고정성 교정장치 장착환자의 치주질환관련 지식 및 구강건강관련 행태

최경선,문상은,김윤정,김선영,조혜은,강현주,Choi, Kyung-Sun,Moon, Sang-Eun,Kim, Yun-Jeong,Kim, Seon-Yeong,Cho, Hye-Eun,Kang, Hyun-Joo 한국치위생학회 2017 한국치위생학회지 Vol.17 No.5

Objectives: The purpose of study is to investigate periodontal disease-related recognition and oral health-related behavior in orthodontic patients with fixed appliance. Methods: A self-reported questionnaire was completed by 286 orthodontic patients with fixed appliance in Gwangju, Jeonnam from September 1 to September 27, 2016. The questionnaire consisted of general characteristics (3 items), orthodontic related characteristics (3 items), knowledge of periodontal disease (3 items), and oral health-related behavior (4 items). The data were analyzed by frequency analysis, percentage and chi-square analysis using SPSS 21.0 program. Results: 62.8% had experiences of dental treatment and 67.5% had intention of involvement on incremental care program in orthodontic treatment periods. Accuracy rate of cause about periodontal disease was high in female and case of acquiring information experiences on periodontal disease (p<0.05). 67.2% performed correct toothbrushing for the management of periodontal disease in the experiences of acquiring information on periodontal disease in orthodontic treatment periods (p<0.05). The proportions of using interdental toothbrush and mouth rinsing solutions were high among those over 20 years old and students in the subjects (p<0.05). Conclusions:The accuracy rate were high in the answers about cause and management of periodontal disease in case of acquiring information experiences on periodontal disease in orthodontic treatment periods. Therefore, there is a need to further development and implementation of dental hygiene intervention program for periodontal disease care with fixed orthodontic appliances in that regard.

Acrylonitrile 의 광중합 속도 (Ⅰ)

최경선,이동호,설수덕 ( Kyung sun Choi,Dong Hoo Lee,Soo Duk Seul ) 한국공업화학회 1997 응용화학 Vol.1 No.1

The water-solution photo-polymerization of acrylonitrile in inorganic salt such as NaSCN, KSCN, NH₄SCN, Ba(SCN)₂, ZnCl₂ which is being used as solvent for acrylic fiber production was studied. Under irradiation of high-pressure mercury lamp(365nm), acrylonitrile was polymerized to higher conversion and molecular weight without the addition of any additional initiator(sensitizer). Overall activation energy was 1.33 ㎉/㏖.

6세기 「봉평리비」의 奴人村과 村使人

최경선(Choi, Kyung-Sun) 한국고대사학회 2019 韓國古代史硏究 Vol.0 No.93

「봉평리비」(524)의 노인에 대한 신라의 지배방식을 파악하기 위해 먼저 「봉평리비」에 보이는 여러 촌 중 노인촌과 일반 촌을 분별해 보았다. 처벌대상자의 범위와 別敎令의 내용 등을 고려하였을 때, 남미지촌만이 노인촌이었다고 판단된다. 즉, 524년 시점에 동해안 지역에는 도사가 파견된 중심촌 예하의 일부 촌이 노인촌으로 존재하였다고 볼 수 있다. 失火로 인한 사태로 주된 책임이 있는 남미지촌에는 별교령으로 처분이 내려지고, 아대혜촌과 갈시조촌의 사인이 남미지촌사인과 함께 처벌을 받았다. 이로 보아 당시 남미지촌 주민은 노인으로서 일반 촌의 주민과 함께 ‘[尓]耶界城’에 동원되어 있었음을 짐작할 수 있다. 또 일반 촌이든 노인촌이든 주민을 동원하는 데 있어서 ‘使人’이 주된 역할을 하였음이 주목된다. 그런데 촌사인을 매개로 노인촌을 지배하는 방식은 노인촌이 촌으로 편제된 이후에야 가능했을 것이다. 520년 율령 반포 때에 노인의 처지는 그대로 유지되었지만, 노인집단을 촌으로 편제하고 촌사인을 둠으로써 ‘도사-중심촌의 유력자-촌사인’으로 이어지는 행정체계 속에 편입시켰을 가능성을 고려해 볼 수 있다. 다만 노인은 ‘賤人’을 의미하지 않더라도 최소한 특정 주체와 상하관계를 맺고 예속된 처지를 뜻한다고 생각된다. 따라서 노인촌의 주민은 일반 촌의 주민과는 차별되었을 것이다. 국역의 내용이나 성격의 차이를 고려해 볼 수 있다. 이러한 측면에서 신라의 노인은 일반 민과 천인 사이의 존재로 판단할 수 있을 것이다. This article attempts to understand Silla’s ruling system over the Noin(奴人) written on Bongpyeongnibi(鳳坪里碑), which was erected in 524. As a groundwork, this article first distinguished Noinchon(奴人村) and general Chon(村) from various Chons shown in Bongpyeongnibi. Considering the list of punishment and Beolgyoryeong(別敎令, the additional decree), only Nammijichon(男弥只村) can be judged as Noinchon. In 524, some of Chons under the command of central Chon where Dosa(道使) was dispatched, existed as Noinchon in the East Sea region. Nammijichon, which was primarily responsible for the situation caused by fire, was given Beolgyoryeong, and Sa-in(使人) of Adaehyechon(阿大兮村) and Galsijochon(葛尸條村) were punished with Nammijichonsa-in(男弥只村使人). Based on this, it can be figured out that Nammijichon residents at that time were mobilized to “Iyagyeseong([尓]耶界城)” as a Noin with the residents of general Chon. It is also noteworthy that the “Sa-in” played a major role in mobilizing residents, whether they are from general Chon or Noinchon. The Chonsa-in(村使人)s of Bongpyeongnibi were a local people who did not have Waewi(外位, provincial rank), or had a low one. Therefore, they were supposed to carry out the orders of Dosa sent to the central Chon as an administrative practitioner. However, the way of ruling the Noinchon through the Chonsa-in would have been possible only after the Noin group became Chon. Noin’s position remained in 520 when the Yullyeong was promulgated(前時王大敎法), but there would have been a significant change. At this time, it is possible to consider the possibility of incorporating the Noin group into the administrative system that leads from Dosa to influential person of central village and Chonsa-in by organizing the group into Chon and having a Chonsa-in. Even if the Noin does not mean “Cheonin(賤人)”, at least it seems to mean that they established hierarchical relationship with a specific subject and were subordinated to them. Therefore, the residents of the Noinchon would be differentiated from those of the general Chon. In this sense, the Noin of Silla can be judged as being between common people and Cheonin.

6세기 신라의 軍主와 광역 州의 관계

최경선(Choi, Kyung-sun) 충북대학교 중원문화연구소 2018 중원문화연구 Vol.26 No.-

6~7세기의 신라의 지방제도는 州-郡-城・村3단계로 구성되었으며, 군사적인 성격이 강하였던 것으로 이해되었다. 최상급단위인 州의 장관으로 파악되어 온 軍主는 군사적인 성격을 가장 뚜렷하게 보여주는 관직으로 인식되었다. 본고에서는 州에 관한 기록을 검토하여 州와 軍主의 관계를 살펴보았다. 『三國史記』에서 州는 특정 지역명에 州가 붙는 경우와 추상적인 의미에 州가 붙는 경우 등 두 가지 형태로 기록되어 있다. 그리고 『三國史記』의 기록을 바탕으로 전자에는 6停중 5개 停(=광역 州停)이 주둔하였으며, 광역단위인 후자는 광역 州停의 군사관할구역이었던 것으로 파악되어 왔다. 군주는 주의 장관으로서 특정 지명을 띤 주에 있으면서 광역 주까지를 군사적・행정적으로 관할하는 관직으로 이해되던 것이다. 하지만 「昌寧碑」(561)에는 『三國史記』의 기록과 달리 지명과 군주가 바로 결합되어 기록되어 있는데, 이는 군주 주둔지가 ‘州’로 불리지 않았으며, 군주가 주의 장관이 아니었음을 뒷받침해준다. 만일 「창녕비」의 ‘四方軍主’가 광역단위를 관할하였다면, 4개의 광역 주가 존재해야 하지만, 6세기 중엽 신라 영역 내에는 上州・下州・新州・于抽悉□支河西阿郡등의 광역단위만이 설정되었을 뿐, 碑利城과 대응될 광역단위는 설정되지 않았던 것으로 보인다. 군주 주재지와 추상적인 명칭의 주는 州治와 광역 주, 군단 주둔지와 군사관할구역으로서 대응관계를 가지며 설정되지 않았던 것이다. 따라서 군주는 군단의 사령관으로서 군주 주재지를 관할하였을 가능성이 크며, 7세기 전반~중반 사이에 광역 주와 군주제가 결합하기 전까지 군주의 역할은 큰 변화가 없었을 것이다. It is estimated that from the 6th to 7th century, Silla"s local system consists of three sections as Chu(州)-Kun(郡)-Sŏng・Ch’on (城・村). It was understood to have strong military characteristics. Kunju(軍主), known as the governor of Chu, the district of the highest level, was recognized as a government post showing the military characteristic most clearly. This study examines records on Chu to look into the connection between Chu and Kunju. In Samguksagi(三國史記), Chu was recorded in two forms. One is the case when the word "Chu" comes after specific place name and the other is after abstract word. Based on the record in Samguksagi, five of the six Jungs(停: A sort of corps) - in other words, broad-area Chujungs(廣域州停) - were stationed in the former Chus. The latter Chu, which was the broader area, was recognized as the military jurisdiction district of the broad-area Chujung. Kunju was conceived as the governor of Chu, staying at the specific-place-named Chu and controlling military affairs and administration of the broad-area Chu. However, in discord with the record in Samguksagi, the record of Ch’angnyongbi(昌寧碑: The monument was erected at Ch’angnyong in 561) remains in the way the place name and Kunju were directly combined and recorded. It supports the opinion that the post of Kunju wasn"t called "Chu" and Kunju was not the governor of Chu. If "Sabangkunju(四方軍主: Kunjus in four places)" governed the broad-area districts, then four broad-area Chus should"ve existed. But it appears that in the mid-6th-century Silla, only broad-area districts were established such as Sangchu(上州), Hachu(下州), Shinchu(新州), Wuchu・Silji・Haseoahkun(于抽悉支河西阿郡). No broad-area district was established that could correspond to Birisŏng(碑利城). Kunju"s post and broad-area Chu were not in fact established according to the conditions corresponding to governance of Chu, administrative district, army post and military jurisdiction district. There is more possibility that the jurisdiction of Kunju was limited to Kunju"s post and the function of Kunju must"ve not experienced great change from the 6th century to the early 7th century.

신라 5小京의 성립과 國原小京

최경선(Choi, Kyung-sun) 충북대학교 중원문화연구소 2018 중원문화연구 Vol.26 No.-

「영원사수철화상비」의 판독과 찬자(撰者)·서자(書者)에 대한 검토

최경선(Choi, Kyung-sun) 한국역사연구회 2016 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.101

「Yeong’weon-sa Suchel Hwasang-bi」 is a stone monument erected at the Yeong’weon-sa monastery in order to honor a Buddhist priest named Sucheol who was the 2nd ancestral figure of the Shilsang Sanmun sect during the ending days of Shilla. It documents his life and his Zen Buddhist philosophy, but the monument is not in a good shape and it is hard to read the letters on it. Making matters worse, it is believed that while being renovated during the Joseon period the order of the original contents were disrupted. In this article, however, it is assumed that the current status is displaying the original order. Estimation of how many letters are missing from the lower section is attempted. Thanks to a field trip investigation, several letters’ identity was newly determined, and a different approach to reconstructing his own life is now possible. Also, the governmental titles of the figures who either drafted or written the contents of this monument are analyzed upon the aforementioned assumption that the contents’ original order is intact. The author is determined to have been an official who was dispatched to Dang to congratulate Dang emperor Sojong’s arrival in the Eastern Capital(Nakyang), between Lunar April of 904 and October 905, when the monument was erected. It is also possible that the figure who authored similar biographies for other monuments could have authored the one for Sucheol too, but it is hard to ascertain. The person who ‘wrote(transcribed)’ the contents is determined to have been a military general and also held an eunuch status(This seems as a Shilla official title). It seems like a method to solidify the king’s own leadership by strengthening the practical power of the eunuch, or bringing titular prestige to him. Because Silla government was in a state of disorder, that would have had a limited effect.

6세기 신라 軍主의 군단과 그 역할

최경선(Choi, Kyung-sun) 충북대학교 중원문화연구소 2019 중원문화연구 Vol.27 No.-

6세기 신라의 지방제도는 군사적인 성격이 강하였던 것으로 이해된다. 특히 6세기 초에 설치된 군주를 주의 장관이면서 동시에 군사령관으로 보는 입장에서 그러하다. 본고에서는 군주를 군사령관으로 보는 입장에서 군주의 군단과 그 역할을 파악해 보고자 하였다. 『三國史記』 직관지 무관조에 기록되어 있는 광역 州停을 군주의 군단으로 파악하기도 한다. 하지만 이는 7세기 후반의 정토군과 동일시 할 수 있다. 정토군은 출정 시마다 편성되는 임시적인 군단이었으며, 복수로 임명되는 정토군의 장군은 군주가 항상 겸직할 수 있었던 관직이 아니었다. 따라서 군주의 군단을 광역 주정과 동일시할 수 없다. 또한 6세기 중엽에 四方軍主와 대응되는 4개의 광역 주가 설정되어 있지 않았다. 군주의 군단은 광역 주정과는 별개로 지방에 상시 주둔하는 군단이었다. 군주 주재지는 幢主주재지와 마찬가지로 중심성과 주변 성촌으로 이루어졌을 것이다. 군주는 당주보다 관등이 높고, 군주의 보좌관은 왕경인이었으므로 군주의 군단은 당주의 군단보다 규모도 크고 구성도 달랐을 것이다. 군단의 군관은 王京출신자와 군주 주재지 출신의 유력자로 구성되었으며, 병졸은 왕경인이 다수를 차지하였다가 지방민도 왕경인과 동일하게 군역을 지게 되면서 그 수가 증가하였을 것이다. 한편 5세기 후반 무렵부터 신라는 간접지배 하에 있던 주요 城·村에 조세 수취와 역역 동원을 담당하는 道使를 파견하여 직접지배를 시행한 것으로 보인다. 전 영역에 비교적 고루 배치된 도사와 달리 군주는 군사적인 필요성에 따라 변방지역 중 지리적인 이점이 큰 지역에 차례로 두어진 것으로 보인다. 그렇지만 군주 휘하 군단의 규모를 고려하였을 때, 신라의 영역 확장 과정에서 군주의 군단이 주력군이 되지는 않았을 것이다. 군주 주재지는 전방지역으로부터 일정 정도 물러난 지역에 위치하여, 군주의 군단은 교통로를 따라 연결되는 전방의 城들을 지원하여 적의 공격에 대응할 수 있었을 것이다. 이러한 방어체계로 신라는 확보한 영역을 안정적으로 유지하고자 했을 것이며, 방어체계 상의 중요성에 따라 군주는 「창녕비」에 ‘四方軍主’로 기록되었을 것이다. It is estimated that from the 6th to 7th century, Kunju(軍主), known as the governor of Chu(州), the district of the highest level, was recognized as a government post showing the military characteristic most clearly. However, based on Ch’angnyongbi(昌寧碑: The monument was erected at Ch’angnyong in 561), it was shown that in the mid-6th century, Kunju and Broad-area Chu were operated as separate system. Based on this, it was intended to review the army of Kunju and to understand the military operation system in Silla. First, I examined whether the broad-area Chujung(州停) could be regarded as Kunju"s army. The broad-area Chujung can be identified with the Expeditionary Force. The Expeditionary Force was a temporary army organized at per war and the admiral of the Expeditionary Force was not the additional post that Kunju could always get. Also, in the 6th century, the four broad-area Chus corresponding to Sabangkunju(四方軍主) weren"t established, so it can be concluded that Kunju"s army and broad-area Chujung were separate. Kunju"s army was a permanent presence in the provinces. Kunju"s army, like Tanju(幢主)"s, would have been based on central castles and surrounding fortresses and villages(城·村). Considering Kunju"s rank and subordinate, it is believed that Kunju"s army were larger and had a different composition than Tangju"s army. The military officers consisted of the people from the capital and potentates from Kunju"s post. The soldiers of the army consisted mainly of the people from the capital at first, however, the number of local people came to grow after they were imposed on the same military services as the people from capital. Toward the end of the 5th century, Silla may have begun to operate direct-control by dispatching Tosa(道使). Unlike Tosas, who were spread to throughout the dominions of Silla comparably, Kunjus seem to be stationed at the places that were on the border and had the most geographical benefits according to military needs. The post of Kunju located somewhat distant from the front line so that the army of Kunju could have supported the outpost fortresses connected along routes and counterattacked the enemies. Through such defense system, Silla must have tried to secure the conquered area. Due to the importance of the defense system Kunju would have been recorded as ‘Sabangkunju(四方軍主)’ in Ch’angnyongbi.

치과 병·의원 내 치과위생사 간 의사소통에 대한 질적 연구

최경선 ( Kyung-sun Choi ),문상은 ( Sang-eun Moon ),김윤정 ( Yun-jeong Kim ),김선영 ( Seon-yeong Kim ),조혜은 ( Hye-eun Cho ),강현주 ( Hyun-joo Kang ) 한국치위생학회 2021 한국치위생학회지 Vol.21 No.5

Objectives: This study aimed to offer basic resources needed to solve conflicts and problems of communication among dental hygienists working in dental clinics by comprehending and analyzing their in-depth communication experiences. Methods: Individual depth interviews were conducted with 10 dental hygienists who had over one year of clinical experience and worked in dental clinics in Gwangju, from September 16 to October 15, 2020. Colaizzi’s phenomenological analysis was performed. Results: The results of the interviews were grouped into four central categories: lack of communication due to differences in position, relationships they want to avoid, return to joint work, beginning of new communication. The participants of this study experienced difficulties in communicating with dental hygienists in the clinical field, but they overcame the conflicts by trying to understand others by putting themselves in others’ shoes. Conclusions: This study is expected to contribute to providing good quality medical services to patients by promoting effective communication among dental hygienists.

ZigBee-PSTN 기반의 독거노인 활동량 및 생체신호 모니터링 시스템 개발

최경선(Kyung-Sun Choi),전중창(Joong-Chang Chun) 한국정보전자통신기술학회 2016 한국정보전자통신기술학회논문지 Vol.9 No.1

최근에 이르러 평균수명의 증가로 인한 독거 노인층이 점점 증가하고 있으며, 독거노인은 외부의 침입이나 갑작스런 건강상의 문제로 위험에 처해질 가능성이 매우 높다. 따라서 독거노인의 의료 복지에 대한 관심이 날로 증가하고 있다. 본 연구에서는 인터넷 기반시설이 취약한 환경에서도 독거노인의 의료 복지에 용이하게 적용할 수 있는 활동량 및 생체신호 모니터링 시스템을 개발하였다. 이 시스템은 저 전력으로 동작하는 ZigBee 무선센서 네트워크와 PSTN(Public Switched Telephone Network) 전화망의 결합 시스템으로 구성되었으며, 일상생활 속에서 무구속적인 U-헬스케어 개념으로 활동량과 혈압 등의 생존 정보를 병원 및 보호자에게 전송할 수 있다. 또한 본 연구 결과는 미래의 독거노인 원격진료 시스템으로 확장하여 적용 될 수 있다. Recently the number of the elderly who live alone are increasing more and more as the average life span is prolonged. The elderly are probably in danger at home without being helped due to external aggressions or sudden health problems. Accordingly, more and more interests are taken in medical welfare for the healthy life of the seniors. In this paper, we have developed a mobility and vitality signal monitoring system based on ZigBee-PSTN gateway for the elderly. This combination of ZigBee wireless sensor network and PSTN can be easily established even in the poor internet infrastructure as is usually common for the elderly, with the advantage of providing non-constrained monitoring feature. The research result can be extended to the future tele-medicine system.

신라의 (성,촌)城,村 설치와 주군제(州郡制)의 시행 -하마다 고사쿠(浜田耕策) 「新羅の城,村設置と州郡制の施行」『조선학보(朝鮮學報)』 84, 1977-

최경선 ( Kyung-sun Choi ),( Kosaku Hamada ) 경희대학교 인문학연구원 2016 인문학연구 Vol.0 No.30

신라의 州郡制가 6세기 중엽에 이르러 분명히 시행되었다는 사실은 두세 개의 비문사료로 알 수 있다. 그런데 이에 이르는 과정과 州郡制 하의 지방사회의 구조에 대해서는 논한 바가 적다. 본고는 『三國史記』의 축성기사를 검토하여 축성사업의 시대적 역할을 우선 고찰하였다. 다음으로 6세기의 두세 개 비문을 통하여 지방사회의 구조를 추정하였다. 특히 변경지역은 산성과 촌으로 구성되어 있었다. 土壘나 石壘로 둘러싸인 산성과 성내의 촌, 그리고 산성 아래 촌이 이에 부속한 구조를 이루고 있었던 것이다. 이 산성과 촌의 보완관계 위에 성립된 기구로서 주군제가 시행되었다.본 논문은 국가에 의해서 지방사회의 구조와 질서가 처음 이루어진 측면을 중시하였다. 이 때문에 재지세력이나 기존의 사회구조에서 국가제도를 논하는 관점과는 다른 신라의 사회상을 제시한 것 같다. Ju-Gun System(州郡制) of the Silla was enforced in the middle of the 6th century. This can actually be known by two or three inscriptions. This research reviewed the records about founding mountain fortresses in Samguksagi(三國史記), and inferred structure of the local communities from two or three inscriptions. In particular, frontier zone was consisted of mountain fortresses and villages(城·村). Ju-Gun System(州郡制), organization based on complementary relations between mountain fortresses and villages(城 ·村) was implemented by state power.