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        『이재난고』를 통해 본 황윤석의 한국 고대사 서술 유형 분석

        최범호 전북사학회 2012 전북사학 Vol.0 No.40

        If we look at the contents related to Korean ancient history in Ijaenango(『頤齋亂藁』), which was written by Hwang Yun-seok(黃胤錫) with the pen name of Ijae(頤齋), and he copied, summarized and arranged his reading history books, it seems that they were described without the special structure and system. We can know that they there were some of patterns when he read and printed the books, if we look over them carefully. Namely, patterns were to carry the book's records with complete fidelity, omit a part of records, summarize and arrange contents of Giun( 『記言』), and present his close comments with contents, etc. Moreover, he tried to study and reinterpret historical evidence on the proper nouns of the awarded title of king, the government service and place etc. through analysis of dialect which he had studied steadily. He expressed his own views on the etymology of the proper term about names of the government service, place, person, etc in records of Samguksagi( 『三國史記』), and considered the its origin. Of these, he examined the pronunciation of Geoseogan(居西千), Chachawoong(次次雄), Nisageum(尼師今) in Shilla(新羅), and explained the fact that Seobalhan(舒發翰), Shilla's name of the government service, and Kakgan(角干) were and the same thing through his own phonetic analysis law. Also, he thought over the etymology and origin about 'Chaekguru(책구루)' of Koguryo(高句麗), and attempted the interpretation based on his own dialectology. Thus, he was not just satisfied with what he broaden his historical knowledge through his poring over and summarizing history books, but also attempted the new interpretation about Korean history through analysis of dialect on basis of such historical knowledge. In this sense, we can call him as a historian, if we analyzed and examined more closely the contents about his writing historical records. For the research on his view of history lacked still, many researchers will analyze and estimate it accurately.

      • KCI등재

        『삼국사기』초기 기록과 삼국 초기사의 재검토

        최범호 전북사학회 2009 전북사학 Vol.0 No.35

        This study is to examine how we will actually understand the records of the early times in Samkuksaki(『三國史記』). First of all, this saw how a angle of disbelief in them was formed and have been changed, and then whether the records of "Dong-i chon"(「東夷傳」) in the Samgukchi(『三國志』) were trusted which were used to deny early records of Samkuksaki. And by trying to more actively interpret early records of Samkuksaki, the thesis is to push the button of the transformation of perception that we should newly interpret them. For early history of establishments of the Three-Kingdoms in the surveys of Korean history, history of Shilla was recorded to skip suddenly from founder Park Hyeokgeose(朴赫居世) in 57 B.C. to 17th Nea-mul Maripkan(奈勿麻立干: 356∼402), history of Goguryeo from founder King Dong-myeong(東明王) in 37 B.C. to 6th King Tea-Cho(太祖王: 53∼146) and history of Baekje from founder King On-cho(溫祚王) in 18 B.C. to King Ko-I(古爾王). Contemporary records of "Silla-bonki"(「新羅本紀」), "Goguryeo-bonki"(「高句麗本紀」) and "Baekje-bonki"(「百濟本紀」) in the Samkuksaki were quite rich, and recorded dynamic and varied appearances of Three-Kingdoms. Nevertheless, early history of Three-Kingdoms in the surveys of Korean history was neglected. For most Korean historians mainly avoided that age with accepting the disbelief in early history as the orthodoxy of Korean history. Although some records were mentioned, they were treated as history of Sam-Han(三韓) on the basis of "Dong-i chon" or early histories of Samkuksaki were seen as the later age's articles after Japanese analyzed and readjusted contemporary records' chronology(紀年). Because this phenomenon was influenced by a view of disbelief in early records of Samkuksaki which was produced to limit, distort and obliterate Korean history in the end of 19th. In this manner, they modified the king genealogy(王系) and chronology of Three Kingdoms, analyzed some of records with other records, and reformed early records of Samkuksaki. This, however, was based on the records of “Dong-i chon” in the Samgukchi. After all, they could not believe early records of Samkuksaki in themselves, and thus reform them according to the contents of “Dong-i chon”. While we distrusted the early records of Samkuksaki and denied the history of Three-Kingdoms, Chinese and Japanese have taken up this historical blank, distorted the Korean history and stolen Korea`s ancient history. Accordingly, we need the transformation of perception that we accept positively and interpret the early records of Samkuksaki, and thereby require to fill up the blank in history of Three-Kingdoms.

      • KCI등재

        백제 온조왕대 남방영역과 마한 정복기록의 재검토

        최범호 전북사학회 2013 전북사학 Vol.0 No.43

        Baekje relationship with Mahan at first, when it came the founding of Baekje forces to Mahan local, settled on the han-river, such as being the country of feudal lords. The Baekje to king of MaHan the servant relationships, while Baekje went to expand the area to compete with the small countries around. Baekje’s King On-jo in 13 years(B.C.6) asked permission to move the capital city to the king Mahan and finally Wungchon(熊川) boundary delimitation and Territory finally reached. In a record Samkuksaki, King On-jo in 26 years(A.D.8) was attacked by merging to MaHan and King On-jo in 27 years(A.D.9) finally should perish Mahan. However, Record related to Mahan appear Samkuksaki, later interpreted as to the single record onjowang intentionally believe that In Academia ancient history. Thing in Central is disrupt the mokjiguk that, Mahan was destroyed and go south to around the mid-third century. In this way a theory is generalized, and you cannot recognize well a situation at that time that you were combined to Paekche, and the King On-jo rule times, no, the times were ruined after him. The record of Samguksagi is not recognized as due to this phenomenon through founding of Baekje Mahan of the society, thereby not fully understand the situation of the early Baekje was not able to identify correctly. Mahan forces at the time assumed that in the Geum River Basin, the southern boundary of the territory, which come Ung-cheon seems to be this now in the Geum River. Therefore of Mahan merge for onjowang Baekje territory until Geum River valley, across the Han River valley has been extended. Therefore, the fact that conquer Baekje through a series of processes Mahan, the merge onjowang for Mahan's perspective on the entity that can vary, even though it seems to be to be recognized as.

      • KCI등재

        완산주(完山州) 설치와 관련한 전주의 지정학적 배경

        최범호 전북사학회 2017 전북사학 Vol.0 No.51

        전주는 완산주가 설치된 이후 호남지역의 정치․경제․문화의 중심지로써 역할을 담당해 왔다. 하지만 백제시기의 전주는 중심지역은 아닌 것으로 여겨진다. 전주가 이 지역의 중심지로 부각되기 시작한 것은 신문왕 5년(685)에 완산주(完山州)를 설치하면서 이며, 경덕왕 16년(757년)에 완산주를 전주로 고쳐 9주 가운데 전북지역의 통할하는 지역이 되었다. 신라는 경주에서 전주에 이르는 남방 루트를 확보함으로써 백제고지에 대한 점령정책을 확고하게 펼쳐나가기 위하여 완산정과 완산주서를 설치하였고, 정치 군사적 중심지로서 완산주를 설치한 것이다. 신라는 옛 백제지역인 금마, 김제, 고부, 정읍 등 서부지역과 진안, 전주, 임실 등 동부지역을 효율적으로 지배하고 통치하기에 적합한 지역을 찾았다. 신라가 경주에서 전북지역에 이르는 교통로 중에서 백두대간을 지나 호남정맥을 바로 넘어서 군사적, 경제적인 요충지로서 조건에 적합하며 가장 빠르게 도달할 수 있는 곳을 찾은 곳이 바로 전주이다. 따라서 신라에서 전주에 9주의 주치로서 완산주를 설치한 것은 경주에 도읍하고 있는 신라 입장에서 옛 백제지역인 전북지역을 효율적으로 통치하기 위한 가장 적합한 지정학적 위치를 차지하고 있기 때문이다. Jeonju became the base city of Jeonbuk region by installing Wansanju in Silla in the 5th year of Sinmun Wang (685). The Wansan(完山) area was designated as an important base for Silla to suppress the Baekje revival movement, and after the evaluation, it was stationed to control the area as a whole. The establishment of Wansanjeong(完山停) and Wansanjuseo(完山州誓) in Wanshan province is intended to effectively control the old Baekje area with its military weight. Silla established a mountain state in order to unfold the occupation policy of the Baekje highland by securing the southern route from Gyeongju to Wansan. In order to select the location for the most effective control of Jeonbuk area, Silla sought a place to efficiently control and govern the western and eastern parts of the old Baekje area. It is Jeonju which is the most convenient place to meet the conditions as a military and geographical center among the traffic routes from Gyeongju to Jeonbuk area.

      • KCI등재

        新羅 上州·下州의 이동 과정과 운영

        최범호 전북사학회 2018 전북사학 Vol.0 No.53

        신라는 영토를 확장하는 과정에서 새로운 점령지에 대하여 정치·군사적으로 효율적인 지배를 위하여 州를 설치하고 동시에 정(停)이라는 군대를 운영하였다. 이러한 州의 쓰임이 상주, 하주와 같이 넓은 영역을 포괄하고 있는 군관구(軍管區) 성격을 갖는 광역의 州와 비자벌주, 한산주와 같이 어느 한 지역을 군주가 다스리는 주치(州治)를 가리키는 협의의 주로 나뉘고 있다. 이 중에서 상주와 하주는 광역의 주로서 그 치소를 여러 차례 이동하는 것은 신라가 영토를 확장하는 과정과 밀접한 관련이 있다. 이중에서 상주와 하주는 광역의 주로서 신라가 영토를 확장하는 과정에서 그 치소를 여러 차례 옮긴다. 상주는 먼저 사벌주(尙州)에 처음 설치된 뒤에 감문주(김천), 일선주(구미시 해평면)로 옮겼다가 다시 사벌주로 돌아왔다가 상주(尙州)로 이름을 바꾼다. 사벌주(상주)는 백두대간을 넘어 신라가 서북부 지역으로 진출하는데 중요한 위치를 차지하고 있어서 군사적인 지원을 담당하는 핵심 전진기지로서 역할을 하였다. 감문주(김천)로 이동한 것은 백제와 본격적인 공방전에 대응하기 위한 측면이 있다. 일선주(김천)는 백제와 고구려 정벌전쟁에서 전초기지 역할을 하였다. 하주는 비사벌주(창녕)에 처음 설치된 뒤, 대야주(합천), 압량주(경산), 거열주(거창)를 거쳐서 완산주(전주)로 옮긴다. 비사벌주(창녕)는 신라에서 낙동강 이서의 가야지역을 점령하여 통제하기 위한 다양한 루트의 교통로를 활용할 수 있는 신라 서남부의 핵심 군단 성격으로 운영되었다. 대야주(합천)로 이동은 가야세력들을 확실하게 통제하면서 백제와의 공격에 대비하기 위한 핵심적인 거점지역 이었다. 신라에서는 대야주가 함락되자 낙동강 이동지역인 압량주(경산)로 하주의 주치를 옮긴 뒤에 백제정복전쟁을 지원하는 중심역할을 하였다. 대야주로 회귀한 하주는 백제 부흥운동 세력을 진압하고 옛 백제지역의 영역을 장악하는 전진기지로서 역할을 하였다. 따라서 상주와 하주의 주치 이동과 운영 실태를 보면, 군사적 역할이 강한 군관구로서 운영되었다고 볼 수 있다. Silla(新羅) to form a metropolitan area with a military character called Sangju(上州) and Haju(下州). In 555, a new state was built in Bisabeol(比斯伐), and in 525, the already installed Sabeoju(沙伐州) was called Sangju(上州) and Bisabeolju(比斯伐州) was called Haju(下州). The transfer process of Sangju was moved to Gammun(甘文) in 557, becoming Gammunju(甘文州), and in 614 it moved to Ilson(一善) and became Ilsonju(一善州). In 687, moved back to Sabeoju(沙伐州) and in 757 changed its name to Sangju(尙州). Haju(下州) moved to Daiyaju(大耶州) in 565 and moved to Apryangju(押梁州) in 642 when Daiyaju(大耶州) was captured by Bekje(百濟) and after the fall of Bekje in 661 moves to Daiyaju. In 665, it moved to Geoyulju(居列州), and in 685 it moved to Wansanju(完山州). Silla frequently moves Sangju and Haju because jong(停) which is an army unit is installed in ju. This was due to the military and geopolitical role of the times.

      • KCI등재

        신라의 남원 소경 설치와 역사 지리적 배경

        최범호 전북사학회 2019 전북사학 Vol.0 No.56

        Silla organized the nation as 9ju including the newly merged territory and conducted 5-sogyeong(小京). Sogyeong of Silla established a small Seoul which is a small scale of the capital within the old territory of Baekje Gaya, a new occupation area of ​​Goguryeo, and provided the base of local government by transplanting political and social culture of Silla. Namwon sogyeong(南原小京) was a small pagoda built by Silla in Namwon, Jeonbuk, The Namwon area is a land route from the Gyeongsang area to Jeolla province. Silla set up a blind spot in Namwon, an area where the Jeolla provinces of the Seomjin River system can be effectively controlled. Namwon is located in the eastern center of Jeolla province and is the main point of transportation which is conveniently connected to Jeolla province as well as Kyungsang area as well as Yeongsan river basin such as Suncheon and Yeosu, Yeongsan river basin such as Yeosu, Jeonbuk western plains area, There is a lot of gathering and trading of reeducation. Geographically, Namwon is located in the area surrounding the central region of the Seomjin River system, surrounded by Baekdudaegan and Honam Veins. Silla set up a blind spot in Namwon, the geographical center of the middle base to effectively control the old Jeolla province of Baekje. 신라의 소경(小京)은 왕경(王京)을 모방한 신라의 특수 행정구역으로 지방민을 효율적으로 통치하기 위하여 요충지에 설치한 작은 서울로서 지방을 통제하기 위한 거점도시이었다. 신라에서 5소경을 설치할 때에는 정치·군사적 조건과 인문 지리적 환경 등 다각적인 측면을 고려해서 위치를 선정하였으며 이에 따른 지방통치의 거점으로서 그 지역의 중요성을 파악하여 설치하였다. 신라의 5소경은 진흥왕 18년(557)에 설치한 국원소경(중원소경)을 비롯하여 통일 이후 문무왕 18년(678)에 북원소경, 문무왕 20년(680)에 금관소경, 신문왕 5년(685)에 서원소경과 남원소경을 설치함으로 5소경제도가 완성되었다. 신라에서 남원에 소경을 설치한 것은 백제 멸망 후 부흥군과 전투를 치르는 과정에서 신라와 옛 백제지역을 연결하는 남원의 지정학적인 중요성을 인식하였기 때문이다. 이는 남원이 마한의 소국에서 백제의 영토로 편입되는 과정과 백제와 신라의 영토 전쟁 과정 그리고 백제 멸망 후 신라가 옛 백제지역을 점령하는 과정에서 역사적으로 중요한 지역임을 보여주고 있다. 이러한 남원의 역사적 연원과 신라지역에서 옛 백제지역으로 연결되는 요충지라는 측면에서, 특히 신라지역에서 완산주와 무진주를 연결하는 지정학적인 요충지로 남원이 주목되어 지방지배의 거점도시로서 소경을 설치하였다. 따라서 신라는 옛 백제의 전라도 지역을 효과적으로 통제하기 위한 중간거점의 지리적인 요충지인 남원에 소경을 설치하였다.

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        『삼국사기』 완산주(完山州) 관련 기록의 재검토

        최범호 전북사학회 2016 전북사학 Vol.0 No.48

        Jeonju is likely due to the aftermath of the revival of Baekje King Munmu three years (663), which was from the end of the DANG territory, King Munmu 10 years (670) in the Silla-Tang War was occupied by venturing process after the invasion of the region. The Shilla is completely occupied by the Jeonju province tastefully understated rooms titles Wansanjuseo(完山州誓) is deferred King Munmu 12 years (672). Sinmunwang five years (685) in Wansanju(完山州) while installing the province was highlighted as the base city of Jeonju, Jeonbuk region, Jeonbuk area Sanya preside over the nine weeks of the week last week to welcome distinguished guests gyeongdeokwang 16 years (757). Silla welcome distinguished guests were installed five years a couple of weeks sinmunwang Note that the direction of movement towards the victory in the Battle of bleach and bleach per surrounds the notice. Wansanju(完山州) area is likely to welcome distinguished guests often hayeoteul Silla is emerging as an important military stronghold pearl after the Baekje remaining calm when battling the forces. Silla was installed the week to welcome distinguished guests themselves firmly to expand the military occupation policy of Baekje notice by securing routes to the south the race.

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