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          傳統 喪禮에서의 復과 復衣에 나타난 多面的 성격

          최규순 국민대학교 한국학연구소 2010 한국학논총 Vol.34 No.-

          동아시아의 고대 유교에서는 사람의 정기를 魂으로 몸을 魄으로 보고, 사람이 살아있는 동안에는 혼백이 함께하다가 죽으면 혼과 백이 분리된다고 믿었다. 이런 믿음 속에 사람의 숨이 막 끊어지면 가장 먼저 ‘復'을 행했다. ‘復'은 ‘돌아오라'는 의미로, 떠나가는 魂을 본래 자신이 머물던 육체[魄]로 돌아오라고 부르는 것이다. 이렇게 혼을 부르기 때문에 ‘招魂'이라고도 한다. 혼을 부를 때는 혼을 유혹할 도구로 禮服을 쓰는데, 이를 ‘復衣'라 한다. 본고는 喪禮의 시작인 復의 절차와 복의의 종류 등에 관해 古禮書를 중심으로 전체적으로 정리하였고, 이를 바탕으로 復과 복의에 나타난 다면적 성격에 관해 살펴보았다. 사람의 숨이 끊어지면 復者가 죽은 이의 옷을 들고 지붕에 올라가 북쪽을 향해 혼을 부른다. 부르기를 마치면 앞마당 쪽으로 옷을 던지고, 아래에서는 다른 사람이 옷을 받아 안으로 들어가 시신 위에 덮는다. 시신 위에 덮는 것은 혼이 복의에 깃들어 돌아왔다고 여기고, 이 옷을 덮어 죽은 이가 소생하기를 바라는 것이다. 이렇게 혼이 백으로 돌아오기를 바랐음에도 불구하고 죽은 이가 다시 소생하지 않으면, 그 때부터 목욕과 염습 등 죽음에 관한 일[死事]을 시작한다. 복자는 復을 하는 역할을 맡은 사람이다. 복자는 復을 할 때 조복을 입는데, 천자의 상에는 皮弁服을 입고 제후의 상에는 冠弁服을 입는다. 복자의 수는 천자가 12인이고, 그 이하의 신분은 죽은 이의 命數에 상응한다. 복의는 죽은 이가 생전에 입었던 옷 중에서 禮服을 쓴다. 예복의 종류에 대해 賈公彦과 孔穎達은 견해가 다른데, 가공언은 제복만을 쓴다고 보았고 공영달은 제복과 조복을 같이 쓴다고 보았다. 제복은 大裘冕·袞冕·鷩冕·毳冕·希冕[絺冕]․玄冕의 六冕服과 爵弁服이고, 조복은 피변복과 관변복이다. 경문에서는 면복과 작변복이라 하여 제복만 나타난다. 부녀의 복의는 褘衣(휘의), 揄狄(요적), 闕狄[屈狄](궐적), 鞠衣, 展衣[襢衣](전의), 褖衣[緣衣:稅衣](단의)의 총6종류를 신분에 맞게 쓴다. 復과 복의의 다면적 성격은 復을 행한다는 것의 실질적인 의미, 復의 절차와 복의의 사용에 나타난 실용성 및 세속성, 혼에 대한 인격적 이해 등으로 나누어 살펴보았다. 復을 하는 실질적인 이유는 ‘사랑하는 마음을 다하는 도리[盡愛之道]'에 기인하는 것이다. 복에 있어서의 실용성은 복의를 사용할 때 웃옷과 치마를 꿰매 간편함을 취한[取其便] 것과, 지붕으로 올라갈 때 옷을 어깨에 걸치고 깃을 허리띠에 끼우는 것에서 극명하게 나타난다. 또 세속성은 사람이 죽으면 그 슬픔의 정도는 누구나 똑같을 것임에도 불구하고 죽은 이의 신분에 따라 복자의 수를 달리한 것과, 복의로 죽은 이의 생전 신분을 가장 분명하게 드러내주는 예복을 사용한 것에서 나타난다. 혼에 대해서는 우리가 흔히 생각하는 神처럼 전지전능한 존재로 여기기보다는 인간과 유사한 존재로 간주한다. 이는 혼을 인간과 구별되는 만능의 존재로 보는 것이 아니라 바로 ‘인간의 정기'라 보는 유교 특유의 魂觀에 기인한 것이 아닌가 한다. Ancient Confucianism of East Asia regarded a person's soul as his ‘Hun[魂]' and the body as his 'Po[魄]', and believed that Hun and Po come together while a person is alive and they are separated from each other when he dies. In this belief, ancient people performed 'Fu(復)' just after a person breathed his last breath. 'Fu' means 'Return,' so it is calling the leaving Hun to come back to Po that it has been staying. As it calls(招) Hun, 'Fu' is also named 'Zhao-hun(招魂)'. When Hun is called, ceremonial costumes(禮服) are used in order to tempt Hun, and the costume is called 'Fuyi(復衣)'. This study reviewed the procedure of Fu, which is the start of a funeral ceremony, and the types of Fuyi based on ancient ritual manuals, and examined multi-dimensional natures observed in Fu and Fuyi. If a person's illness grows deeper and his death is close, the person is moved to his usual residence(正寢) and his clothing is changed. If the sick person's death is confirmed, Fuzhe(復者) takes the dead person's clothing, climbs up to the roof, and calls the dead person's Hun toward the north. When calling Hun, Fuzhe shouts three times the person's name used to call the dead person during his lifetime. After the calling, Fuzhe throws the dead person's clothing to the front yard, and then another person takes the clothing and covers the dead body with this clothing. By covering the body with the clothing, they assume that Hun has come back and dwells in the clothing and wish that the person may revive. If the dead person does not revive despite the three calls of Hun and the wish of Hun's return by covering the dead body with the clothing, they start other funeral works including bathing and shrouding etc(斂襲). Fuzhe is the person in charge of Fu. When Fuzhe performs Fu, he puts on a court suit. He wears Pibianfu(皮弁服) in the emperor's funeral, and Guanbianfu(冠弁服) in a feudal lord's funeral. The reason for Fuzhe to wear a court suit is for expressing his respect[敬] to the king as he did while the king was alive[事死如事生] because a court suit is an uniform worn when a subject serves the king[事君之衣]. The number of Fuzhes is 12 in the emperor's funeral, and is equivalent to the rank[命數] of the dead person for others. Because a feudal lord is of the 9th level, his funeral is served by 9 Fuzhes, and the funeral of a lowest-level official[士] is served by one Fuzhe. Furthermore, the number of persons who receive Fuyi on the ground is the same as above. Fuyi is selected from ceremonial costumes that the dead person used during his lifetime. With regard to the types of Fuyi, opinions are different between Jiagongyan(賈公彦) and Gongyingda(孔穎達). While Jiagongyan believed that only sacrificial robes were used, Gongyingda believed that both sacrificial robes and court suits were used together. Sacrificial robes are six types of Mianfu(冕服) including Daqiumian(大裘冕), Gunmian(袞冕), Bimian(鷩冕), Qiumian(毳冕), Zhimian(希冕, 絺冕), and Xuanmian(玄冕), and Juebianfu(爵弁服), and court suits are Pibianfu and Guanbianfu. According to Jiagongyan, sacrificial robes are used as Fuyi, and if the number of sacrificial robes available falls short of the dead person's level, 'the robe of the highest level(上服)' was used repeatedly to fill the number, but according to Gongyingda, the number is filled by using both sacrificial robes and court suits. In Chinese classics, only sacrificial robes called Mianfu and Juebianfu are mentioned, so Jiagongyan's view is considered reasonable. In case the dead person is a woman, six kinds of Fuyi (Huiyi[褘衣], Yaodi[揄狄], Quedi[闕狄, 屈狄], Juyi[鞠衣], Zhanyi[展衣, 襢衣], Tuanyi[褖衣, 緣衣, 稅衣]) are used according to her standing. When Fuyi is used, men's ceremonial costume is prepared by sewing the separate upper and lower garments into one, and for women's one, the original one is used as it is because it is one pi...

        • KCI등재후보
        • KCI등재
        • '周禮'中的冕服制作及传递体系

          최규순 부산대학교 중국연구소 2008 Journal of China Studies Vol.0 No.4

          The institutional origin of the bureaucratic system in ancient Korea and China is derived from 'Zhouli(周禮)', and it is true for costume related official positions. In spite of this fact, no systematic studies have been conducted both in Korea and China for detailed costume and its production and supply, which are found in 'Zhouli'. Under the background, this study aims to reveal the system of production and supply of costume in ancient royal court through the process of production of emperor's ritual robes[冕服], which were the highest- level formal dresses worn at the most magnificent events both in Korea and China.   It is expected that through this study the organic system among various official positions as well as individual duties of each official position will be identified. This will provide basic knowledge for comparative studies of costume related official positions in the subsequent generations of Korea and China, and further serve as a foundation to propel continuing follow-up studies. Furthermore, it will provide research findings necessary for the understanding of Korean king's and emperor's ritual robes, which began to be worn under the influence of China. For the study, contents found in Taoist classics in 'Zhouli', annotations(注) by Xuan Zheng(鄭玄), annotations (疏) by Gong-yan Jia(賈公彦), “Zhouli-zhengyi”(周禮正義) by Yi-rang Sun(孫詒讓) were analyzed. This study is at large divided into two parts: the first part summarizes costume related official positions on the whole, and the second part examines the changes in the official positions that participated in the production and supply of emperor's ritual robes by identifying the process of production of upper and lower garments representatively from the various elements that constitute emperor's ritual robes.   Of costume related official positions, those involving production and supply are 11, including Binfu(嬪婦) from nine positions(九職), Diansi(典絲), Huangshi(氏), Ranren(染人), Neigong(內工 or 女禦) and Waigong(外工 or 外嬪婦), Dianfugong(典婦功), Fengren(縫人), Huahui(畵繪), Neifu(內府), Sifu(司服), Nvyu(女禦).   For the production of emperor's ritual robes, silk threads are first needed. This job is taken by Binfu from nine positions. Silk threads at this step are still wild threads, which are delivered to Diansi. Textiles that are used for cloth are black and pink silk. There are two methods to produce dyed textiles: weaving after first dying threads, and dying after weaving textiles. Of these two methods, the former is used for emperor's ritual robes. As such, Diansi sends wild threads to Huangshi to refine them. It receives the refined threads back, which are sent to Ranren to dye them. Diansi again collects dyed threads, which are sent to Neigong and Waigong to weave textiles. Completed textiles are sent to Dianfugong.   Dianfugong receives black and pink silk from Diansi, and sends it to Fengren to sew it, collecting completed upper and lower garments. In order to create twelve crests on the garments, illustrations that symbolize sun(陽) are drawn on the upper garments, and patterns that symbolize moon(陰) are embroidered on the lower garments. This duty is taken by Huahui. Thus, Dianfugong sends the garments to Huahui to create patterns and collects them back and sends to Neifu for storage.   Neifu receives the garments from Dianfugong and store them in the warehouse. When there is a ritual ceremony, Sifu determines a set of costume appropriate to it and has Neifu bring the costume from the warehouse. This costume is offered up to the king through Nvyu. These findings show that Sifu is engaged in costume protocol, Dian斯 and Dianfugong supervise and manage the production of costume, Neifu and Nvyu store and deliver items, and Binfu from nine positions, Huangshi, Ranren, Neigong and Waigong, Fengren, Huahui directly participate in the production.

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          조선시대 석(舃) 연구

          최규순(Kyu Soon Choi) 한국복식학회 2013 服飾 Vol.63 No.2

          Seok(舃), shoes worn for rituals that originated in China, is worn as part of a formal dress in Korea. The Seok for men were worn with Myeonbok(冕服: kingly ceremonial costume) and Wonyugwanbok(遠遊冠服) and the Seok for Jeokui(翟衣: queenly ceremonial costume) and Jangsam(長衫). Myeonbok, Wonyugwanbok, Jeokui and Jangsam were ceremonial costumes of ancient times. This paper examines Seok, which has never been the focal point of a study, and focuses on the period of Joseon(1392∼1897). It was possible to concretely identify its changes in each of the periods and genders by means of the literature and picture data. It turns out from this paper that a unique Korean style emerged in the days of Kings Yeongjo(英祖: 1694∼1776) and Sunjo(純祖: 1790∼1834). The Seok that were imported from China after the Goryeo period included a neck part, which was a departure from its original form. However, during this period, fences were added on the top of the shoes, and rings were added to thread laces in Seok from China. Women wore their Seok in this period with different ornaments in accordance with the different situations.

        • KCI등재
        • KCI등재

          1905~1906년 서구식 大禮服제도 개정에 나타난 일제의 한국병탄 준비 : 일본 서구식 대례복 제도와의 비교를 통하여

          최규순(Choi Kyu-Soon) 독립기념관 한국독립운동사연구소 2011 한국독립운동사연구 Vol.0 No.39

          본고는 제1차 한일의정서 체결(1904년 2월) 이후인 1905년과 1906년에 개정된 일반 문관과 궁내부 관원의 서구식 대례복 제도를 통해 일제의 한국병탄 준비의 일면을 읽고자 하였다. 형태에 나타나는 특징을 고찰하기 위해 대례복을 구성하는 여러 요소 중 상의-무늬의 배열 방식 위주-를 비교대상으로 삼아, 대한제국 문관복 및 궁내부 관복을 일본의 문관복 및 궁내성 관복과 비교하였다. 또 1906년에 일반 문관복과 궁내부관복이 이원화되는 배경을 살펴보았다. 대한제국 일반 문관 대례복과 궁내부 관원 대례복 상의의 무늬 변화는 각기 다음의 세 단계로 요약할 수 있다. 일반 문관 대례복은 1900년 4월에 일본과 차별화되는 대한제국만의 독자적 양식으로 규정되었다가, 1905년 1월에 일본과 같은 방식으로 개정되고, 다시 1906년 12월에 일본보다 등급을 낮춘 방식으로 개정된다. 궁내부 관원 대례복은 1900년에 독자적 방식으로 규정된 일반 문관과 같은 복제를 적용받다가, 1905년 1월에 일반 문관과 차별화되는 계기가 마련되고, 1906년 2월에 일반 문관과 차별화된 복제가 규정됨과 동시에 일반 문관보다도 먼저 일본보다 등급을 낮춘 방식으로 개정된다. 국가의 고위 관원인 칙임관과 주임관이 착용하는 대례복은 그 자체로 국가나 황실을 상징하는 것이다. 따라서 이러한 대례복에 대해 일제가 자신들보다 낮은 등급의 복제를 규정한 것은, 일본제국주의를 실현시키기 위한 준비작업의 일환이었다고 할 수 있다. 고대 동아시아에서 복식은 정치적 예속관계를 보여주는 대표적인 수단이었는데, 일제는 이 점에 주목하여 대한제국의 복식을 자신들보다 낮춰 규정한 것이다. 또 일반 문관복과 궁내부 관복의 이원화는, 궁내부의 기능을 축소하여 궁극적으로 황제권을 약화시키기 위한 의도에서 진행한 것으로 볼 수 있다. 비대해진 궁내부를 의정부와 완전히 구분하여 그 권한과 기능을 축소하면 황제권이 약화되고, 이는 곧 병탄의 초석이 되기 때문이다. This paper studied on one aspect of the preparation of the Japanese compulsory annexation of Korea through the western-style full dress uniform system of a government official working for the palace and a civil servant which was amended in 1905 and 1906. In order to study their morphological feature, It brought the form of the design arrangement of the top of the dress uniform into comparison, and compared the Korean official uniform system of the government official working for the palace and the civil servant with the Japanese. And It studied the background of the dual system, that is, the civil servant uniform and the government official uniform working for the palace. In summary, the design arrangement of the top of the dress uniform for the civil servant and the government official working for the palace changed covering three stages as follows; The dress uniform for the civil servant which differed from the Japanese one was laid down in the Korean Empire's own style in April, 1900. And it changed to the Japanese style in January, 1905 and then it changed to the style whose grade was lower than the Japanese one in December, 1906. The dress uniform for the civil servant which was laid down in 1900applied to the government official working for the palace, and then an opportunity to differentiate the dress uniform of the official for the palace from that of the civil servant was laid, and the official uniform system for the official for the palace different from that of the civil servant was laid down in February, 1906 and its style changed to the style whose grade was lower than the Japanese earlier than that of the civil servant. The full-dress uniform of the high ranking government official appointed by a king symbolized the country or the Imperial Family. Therefore it can be said that Japanese provision of the Korean full-dress uniform whose grade was lower than the Japanese was a part of preparation to realize Japanese imperialism. A dress and its ornament in ancient East Asia were the representative means to show political subordination. Noticing this point, Japanese imperialism provided the rules of the Korean full-dress uniform whose grade was lower than the Japanese. Also it can be said that the duality of the official uniform, that is, the uniform for the civil servant and the official working for the palace, was carried out to reduce the function of the government office for the Imperial Household and weaken the authority of the Emperor. Japanese imperialism thought that as the bulky government office for the Imperial Household was completely divided from the highest administrative organization and its authority and function reduced, the Emperor's authority would weaken, and this could play the role of the foundation stone for the Japanese annexation of Korea

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