovascular effects. In a previous study, we showed that ginsenoside Rg3 activates human KCNQ1 K+ channel currents through interactions with the K318 and V319residues. However, little is known about the effects of ginsenoside metabolites on KCNQ1 K+ alone or the KCNQ1 + KCNE1 K+(IKs) channels. In the present study, we examined the effect of protopanaxatriol (PPT) and compound K (CK) on KCNQ1 K+ and IKs channel activity expressed in Xenopus oocytes. PPT more strongly inhibited the IKs channel currents than the currents of KCNQ1K+ alone in concentration- and voltage-dependent manners. The IC50 values on IKs and KCNQ1 alone currents for PPT were 5.18±0.13and 10.04±0.17 μM, respectively. PPT caused a leftward shift in the activation curve of IKs channel activity, but minimally affected KCNQ1 alone. CK exhibited slight inhibition on IKs and KCNQ1 alone K+ channel currents. These results indicate that ginsenoside metabolites show limited effects on IKs channel activity, depending on the structure of the ginsenoside metabolites