18세기 국어의 ‘–ㅁ(음), -기’ 이름마디 연구

최대희 한민족어문학회 2011 韓民族語文學 Vol.0 No.59

The purpose of this study is to verify the noun clause by finding out morphologic and syntactic and semantic characteristics in the 18th century Korean. Summary of the contents is as follow. The morphologic characteristic confirmed a grammar category limitation relationship of '-ㅁ noun clause' and '-기 noun clause. ‘-ㅁ noun clause’ and ‘-기 noun clause’ had appeared as similar features in morphologic limitation relationship. The syntactic characteristic confirmed function. Two types functioned as all kind of sentence components. Through morphologic and syntactic characteristics, ‘-ㅁ noun clause’ and ‘-기 noun clause’ were confirmed to carry out function very well as noun clause and it was confirmed that a system of noun clauses based on these two types were firmed in the 18th century. The semantic characteristic confirmed a semantic limitation relation ship. Noun clause showed similar features in limitation relationship in semantic aspect when noun clause functioned as the subject but when it functioned as the object, ‘-ㅁ noun clause’ and ‘-기 noun clause’ showed a little different feature. Through sematic limitation relationship, ‘-ㅁ noun clause’ and ‘-기 noun clause’ carried out the functions as noun clauses but it was confirmed that meaning qualification of the two was different. 18세기의 이름마디는 현대국어에 준하는 체계를 확고하게 갖추게 되는데, 이를 검증하기 위해, ‘-ㅁ 이름마디’와 ‘-기 이름마디’를 중심으로 형태·통어·의미론적 제약관계를 살펴보았다. 내용을 정리하면 다음과 같다. 먼저, 형태론적 특징은 18세기 ‘-ㅁ 이름마디’와 ‘-기 이름마디’의 문법범주 제약을 확인하였다. 확인한 결과, 두 유형의 이름마디는 문법 범주의 제약 정도가 유사하였는데, 둘 다 때매김법과 높임법의 안맺음씨끝을 앞세우고 있었다. 이것은 분명히 ‘-ㅁ’, ‘-기’가 굴곡의 가지임을 증명하는 것이고, 이름법 씨끝으로서의 역할을 수행하고 있음을 보여 주는 것이다. 즉, 17세기에 균형을 맞추기 시작했던 ‘-ㅁ 이름마디’와 ‘-기 이름마디’가 18세기에는 더욱 대등한 위치에서 이름마디로서의 기능을 수행하고 있음을 확인할 수 있었다. 다음으로, 18세기 ‘-ㅁ 이름마디’와 ‘-기 이름마디’의 기능(통어론적 제약)을 확인하였다. 살펴본 결과, 두 유형의 이름마디는 모든 월성분으로 기능하였다. 이를 통해 ‘-ㅁ 이름마디’와 ‘-기 이름마디’는 이름마디로서의 기능을 온전하게 하고 있음을 확인할 수 있었다. 즉, 현대국어의 이름마디 체계와 비슷한 ‘-ㅁ’과 ‘-기’를 중심으로 한 이름마디의 체계가 17세기에 이미 완성되었음은 최대희(2010)에서 서술하였는데, 18세기에 이르러 더 확고해졌음을 보여주는 결과이다. 마지막으로, 의미론적 차원에서는 안은마디 풀이말(풀이말1)과 안긴마디의 풀이말(풀이말2) 간의 씨범주 제약관계를 파악하였다. 임자말로 기능하는 경우는 ‘-ㅁ 이름마디’와 ‘-기 이름마디’의 제약관계가 비슷하게 나타나는데, 풀이말1은 그림씨가 많고, 풀이말2는 움직씨가 많았다. 부림말로 기능하는 경우는 ‘-ㅁ 이름마디’보다 ‘-기 이름마디’가 더 제약을 받았다. ‘-ㅁ 이름마디’는 풀이말2에 움직씨와 그림씨가 제약 없이 오는데, ‘-기 이름마디’는 풀이말2에 움직씨는 제약 없이 오나, 그림씨는 매우 제한적으로 나타났다. ‘-기 이름마디’에서 풀이말2에 올 수 있는 그림씨가 매우 제한적인 까닭은 풀이말1의 대상이 되는 부림말이 동작성 풀이말에 한정될 가능성을 의미한다. 곧 풀이말2에 상태나 느낌의 풀이말이 올 경우 ‘-기’가 제약되는 것은 ‘-기’의 의미자질이 [-상태, -느낌]과 관련이 있기 때문일 것이다.

SBR 공법을 이용한 Sidestream Deammonification 공정의 성능평가

최대희,조석현,박헌영,최다혜,정진영 대한환경공학회 2016 대한환경공학회 학술발표논문집 Vol.2016 No.11

톨스토이와 사회민주주의적 인텔리겐치아

최대희 한국러시아문학회 2003 러시아어문학 연구논집 Vol.14 No.-

Tolstoi and the Social Democratic Intelligentsia

안정적인 Deammonification 공법 적용을 위한 가스 투과성이 향상된 PVA/alginate 담체 개발 및 적용성 평가

최대희,윤원상,정진영 한국물환경학회 2017 한국물환경학회·대한상하수도학회 공동 춘계학술발표회 Vol.2017 No.-

1920년대 모스크바 노동자가족의 의식주 생활

최대희 한국러시아문학회 2008 러시아어문학 연구논집 Vol.27 No.-

The purpose of this article lies in the understanding of the material basis for everyday life of the Moscow factory worker's family in the period of the New Economic Policy. At first, it analyses the statistics of their budget, in order to get the general understanding of material basis of their living. It is not confined to it, but extended to the analysis of observations of contemporaries on their everyday life. This certainly helps to prove the statistical analysis from the intro-perspective of workers themselves and to vitalize the abstract statistics. The living standard of the Moscow factory workers in the 1920's steadily increased, especially compared to the critical years of 1918-1921. The standard of their wages in the second half of the 1920's surpassed that of prewar days, while the index in expenses for food and clothes caught up with that of prewar days. Especially the nutrition for the workers demonstrated a substantial improvement. Generally speaking, the income and expense of workers' family in the second half of 1920's improved without any doubt, compared to those of pre-revolutionary Russia. However, a careful analysis on the household budget of worker's family as well as contemporary observations prove that worker's families in the big cities still suffered from the poverty. The tangible improvement did not help much to solving the nutrition problems nor overcoming the necessities. It did not even meet the expectations of the workers after the 7 years of war. The condition of housing in the cities was especially the case. Many of workers were disappointed with these everyday problems, therefore it deepened their discontents to the political system in those days.

러시아 노동운동 초기 단계에서의 노동자와 지식인의 위상문제 : 볼셰비키 지도부 분열의 뿌리를 찾아서

최대희 서울대학교러시아연구소 2003 러시아연구 Vol.13 No.1

Als Lenin im Zuge der Spaltung der bolschewistischen Fraktion gegen die ‘linken’ Bolschewiki den Vorwurf richtete, daβ diese Anha¨nger des ‘Otzovismus’, des ‘Gotterbauertums’ und ‘Machisten’ seien, wollte Lenin genau das kulturell gepa¨gte Revolutionskonzept der ‘linken’ Bolschewiki treffen. Den ‘linken’ Bolschewiki schien der einzig mo¨gliche Neuansatz zur Wiederbelebung der Arbeiterbewegung in der ‘Bewuβtseinsbildung’ des Proletariats selbst zu liegen. Das Proletariat sollte nicht nur fu¨r seine Rolle als treibende Kraft der Revolution vorbereitet, sondern zugleich auch als voll bewuβter Organisator der zuku¨nftigen sozialistischen Gesellschaft ausgebildet werden. Aus solcher U¨berlegung ergaben sich die Pla¨ne zur versta¨rkten Verbreitung der sozialistischen Weltanschauung mittels der Herausgabe der popula¨ren propagandistischen Literatur und zur Ausbildung der Arbeiterkader durch einen neuen Typus von Parteischule. Was in der Parteikrise Lenin sto¨rte, war das Konzept der kulturellen Revolution der ‘linken’ Bolschewiki. Das Kulturprogramm unterschied sich von dem Leninschen vor allem dadurch, daβ es nicht auf das autorita¨re Aufkla¨rungsmodell, wie es sich in der Leninschen Schrift『Was tun?』 zeigt, aufbaute, sondern mit dem antiautorita¨ren Revolutionskonzept des Anarchismus einherging. Als Grundsatz galt im antiautorita¨ren Konzept des Kollektivismus die U¨berzeugung, daβ die Befreiung der Arbeiterklase die Sache der Arbeiterklasse selbst sei. Der sozialistische ko¨nne na¨mlich nicht von den Berufsrevolutiona¨ren in die Arbeiterklasse hineingetragen werden, sondern mu¨sse durch bewuβte U¨berzeugung entstehen. Dies ist das Credo, an dem seit 1908 linke Bolschewiki in der Auseinandersetzung mit Lenin festhielten. Die Wurzel dieser Unterschiede zwischen Lenin und ‘linke’ Bolschewiki liegt meiner Meinung nach bereits in jenen Jahren, als sich der U¨bergang von der ‘Propaganda’ zur ‘Agitation’ in der russischen sozialdemokratischen Bewegung vollzog. Wa¨hrend Lenin und die Fu¨hrer der spa¨teren Menschewiki Hand in Hand fu¨r die agitatorische Methode eintraten und in der Praxis an der herrschenden Rolle der Intelligenz nicht zweifelten, definierten Bazarov und Bogdanov als zuku¨nftige Vertreter der ‘linken’ Bolschwiki die Rolle der Intelligenz ganz im Sinne der Propagandisten alten Stils. Die Tulaer Arbeiterbildungszirkel, an der Bogdanov und Bazarov als die Vertreter der Intelligenz teilnahmen, hatten nur rein propagandistischen Charakter. Die durch das Narodnichestvo stark beeinfuβten Tulaer Arbeiter selbst waren nicht willens, von der ‘Propaganda’ zur ‘Agitation’ u¨berzugehen. Die Intelligenz ihrerseit dra¨ngte die Arbeiter aber auch nicht, eine noch Kra¨ftigere und umfassendere Form des Widerstandes zu ergreifen. Sie hatten mit ihrer ablehnenden Haltung zum U¨bergang zur Agitation und ihrer Akzentuierung der Propaganda-, bzw. Aufkla¨rungsarbeit in den Zirkeln als einer Art von ‘freier sozialistischer Arbeiteruniversita¨t’ eine andere strategische U¨berlegung zur Arbeiterbewegung. In diesser Erfahrung lagen die Wurzeln der Idee der ‘linken’ Bolschwiki um Bogdanov, in den spa¨teren Jahren etwa 1908-1909 in Capri und Bologna eine proletarische Schule zu gru¨nden. Bazarov und Bogdanov maβen ihrer propagandistischen Zirkelarbeit in Tula als einem Embryo der proletarischen Universita¨t groβe Bedeutung zu.

신경제정책기의 소비에뜨경제의 구조적 위기와 꾸스따르 공업의 활용에 대한 논의

최대희 서울대학교 러시아연구소 1998 러시아연구 Vol.8 No.2

As in any underdeveloped country, small-scale industry played an important role in the prerevolutionary Russian economy. The rapid industrialization that had occurred in Russia in the four decades preceding the Revolution was extremely uneven. The mechanized factory production had become predominant in the industry producing capital goods and semifabricates, but almost all consumer goods were still produced by the dispersed, technologically primitive small-scale industry. Many factors had contributed to the development of the small-scale industry: The unsufficient supply of industrial goods to the peasants; the significant "surplus" rural population; the absence of a good highway network; the long Russian winter. The relatively primitive kustar' industry became a partial outlet for the surplus agrarian population. It produced cheap coarse consumer goods, catering to the needs and tastes of the Russian peasants, whose incomes did not permit them to buy the more expensive factory-produced goods. The Russian village with its local kustar' industry was almost self-sufficient. The Bolshevik Revolution did not diminish the importance of small-scale industry. The relative share of small-scale industry, on the contrary, had increased during the period of War Communism and in the initial years of the New Economic Policy(NEP). As early as 1926/27 voices of alarm were raised in the Soviet press over the danger of private capital and small-scale industry. The introduction of an over-all national plan in 1929 undermined the existence of independent small-scale industry. As a result of the collectivization of agriculture, the "unorganized" kustari disappeared from the countryside. This study is focused on examination over the concepts of utilization of small-scale industry, which many economic specialists and theorists in politics had proposed since the middle of the 1920s, in order to overcome the structural crisis of the Soviet economy. The mechanization and rationalization of the small-scale industry was regarded as a chief solution on the problem of the chronical deficit of industrial goods and the problem of "surplus" agrarian population, the problems with that the Soviet economy was confronted during the period of NEP. According to the advocates for the utilization of small-scale industry this strategy of development would guarantee a crisis-free process of the industrialization, without lowering the standard of living of the mass. But the atmosphere of discuss over a better strategy of development was getting worse, so that the bolshevik theorists and economists carried out their concepts to build large-scale industry with modern technology. A result from this practice should exclude the possibility of abolishing the contrast between urban and rural area.

방법론적 국가주의’와 이민자 개념의 변화-서유럽의 국민국가 건설시기를 중심으로-

최대희 대한정치학회 2022 大韓政治學會報 Vol.30 No.3

By the 19th century, the migration of people crossing over the border had not been a subject of strict regulation and control like the contemporary. Free movement of labor forces was transformed to the ‘migration’ of today since the end of the 19th century, as the national state building and the nationalism were intertwined. As the national state was regarded as the basic unit consisting of the world, migrants went through the process of ‘othering’. From the point of view treating national border as the border of society, the popular concept of migrants was engraved as the ‘uprooted,’ the ‘outsider’ of the society, and the gnawer of the social welfare system in the national state. The study zooms in on the fact that this negative view on migrants was embedded into the ‘methodological nationalism,’ which assumes the network of social life being built in a single container of national society. However, the migrants life not only of today, but also of late 19th century has been significantly transnational. Migrants of late 19th century built transnational networks and kept continuous relationship to their home countries. In order to dispel the national discourse overlaid on the migrants, it is necessary to break away from the container perspective based on the trinity of territory-population- culture. 19세기까지 국경을 넘는 인간의 이동은 오늘날과 같이 엄격한 규제와 통제의 대상이 아니었다. 자유로웠던 노동력의 이동이 오늘날의 ‘이민’으로 변화된 것은 19세기 말경 국민국가 건설과 민족주의 운동이 결합되고 난 이후였다. 국민국가가 세계를 형성하는 기본 단위로 여겨지기 시작하자, 이민자는 토착민과 구분되어 ‘타자화’되었다. 국가의 경계를 사회의 경계로 간주하는 관점에 기초하여, ‘뿌리 뽑힌 자’, 사회의 ‘외부자’ 그리고 국민국가의 복지시스템을 갉아먹는 자라는 식의 이민자 이미지가 대중화되었다. 본 연구는 이민자에 대한 부정적 이미지의 밑바탕에 ‘방법론적 국가주의’, 즉 사회생활의 네트워크가 민족적 사회라는 단일한 컨테이너 내에 구축되어 있다는 가정이 작동하고 있음에 주목한다. 그러나 오늘날의 이민자의 삶뿐만 아니라, 19세기에서 20세기 초반의 이민자의 사회적 삶도 상당히 초국적이었다. 19세기 후반의 이민자는 초국적 네트워크를 형성하고 고국과의 지속적인 연계를 유지하고 있었다. 이민자에게 덧씌워진 국민국가적 담론으로부터 벗어나기 위해서는 영토-인구-문화의 삼위일체에 기반 한, 사회에 대한 컨테이너식 사고방식으로부터의 탈피가 필요하다.

러시아 노동운동 초기단계에서의 노동자와 지식인 위상

최대희 서울대학교 러시아연구소 2003 러시아연구 Vol.13 No.1

구연 : 신장 ; 유지 혈액투석 환자에서 관상동맥 석회화와 C-반응단백 및 Chlamydia pneumoniae 항체와의 상관관계

최대희,정해혁,이승준,한선숙,이상현 대한내과학회 2003 대한내과학회 추계학술대회 Vol.65 No.10