현장 : 활천가족실 ; 축구 선교를 통한 유 청소년 부흥운동

채광수 기독교대한성결교회 활천사 2000 활천 Vol.557 No.-

韓・中서원의 院任 비교 연구-한국 소수서원과 중국 백록동서원을 중심으로

채광수 한국서원학회 2022 한국서원학보 Vol.14 No.-

This researcher examined the executives of seowon in Korea and China through cross validation on Sosu Seowon, Korea’s first seowon, and Bailudong Seowon in China which is one of the exemplary seowon in East Asia. The general difference in the executives is that Korean seowon appointed men of repute in the village voluntarily while the seowon was operated mostly with the system of a director-(jangui)-yusa. On the other hand, Chinese seowon were operated by dividing the executives for education and administration. Also, the director was appointed as one of the local officials or an invited great scholar, and it was influenced by the government largely. In addition, Chinese seowon had a more subdivided and larger organization about the executives than Korean ones. However, autonomy was guaranteed much more in Korean seowon than in Chinese ones which were influenced by the government strongly. The following is a comparison between Sosu Seowon and Bailudong Seowon. First of all, in Sosu Seowon that pursued the organization of a director-yusa, 657 directors served for five months on average from its foundation to 1900. They were mostly the enrollees of it, and the cases of those who served as the director twice or more reached up to 225, and they served as few as twice and as many as seven times. The bylaws stipulate the qualifications for being one of the executives among those who passed Mungwan (文官) and Sama (司馬), but more than half of them were Confucian scholars. Meanwhile, many of them were the figu res who lived in the villages near the seowon, and it was operated exclu sively by some Seonggwan (姓貫). From the mid- or late 18th century, prestigious men from outside or local officials in service were appointed as the director in order to adhere to governmental authority. About yusa, permanent yusa was there while temporary yusa were selected from time to time, too, to take charge of the duties. Concerning Bailudong Seowon, for Yeosan-gukhak in the Tang Dynasty, the master of Gugyeong (九經) in Gukjagam became Dongju in charge of teaching with a goal of edu cation to cu ltivate persons of ability then. In the Northern Sung Dynasty when the seowon was restored, it took on characteristics as a national school according to the prevailing trend of the time. The identity and characteristics of Bailudong Seowon were established by Chu-tzu in the Sou thern Sung Dynasty. He pu t himself in the position of the first Dongju and recruited students for teaching and also suggested the direction that the seowon should pursue, for instance, Dangjang (堂長), inviting noted scholars, or supervising the lectures. The most noteworthy part about the Ming Dynasty is that Dongju who had passed Gwageo formed up to 90%. This was a phenomenon in response to the trend of seowon becoming bureaucratic due to the government’s control over education. Since teaching in the seowon during the Qing Dynasty took ‘Gwageo Gongmyeong’ as its main principle, the court dispatched a person suitable for this condition as Dongju. 이 글은 韓・中서원의 院任을 한국 최초의 서원 소수서원과 동아시아 서원의 모범 중국 백록동서원을 교차 검증한 것이다. 원임의 일반적인 차이점은 먼저 한국서원은 향촌 내 명망가를 자율적으로 선임 하되, 주로 원장-(장의)-유사 체제로 서원을 운영했다. 반면 중국서원은 교육과 행정을 담당하는 원임으로 구분하여 운영했고, 원장은 지방 관료 또는 대학자 초빙 등의 형태로 이루어졌는데 官의 영향력이 크게 작용했다. 또 중국서원이 한국서원 보다 원임의 직제가 보다 세분되어 있으며, 조직 규모가 더 컸다. 다만 한국서원은 관의 영향력이 강한 중국서원에 비해 자율성이 크게 보장되었다. 다음은 소수서원과 백록동서원을 비교해 살펴보았다. 우선 원장-유사 직제를 지향한 소수서원은 창건부터 1900년까지 657명의 원장은 평균 5개월씩 재임했 다. 이들은 주로 입원생 출신들로 2회 이상 원장을 중임한 자가 무려 225회에 달했고, 적게는 2회 많게는 7회나 역임하였다. 규약에는 文官과 司馬 합격자 중에서 원임의 자격을 명시하고 있으나 실제 유학 신분의 비율이 절반이 넘었다. 한편 이들은 주로 서원 인근 고을에 거주한 인사들이 많은 가운데, 일부 姓貫들에 의해 배타적으로 운영되었다. 18세 중・후반부터는 외부 명망가, 현직 지방관을 원장으로 삼아 官權과 밀착했다. 유사는 상시 유사를 두면서 서원의 필요에 따라 임시유 사를 수시로 선발하여 일을 담당하게 하였다. 백록동서원은 唐代 여산국학은 국자감 九經박사가 동주가 되어 교수를 관장하 며, 과거 인재 양성에 교육 목적을 두었다. 서원이 복원되는 북송 대에는 당대 보편적인 흐름에 따라 관학적 성격을 띠었다. 남송 대 주자에 의해 백록동서원의 정체성과 특징이 형성된다. 그는 스스로 초대 동주에 올라 원생을 모집해 강학한 것을 비롯해 堂長과 유명학자 초빙, 강학 업무 관장 등 서원의 지향할 방향성을 제시해 주었다. 명대는 과거 출신 동주가 무려 90%를 차지하고 있는 점이 가장 주목 되는 부분이었다. 이는 조정의 교육 통제에 따른 서원의 관학화 흐름에 조응한 현상이었다. 청대 서원의 강학 성격은 ‘과거 공명’을 주요 기조로 삼았기 때문에 조정 에서는 이 조건에 적합한 인사를 동주에 파견했다.

昌寧成氏 聽竹公派의 상주 정착과 노론계 院宇 건립 활동

채광수,이수환 조선시대사학회 2016 朝鮮時代史學報 Vol.79 No.-

The purpose of this study is to examine Changnyeong Seong-ssi Cheongjukgongpa family’s settlement in Sangju and foundation of Wonwoo during late Chosun. The family represented Noron families that were widely distributed in Yeongnam then. This family’s Sangju Iphyangjo, Seong Ram, was born in Seoul and was one of the Seoin-sect scholars. But because of Namro coexisting in that period and his positive participation in Hyangchon activity, he could form a background to settle down in that local community favorably. On the grounds that Seong Ram laid, his descendants, too, strived to extend their outside relationships in Hyangchon society with such ways as Saman Iprok. Succeeding to Giho-hak and performing Noron-based political activities both, they could maintain their identity as Noron family where Namin was still the mainstream. These tendencies are well exhibited by Heungam․Seosan Seowon and Chunguidan Noron-sect Wonwoo founded and operated initiatively by this family. Having this as mediation, they solidified their status in Hyangchon society and at the same time could obtain their constant status in Yeongnam Noron society during late Chosun. 이 논문은 조선후기 영남 내 광범위하게 존재했던 노론 가문을 대표하는 상주 창녕성씨 청죽공파 가문의 정착과 院宇 건립 활동을 다룬 것이다. 이 가문의 상주 입향조 成灠은 서울 출신으로 서인계 학자였지만 南老가 공존하던 시대적 분위기와 향촌활동에 적극 참여하면서 원만하게 지역 사회에 정착할 수 있는 배경이 되었다. 성람이 구축한 기반 위에 그 후손들도 三案 입록 등의 방법으로 향촌 사회에서 외연 확대를 위한 노력들을 경주하면서 기호학 계승과 노론계 정치활동을 병행 하면서 남인이 주류인 지역에서 여전히 노론계 가문으로서 그 정체성을 유지하였다. 이러한 성향은 이 가문 주도로 건립․운영된 흥암․서산서원, 충의단 노론계 원우들을 통해서 잘 드러나며 이를 매개로 향촌사회에서 자신들의 위상을 강화해 나갔고, 동시에 조선후기 영남 노론 사회에서 일정한 위상을 가질 수 있었다.

영남 소론계 가문의 존재와 계승 양상 -봉화 진주강씨 姜恪 가문을 중심으로-

채광수 대구사학회 2020 대구사학 Vol.139 No.-

This study deals with Jinju Gang Doeungongpa belonging to Soron family that is hardly found in Yeongnam. Two son descendants of the iphyangjo (入鄕祖) coming down to Yeongnam during Byeongjahoran pursued their own saekmok separately as Noron and Soron. The case that the old and the young were divided in a single family seems to be the one and only in Yeongnam. Soron-faction Doeungongpa of the second sons continued their marital relations constantly with Namin considering the regional situation that Namin had formed the absolute majority since the iphyang (入鄕). Especially from the 19th century, the status of marriage was elevated considerably, and it was associated with this family’s growth, for instance, the dramatic increase of those who passed So․Daegwa or the discharge of Yuilcheon. Also, the will to be one of Yeongnam people could be already found in the change of economic grounds from Geungi to Andong area. After Doeungongpa Pajo Gang Gak’s firstborn son, Gang Chan, did sasuk (私淑) pursuing Yun Jeung, the descendants succeeded the Soron school. Scrutinizing ethics, he built seosil and took it as a place for ganghak and cultivating younger scholars. This seosil played roles as the origin of gahak and symbolic space and also the pivot of uniting the clan. Gang Jae-hang who had bridging roles in extending the family tradition entered yunjeung following the uncle, Gang Chan. He was a flexible person that was rather free of saekmok, and the range of his association included Namin and No․Soron people broadly. He was a figure that succeeded the family tradition of ‘Bansobannam’ firmly. Gang Pil-hyo, the gojae (高弟) of Yun Gwang-so who succeeded the main line of Soron, was the top scholar discharged from the family. His Soron-related deeds in Yeongnam are found as the operation of Beopgyeseosil and the activities of seowon. About the former, with his regular ganghak and special lectures, it functioned as a place for Soron-related ganghak. Concerning the latter, through visiting seowon and munja, he kept recalling and bringing up the academic origin of his and embodied that. As shown above, research on Soron Doeungongpa that can represent Yeongnam appears to have significant meaning in revealing the diversity of Yeongnam society in late Chosun.

조선후기 善政碑 건립 과정과 시기별 추이 -경북지역을 중심으로-

채광수 영남대학교 민족문화연구소 2020 민족문화논총 Vol.75 No.-

Monuments of good governance that were constructed until the collapse of the Chosun Dynasty are relics that are representative of the ‘honor’ culture of district magistrates. Monuments of good governance were raised voluntarily by the people, under the lead of e・hyangims, or by local governors (suryeong). Of these three channels, the most frequently used were by e・hyangims and by local governors. Monuments of good governance were erected when exemplary government that c orresponds to the seven events of a magistrate was c arried out or when there was public opinion that the people have shared benefits due to magistrate policies. When decisions were made for the construction of good governance monuments, various procedures were discussed through councils and construction funds and stone transportation were secured through segregation to each myeon. The largest portion of construction costs was used for stone carving and because the compositions of good governance monuments were relatively simple, production did not take long periods of time. With construction trends of good governance monuments in the Chosun Dynasty, there were good governance monument bans during early periods so there were no official erections until the prohibitions were terminated. Even during the Reign of King Jungjong when the prohibition orders were terminated, erections were made under relatively strict standards. The late Chosun Dynasty can largely be divided into three periods. In the first period from the reign of King Seonjo to the reign of King Hyeonjong, issues were raised with the disuse of good governance monuments and as prohibition orders were given a second time during the reign of King Hyeonjong, construction trends were not constant. The second period was from the reign of King Sookjong to the Days of Kings Yeongjo・Jeongjo and with power gained from the strengthening of royal authority, prohibition measures against good governance monuments along with decisive actions towards demolition achieved uniform success. In particular, specific punishment regulations were set against those who violated prohibition orders with the efforts of Park Moon Soo during the reign of King Youngjo and Jeongjo progressed with the demolition of good governance monuments that were in violation of prohibition orders. The third period was that of Sedo politics and it was a period when good governance monuments were constructed regardless of rank in all areas across the country and the period was flooded with good governance monuments.

서원의 특수 의례 종류와 실제 -追享禮・致祭禮・賜額禮를 중심으로-

채광수 한국서원학회 2020 한국서원학보 Vol.10 No.-

This article has reviewed the types of special ceremony of Seowon (memorial hall for Confucian services to honor distinguished scholars and statesmen) and the detailed performance process through the actual cases of individual Seowon that has pertinent data still available. The ceremony of Seowon in the Joseon Era was a very important function with regular ceremony and irregular special ceremony. In the position of Seowon, the special ceremony was the larger event than the regular ceremony and it was an important ceremony to display the status of Seowon at the time. Following is the sorting out the characteristic aspects of Chuhyangrye, Chijerye and Saaekrye as seen from the main context. First, Chuhyangrye is the ritual ceremony that added characters to existing Seowon. For the Seowon of the Joseon Era, there was more Seowons for Haphyang (multiple ceremonies) type than the Seowons for Dokhyang (sole ceremony) where only one person was enshrined. Therefore, the frequency of Chuhyangrye was higher, but it was perceived as honorable as Iphyangrye. In the preparatory process, the ceremonial characters were requested to a number of people and it had the method of flexibly selecting the event date. The enshrinement manner was not clearly established and the record of government position on the enshrining plaque did not have certain established standard either. Jipsabunjeong, Jinseol, enshrinement ceremony and the like were not different from a general enshrine quarter. In the meantime, there was a case of enshrining along with the portrait of the deceased. Second, Chijerye had the most special important implication from the ceremonies of Seowon. Dosan Seowon was the subject of largest Chije that it was a great example to clarify Chijerye. Chijerye was processed around the ceremonial officer who was dispatched with the delegation of decree from the king. The Chije Officer briefly stayed to have the instructions on overall event, such as, installation of the tent where the hyangchuk was enshrined, approval for certain ceremonial manner, and so forth. From the ceremony, one that was significantly different from the ceremonial quarter was the different point of Heongwan (officer for ceremonies) and Jinseol. Heongwan had only one Chije Officer to exclusively in charge and it had 3 glasses of alcohol on the wonwi and only a single glass was devoted on the jongwi. Also, it had more food with the higher ratio of rice cakes. And, third, Saaekrye means the ceremonies involving yeonaek that guided the name of tablet that the king rendered from the state to Seowon and posted talet. There was no clear provision of saaek during the Joseon Era but it was rather depended on the intent of the king, and after the mid- to later 17th century, there was a need for significant effort to obtain the saael (tablet rendered by the king). First of all, the board for manufacturing the tablet was prepared by Seowon to send to the local government office. From the time of posting the tablet in the hall on the event day, Chijerye was commenced and the fact that the enshrining board was enshrined on lower hall area, not the sadang (enshrining hall) to have the event would be the contrasting point from the ordinary Chijerye. Once the saaek, namely, the government certified Seowon was rendered, it usually accompanied the change of status in the local community.

일제강점기 서원의 복설과 제반 비용 -안동 臨湖書堂을 중심으로-

채광수 영남대학교 민족문화연구소 2023 민족문화논총 Vol.84 No.-

대원군 서원 훼철령 이후 서원이 지닌 역사적 의미는 일단락되었다는 것이통설이다. 따라서 한말-일제강점기 서원은 객관적인 탐구와 연구대상에서 배제되었고, 근대이래 생성된 자료에 대한 관심도 낮은 편이었다. 그러나 서원은 대원군 하야 직후부터 곧바로 신・복설되기 시작해 오늘날에 이르러서도 활발히 이루어지고 있다. 다수의 서원이 복설되었다면, 그것은 어떤 방식으로 추진되었을까? 이 물음에 답할 수 있는 조건의 서원이 있다. 바로 안동의 金涌을 모신 임호서원이다. 이 서원에는 일제강점기 복설 전후에 생성한 고문서들이 잘 보존되어 있기 때문이다. 이를 토대로 먼저 이건일기를 토대로 임호서원이 복설되는 과정을 재구성하였고, 다음은 현전하는 고문서를 분석해 제반비용과 기능을 조명하였다. 1920년경 김용의 후손들은 臨川書堂 경내에 임호서원을 복설하기로 결의한다. 복설이 결정된 주된 요인은 기존에 서원이 보유한 경제력이 발판이 되었다. 일반적으로 철폐된 서원 재산은 屬公, 향교 이속, 운영 문중의 자발적처분 등으로 다루어졌다. 그러나 임호서원은 훼철 이후에도 여전히 書院田을보유하고 있었다. 그 과정에서 일부 잡음도 뒤따랐지만 운천계 ⇨ 凡 의성김문 ⇨ 호론계까지 공감대를 형성하는 절차를 거치면서 훼철 55년 만인 1922 년 서당으로 복설되는 성과를 거둔다. 서원 이건사업은 막대한 인적・물적 비용이 소요되는 役事이다. 관의 인적・ 물적 지원을 크게 기대할 수 없는 처지에서 재원 확보는 후손들과 여러 문중에 부조가 전부였다. 다행히 임천서원은 후손들의 적극적인 관심과 협력 덕에책정액보다 765냥이 더 모금되어 총 19,765냥을 수합하였다. 이건 사업에 지출된 구체적인 비용은 공사비로 총 13,105냥 9전 5푼을 비롯해 인건비, 식료품비, 식비 등이 지출이 되었다. 이렇게 복설된 임호서당은 사당이 없어 제향은 설행하지 못했던 것 같고, 주로 모임의 장소로 기능했다. 매년 정례 모임을 비롯하여 문중 혹은 향중의중요한 사안이 있을 때마다 자리를 가졌다. 회합에는 내앞의 문중 구성원들뿐아니라 먼 곳에 거주하는 유림들도 동석했다. 이 시기에 왜 서원을 복설하려고 했을까? 가장 큰 이유는 20세기 초에도여전히 서원을 필요로 했던 사회적 분위기 때문이라 하겠다. 즉 전통시대 향촌에서 실력 행사의 매개가 되었던 서원이라는 문중 기반 상실에서 오는 위기감이 크게 작용하였던 것이다. It is a common belief that the historical meaning of Seowon ended after Daewongun’s decree of demolishing Seowon. Therefore, Seowon in late Joseon and the Japanese colonial era were not subject to objective exploration or research, and interest in data generated after modern times was rather low. However, Seowon began to be built or rebuilt immediately after Daewongun’s resignation, and it is still being actively done today. If a number of Seowon were reinstalled, how was it done then? There are the conditions of Seowon that can answer this question. It is Imho Seowon in Andong which enshrines Kim Yong (金涌). It is because ancient documents generated before and after the reinstatement in the Japanese colonial era are well preserved in this Seowon. First, based on the notes of rebuilding (Igeon Ilgi), the process of reinstalling Imho Seowon was reconstructed, and next, existing ancient documents were analyzed to shed light on all related costs and functions. Around 1920, Kim Yong’s descendants decided to reinstall Imho Seowon inside the precincts of Imcheon Seodang (臨川書堂). The main factor in the decision of its reinstallment was the economic power previously held by that Seowon. Normally, the properties of abolished Seowon were treated by Sokgong (屬公), Hyanggyo Isok, or the voluntary disposition of the operating clan. Imho Seowon, however, still held Seowon Jeon (書院田) even after the demolition. In the process, some noise was there, too, but through the process of forming a consensus among Uncheon-gye ⇨ Beom (凡) Uiseong Kim’s family ⇨ Horon-gye, it was rebuilt as Seodang in 1922 after 55 years from its demolition. The project to rebuild Seowon is a construction work that requires enormous human and material costs. In the situation where they could not expect enough human and material support from the government, the only way to secure financial resources was the aid from descendants and other families. Fortunately, thanks to the great interest and cooperation of descendants, Imcheon Seowon collected a total of 19,765 Nyang that was 765 Nyang more than the estimated amount. The specific expenses spent on the project of rebuilding include not only a total of 13,105 Nyang 9 Jeon 5 Pun for construction but labor costs, food costs, and eating expenses, too. Imho Seodang rebuilt in this way seems to have been unable to perform ancestral rites because there was no shrine, and it mainly functioned as a place for meeting. E very year, they held a regular meeting and also gathered whenever there was a crucial issue of the family or village. In the meeting, not only the members of the family but Yurim living distantly, too, attended. Why did they intend to reinstate Seowon then? The biggest reason is the social atmosphere of the early 20th century in which they still needed Seowon. In other words, the sense of crisis coming from the loss of a family’s foundation, Seowon, which was the medium for exercising power in the traditional village played a major role.

18세기 말 19세기 초 英陽縣 雲谷影堂의 置廢 -조선후기 영남 復縣의 노론계 院宇 건립 사례

채광수 경북대학교 영남문화연구원 2018 嶺南學 Vol.0 No.64

Grounded on 『Ungokyeongdang-janggo』, the records of hyangjeon developed fiercely between sin-gu hyang in Yeongyang-hyeon that went through bokhyeon during the late 17th century about founding Ungokyeongdang to enshrine Chu-tzu and Song Siyeol from the late 18th until the early 19th century, we can reorganize the case of chipye(installation and abolition) of Ungokyeongdang that is rather briefly mentioned in government-compiled historical records. Seowon in the early 18th century had roles in accelerating the split of cliques by letting the central ruling clique to bring down the japa clique and also jaejisajok take the lead in the hyangchon. In Yeongnam, too, after the Gapsulhwanguk, reacting to the support of the central Noron clique and local government authority, rising Noron cooperated to found 20 Noron-line wonwoo, and among them, the ones to enshrine Song Siyeol are found the most. In Yeongyang-hyeon, too, taking advantage of that situation, the sinhyang clique built yeongdang in yun May of 1781 (Jeongjo 5) after all the hardships getting advice from gyeonghyang; however, Soron-line Jo Si-jun appointed as Gyeongsang Gamsa in September damaged and demolished(hwecheol) it on a charge of building seowon newly. Five years after that, Seogan-sa, the future being of Andong Kim Sang-heon Seowon that had caused troubles both in public and private sectors in Yeongjo’s reign, seemed to be reconstructed with the saaek in 1786 (Jeongjo 10) as an opportunity; however, it went for nothing due to namin’s interference. After that, Ungokyeongdang notified it to Seonggyungwan and others to yubeol the initiators of hwecheol, and in February of 1802 (Sunjo 2), they got support from the central government along with the appointment of Noron-line Gamsa, Nam Gong-cheol, and finally succeeded in reconstructing it. But in February of 1806 (Sunjo 6), Soron-line Gamsa, Yun Gwang-an, committed hwecheol again, and then, fact finding was done through sangseo to the king. The result showed that in the process of hwecheol, there had been serious problems in terms of ibong or uijeol, and those involved in it got punished. However, the yeongdang was no longer reconstructed. Regarding the chipye of Ungokyeongdang, the guhyang of namin desperately needed to hwecheol the yeongdang even up to three times though it had been approved by the central government. It was because they had to hold the dominant position in the hyangchon. At the same time, the growing sinhyang of Noron tried the reconstruction of that yeongdang also three times challenging the hyanggwan. It was the case that took place within that conflict, and it plainly tells us how hard it was to build Yeongnam Noron-line wonwoo in late Chosun. 본 연구는 17세기 후반 복현 된 영양현에서 주자와 송시열을 배향한 운곡영당이 치폐를 다룬 연구이다. 영양현에서는 18세기 후반에서 19세기 초반까지 新舊鄕간의 향전이 치열하게 전개되었다. 이와 관련된 기록인 『雲谷影堂掌故』를 근거로 관찬사료에서 비교적 간략히 언급된 운곡영당의 치폐를 살펴보았다. 18세기 초 서원은 중앙 집권세력에게는 자파 세력 부식을, 재지사족에게는 향촌 주도권을 확보하는 세력 간 분기를 촉진하는 역할을 한다. 영남에서도 갑술환국 후 중앙 노론세력과 지방 관권의 지원과 이에 부응한 신출노론의 협조 하에 20여개소 노론계 원우가 건립되는데 이중 송시열을 배향한 원우가 그 비중이 제일 높다. 영양현에서도 이러한 분위기에 편승한 신향세력들이 京鄕의 자문을 받아 곡절 끝에 1781년(정조 5) 윤5월 영당을 건립했으나 9월 경상감사로 부임한 소론계 趙時俊에 의해 서원을 신설한 혐의로 곧바로 훼철을 당한다. 5년 뒤 영조연간 朝野에 파란을 일으킨 안동 김상헌 서원의 후신인 西磵祠가 1786년(정조 10) 사액된다. 이러한 분위기에 편승해 중건이 이루어진 듯 했으나 남인들의 저지로 무산 된다. 이에 운곡영당 측은 성균관 등에 통고하여 훼철 주도자를 儒罰하고, 1802년(순조 2) 2월 노론계 감사 남공철의 부임과 때를 맞춰 중앙의 도움을 받아 마침내 중건에 성공한다. 그러나 1806년(순조 6) 2월 소론계 감사 尹光顏에 의해 또 다시 훼철을 당하자 임금에게 상서하여 진상조사가 실시되었다. 그 결과 훼철과정에서 移奉 예절 등에 심각한 문제점이 규명되면서 훼철 관련자들은 처벌을 받지만 더 이상의 영당 중건은 이루어지지 않는다. 운곡영당은 중앙으로부터 인정받은 영당임에도 3차례나 훼철되었다. 이는 구향에게는 향촌내 우위를 지속하기 위한 절박한 문제였다. 반면 신향은 3차례나 영당을 건립을 시도할 만큼 성장하여 향권에 도전했다고 할 수 있다. 운곡영당의 치폐는 이러한 신구향이 충돌한 사건이자 조선후기 영남 노론계 원우 건립이 얼마나 어려웠는지 단적으로 보여주는 사례이기도 하다.

선산 밀양박씨 龍巖公派의 형성과顯祖 朴雲의 현양 사업

채광수 역사문화학회 2023 지방사와 지방문화 Vol.26 No.2

밀양박씨 용암공파의 선계는 서울ㆍ김제ㆍ용궁을 거쳐 박운의 부친대에 선산에 안착한다.진사시에 입격한 박운은 도학자로 명성이 높던 박영을 사사하고, 김취성ㆍ이언적 등과 교유하였다. 그의 생애 최대 파격은 이황에게 자신의 편찬서를 질정해 인정받은 대목이다. 또한 지극한 효를 실천해 지역을 대표하는 효자로 이름났다. 향후 이 가계는 박운의 탄탄했던 학문적ㆍ사회적 소산 위에 영남의 유수한 가문과 連婚하게 되고, 현손 대까지 세칭 ‘三齋九堂’을 배출하면서 선산을 대표하는 명문가로 우뚝서게 된다. 여기에 적잖은 노비와 토지를 집적한 경제력도 겸비하고 있었다. 이러한 배경은 용암문중에서 다양한 문중 활동을 전개하는 動因이 되기에 충분했다. 박운의 현양 사업은 16세기 효자 정려, 17세기 낙봉서원 제향, 18세기 효자에서 선생으로 호칭 변경ㆍ 용암문집 간행ㆍ관련 유적지 정비 형태로 진행이 되었다. 일선지 효자 조에 수록된 박운은 주자가례에 입각해 喪葬禮를 행한 功으로 사후 고을민들이 공의 덕을 추모하기 위해 이 사실을 조정에 올려 정려를 받아 효자비를 설치했다. 1646년 낙봉서원에 입향된 박운은 비록 단독 제향처는 아니나, 추모 공간으로서 손색이 없었다. 송당학파 일원으로서 김취성과 함께 서원에 입향 된 첫 사례라는 점에서, 용암공파로서는 서원을 보유한 지역 핵심 문중이 되었다는 점에서 의미가 있었다. 박운의 호칭 변경 안은 효자보다는 선생이 훨씬 품격을 드높일 수 있고, 조선시대 학자를 존숭하던 인식의 발로였다. 이어 용암문집 은 본손의 재원 마련, 낙봉서원의 주관, 이상정의 교감 단계를 거쳐 1780년 간행되었다. 용암공파 가학의 연원이며, 문중 정체성이 내재된 용수암과 명경당은 여러 차례 정비를 통해 족적 결속을 다졌다. 선산 밀양박씨 용암공파를 주목한 까닭은 뚜렷한 현조의 배출과 재지적 기반을 고찰할 수 있는 세전 자료, 나아가 전방위적인 현양 사업의 성과물이 현존하기 때문이다. 조선시대 향촌사회사의 실체를 구체적으로 확인할 수 있었다는 점에서 학술적 의의가 있다. The lineage of Yongamgongpa of Milyang Park Clan has been settled in Seonsan in the parent’s generation of Park Woon through Seoul, Gimje and Yonggung. Park Woon who passed the National Jinsa Examination learned from Park Young who had a high reputation as a scholar of Taoism and studies and befriended with Kim Chwi-seong, Yi Eon-jeok and others. The greatest breakthrough of his like was that he corrections made on his compilation writings on Yi Hwang and acknowledged of his accomplishment. In addition, he practiced utmost filial duty to have his name known as the most representative man of filial duty throughout his hometown. On the sound foundation of academic and social heritage of Park Woon, he engaged with reputable family of Yeongnam, and produced the so-called ‘Samjegudang’ up to the present generation to stand tall as a reputable clan to represent Seonsan. In addition, it is also blessed with the economic power with numerous slaves and land. Such a background is sufficient to be the cause to engage in various clan activities by the Yongam Clan. The exaltation project of Park Woon involved in encouraging the filial deeds in the 16th century, enshrinement of Nakbongseowon in the 17th century, change of name from the filial man to the master or teacher in the 18th century, publication of Yongammunjip , clearance of relevant relic site and so on. Park Woon who is listed on the filial men section of Ilseonji is recognized for his virtuous deed to exercise the burial ceremony based on Jujagarye, resulting in the village people to install the filial son monument after his death to commemorate his virtuous deed by requesting the royal government with his factual deeds. In 1646, Park Woon who was admitted to Nakbongseowon had no issue as a space of commemoration even if it is not a sole place of enshrinement. As a member of Songdang academic faction, he was the first case of admission in the Seowon along with Kim Chwi-seong that it has its implication in the point that he became a key clan member in the region that held the seowon as a Yongamgongpa. The plan to change the name of Park Woon was initiated from the recognition that it could enhance the dignity much greater than the perception of being a filial man and there is a perception to esteem much greater for the scholars during the Joseon Era. Thereafter, Yongammunjip was published in 1780 through preparing the financial resources of main stream descendent, supervision of Nakbongseowon, and sympathy phase of Yisangjeong, Yongsuam and Myeonggeyongdang as the parts of the Yongamgongpa family learning with the innate of clan identity have built up the family bonding through a number of realignment. The reason to pay attention to Yongamgongpa of Seonsan Milyang Park Clan is that there is co-existence of data handed down that may contemplate the discharge of distinctive ancestors and intellectual foundation as well as the outcomes from the omni-directional exaltation project. It has certain academical implication in the aspect to confirming in details about the actual status of the village society history of the Joseon Era.

제5장 산청지역 남명학파의 서인화 연구 -단성지역을 중심으로-

채광수 남명학연구원 2022 남명학연구원총서 Vol.13 No.-