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        식탁 위의 근대

        주영하 ( Young Ha Joo ) 한국사회사학회 2004 사회와 역사 Vol.0 No.66

        This study is about the painting, "Banquet celebrating the Trade-Treat between Joseon and Japan(朝日通商章程) in 1883(owned by the Christian Museum belonging to Unv. Sungsil)" by An Jung-sik(安中植) in the late Joseon Dynasty. The painting described the scene of the banquet held in the Governmental Office of the Trade between Joseon and Japan(統理交涉通商事務衙門) in Jae-dong(齋洞),Seoul, Korea The members of this banquet were eight of the Korean, two of the Japanese, P G. von, Mollendorffthe who played a key role in contracting the treat, and his wife. This painting showed the characteristic of the modernistic banquet which originated from the early European modernistic countries. At that time the late Joseon Dynasty was standing in the turning point to the way of the new modernistic country, this treatise, therefore, aims to research the Sociological and Cultural meaning of the characteristics of the modernistic banquet held in the royal of the late Joseon Dynasty. The details of the table are following; first, table wares are all in western style. A knife and a fork and three spoons, in front of each guest. On one of the wares, is it likely to be cutler. There are a porcelain caster with red-colored string, likely to be filled with salt, pepper, soy-sauce and vinegar, and a powder-blue porcelain(粉靑沙器) filled with sugar cubes Five wine cups in different shapes and sizes. Beside them, there are a wine kettle porcelain and a bowl with a hexagon-shaped lid. It seems that the kinds of alcohol, whisky and gin were used in the banquet as well as grape wine in view of the different shapes of the cups. Piled-up Korean traditional cookies on the bowl looks likely to be desert. It shows that a style of the traditional Korean food was maintained partly in the banquet. The arrangement of the seats reflects partly the order of ranks of the royal in Joseon Dynasty; the seat of the korean host is the highest and those of the other guests are arranged according to the order of ranks. So the guest who was in the lowest rank was seated in the farthest from the host. This way of the arrangement of the seats are pretty familiar with that of the royal in Joseon Dynasty. The governmental officials in the Joseon Dynasty were regularly seated in order of the ranks, the head of each Office sat toward the direction of south (主壁),the second, east(東壁),the third, west(西壁) and the lowest rank, north (南床). In the painting, the Japanese guest is seated in the third rank (西壁), lower than that of Korean host and the german adviser(Mollendorf). This arrangement contradicted to the diplomatic courtesy of the modernistic country at that time. This means that the officials and the class of mainstream elites in the Joseon Dynasty did not recognize the contemporary modernistic trend of the world. They thought they could accept the structure of the western technology(西器) and develop the traditional Korean culture(東道). The details of the painting reflects the idea of the conservative elites in the late Joseon Dynasty, ``Dongdoseogiron(utilization of the eastern thought and the western technology 東道西器論)``; the arrangement of the seats, the eastern thought(東道) and the table wares, the western technology(西器). When the modernism of the west arrived in Joseon, it developed in it`s technological way. We can see the scene on the table.

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        1882년 왕세자 척의 혼례 관련 왕실음식발기 연구

        주영하 ( Young Ha Joo ) 한국고문서학회 2016 고문서연구 Vol.48 No.-

        This paper is a research about the table settings of two steps of “Gantaek” (揀擇, the selection process for the crown princess) and “Gwanrye” (冠禮, Coming-of-Age Ceremony) of the Crown Prince Chuck (石) in 1882 in the Joseon royal palace “Eumshik Bal’gi” (飮食發記/飮 食件記, palace cuisine list). The followings are the result of the research. First, there is a high possibility that the Crown Princess of the Crown Prince Chuck (石) was already chosen during the period of “Cho Gantaek”(初揀擇, the first selection process the crown princess). It is because the words appeared on the list of table settings of “Jae Gantaek”(the second selection process for the crown princess) in “Eumshik Bal’gi”; “Agissi jumulsang”(阿只氏晝物床), table for the crown princess), “Cheojasang yuksang”(處子床六床, tables of six ladies), “Agissi jinjitsang” (阿只氏進支床, dinner table for the crown princess), “Jinjitsang yuksang”(進支床六床, dinner table for six ladies). Second, the tables served for the candidates of three steps of “Gantaek” were “Jinjitsang”(a dinner table), while the tables for other attendees including the King, were simple “Janchitsang”(a banquet table). Third, it is confirmed that it had provided the most rich cuisine to the hero or heroine in the events of Joseon royal palace. I found out three research methods for “Eumshik Bal’gi” through this present research. First, it is necessary to study same events together in a group in different versions of “Eumshik Bal’gi”. Second method is selecting same events in “Eui’gwe”(儀軌, ritual protocol manuals specifically created for banquets) or “Deung’rok”(謄錄, Journal of recordings) and researching about them. This method of study has an advantage that reconstruct participants, table settings, and cuisine lists which were not mentioned on “Eui’gwe” or “Deung’rok”. The last method is arranging and analyzing the contents of “Eumshik Bal’gi” by year or by eras of kings, regardless of the types of events. Through the research, we can reveal the food types were set during the royal palace events and their alteration tendencies by period. A majority of literatures about Joseon royal palace cuisine, are the repositories of table settings and recipes were actually practiced in the past. Especially, “Eumshik Bal’gi” is the articulated list of table settings and cuisine by participants. It would be possible to concretely unveil royal and imperial palace cuisine, during the King Gojong era, Korean empire government period and period of the Japanese government general of Korea, if we comprehensively study literatures at The Jangseogak Archives(藏書閣, Old Document Library at the Academy of Korean Studies), Muncheon-gak(文泉閣, Old Document Library at Gyeongsang National University), and some private collections.

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        제주음식의 역사와 문화에 대한 향후 연구 과제

        주영하(Young Ha Joo) 제주학회 2012 濟州島硏究 Vol.37 No.-

        본고는 제주음식의 역사와 문화에 대한 그 동안의 연구 성과를 살피고, 향후 이에 대한 연구에서 지녀야 할 과제를 제시하는 데 목적을 두고 있다. 기존 연구 성과를 살펴본 결과 제주음식에 대한 문화적 특징을 통시적으로 파악하지 못한 점에 문제가 있었다. 필자가 살펴본 바는 다음과 같다. 제주음식의 역사적 특징은 주식이 분식(粉食)에서 입식(粒食)으로 변화되었다는 점이다. 적어도 19세기 말까지 제주도 사람들은 기장·조·피·콩·메밀·보리 등의 잡곡을 분식으로 만들어 주식으로 삼았다. 그래서 반찬보다는 국물이 있는 음식을 주로 범벅 이나 빙떡 과 함께 먹었다. 20세기에 들어와서 보리 재배가 증가하면서 보리가 주식이 되었다. 비록 부분적으로 한반도의 육지로부터 멥쌀이 유입되었지만, 본격적으로 쌀밥을 주식으로 먹기 시작한 때는 1960년대 제주도에서의 벼농사 본격화 이후이다. 보리밥과 쌀밥이 주식으로 자리를 잡으면서 범벅이나 빙떡은 특별한 날 먹는 음식으로 변했다. 그 대신에 육지와 유사하게 각종 반찬이 보리밥이나 쌀밥을 먹을 때 마련되었다. 나는 제주음식의 이러한 역사과정을 문화적 육지화(cultural landization) 라고 명명한다. 1980년대 이후 제주도가 관광지로 인식되면서 제주음식은 관광객을 위한 음식으로 탈바꿈을 하였다. 오늘날 한국인들이 생각하는 제주음식은 대부분 1980년대 이후에 개발된 관광음식이다. 제주도를 방문하는 관광객은 처음에 관광지에서 해당 지역의 특이한 음식에 관심을 가지지만, 자신들이 익숙한 음식을 소비하려는 경향을 가지게 된다. 그래서 육지에서 온 관광객은 대체로 각종 회와 갈치·고등어·전복·성게 등을 비롯한 각종 생선을 재료로 한 음식을 제주음식이라고 인식한다. 이러한 문제의식을 가지고 향후 연구가 이루어진다면 최근에 제기되고 있는 관광음식, 로컬푸드운동, 지역학으로서의 제주학과 제주음식에 대한 연구가 더욱 심도 있게 진행되리라 믿는다. This study is to research the history and the culture of Jeju-food and it aims to suggest the extended tasks. The results of the established studies did not satisfy the cultural diachronic characteristics of Jeju-food. My argument is as follows. The historical characteristics of Jeju-food show that main staple changes to grain based food from flour based food. The residents of Jeju Island have eaten the grain based food such as proso, millet, sawamillet, pulse, buckwheat and barley at least until the end of 19th century. So they have eaten Bumbuck and Bingduck (like korean pudding) with soup rather than with side dishes. Barley has been the main staple food due to its increase in production in the 20th century. Although some nonglutinous rice got into Jeju Island through the main land of the Korean Peninsula, the people in Jeju have been eating rice as main staple after they have begun rice farming in 1960s. Bumbuck and Bingduck have become special food after boiled barley and cooked rice settled as the main food. Instead, residents in Jeju island have started cooking rice and side dishes just like main land. I named this historical process of Jeju-food the cultural landization. Since 1980s when many people began to recognize Jeju as a tourist attraction, Jeju-food has transformed so that they are suitable for tourists. Jeju-food are known to Koreans today. Tourists who have visited Jeju are interested in the local food but they tend to consume more familiar food. Therefore tourists from the main land have been recognizing Jeju-food as follows. Various kinds of sashimi made of hairtail, mackerel, abalone, and sea urchin. Further studies are necessary with critical mind in Jeju studies and Jeju food which are now focused on tourist food, and local food movements.

      • 한국 종가음식의 문화적 의미와 가치

        주영하 ( Joo Young-ha ) 한국계보연구회 2012 한국계보연구 Vol.3 No.-

        I want to focus on the cultural meaning and value of Korean head family(宗家)food that has lately become an social issue. Investigating the context of clan rule from the ancient Chinese era and investigating the relation between the Joseon dynasty head family and food based on its clan rule. The head family food of Joseon has a specific meaning. First, it has the property of one regional community that connects several families together. Especially, the cookery is shared with the relative of the grandnephew and grandmother within the social system. Second, the difference of perception about courtesy in the social system shows ’Each Family Manners(家家禮)’.It makes each different ceremonial food and art according to the head family in each clan. Third, the conception of Neo-Confucianism influences the cookery of ‘food control(食治)’ and ‘food moderation(節飮食)’. This rule of small-eating and preventing disease applies to head family food. Fourth, the food materials in setting table contain a variety of food such as the grains, vegetables, poutry, fowls, and fishes. Moreover, the traditional Korean sauces like soy sauce, soybean paste, and red pepper paste and the kimchi group reflects the taste of head family food. However, the many events of 20th century of Korean society like the Japanese colonial era, agrarian reform, Korean war and modernization changed the pre-modem social-economic base sustaining the head family. This has resulted in the head family disorganization and the decline of head family food. Nevertheless, some head family has kept on their legacy in the rural areas. Such conditions like the following have been required to sustain the heritage of the head family and food in the 21st century. First, the head family is where the right grandson has persistent ancestral rites(不遷位祭祀). Second, the definition of head family food is the food consumed by the family members in the clan house based on rural area. Third, ingredients of head family food must be produced and obtained in the same region as much as possible.

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        고추와 매운맛 : 동북아시아 매운맛의 유행에 대한 연구

        주영하(Joo Young-Ha) 비교민속학회 2007 비교민속학 Vol.0 No.34

        This paper purposes to analyze a growing trend towards ‘spiciness’ in Seoul·Tokyo·Beijing after mid 1990’s in a comparative folkloristic way. Red pepper should be the first to be considered in terms of spiciness, however, in other aspect, mara of Sichuan and hot sauce of Mexico, which is one of chili sauce like Mexican salsa, are major sources for spicy flavor. Spiciness of Korean red pepper has ‘sweet and spicy’ taste while that of mara and chili sauce is referred to as hot as ‘fire in mouth’. ‘Buldak(hot chicken)’, which was one of the most popular food in Seoul around year 2000, has spiciness of hot sauce. Vogue for spiciness in Northeast Asia has gone through at least two major periodical stages. The first stage was 16th century when red pepper was brought in and became regional preferences. Spiciness of Korean Kimchi and hot pepper paste and that of Sichuan(四川)’s mara was known at this stage. In fact, before the introduction of red pepper, there were already preferences for spiciness in Korea peninsula and some parts of China through cilantro, pepper, and garlic. After the introduction of red pepper, it was added to the spicy recipes in particular regions of China, however, red pepper took the representative position for spiciness over the existing spicy ingredients in Korea. This was driven from the desire of the 18th Chosun(朝鮮) society for homogenization by centralization. On the contrary, upper and middle Chang river(長江) area of China was clearly a constituent region thus rendering red pepper one ingredient among many other spicy sauces. Compared with the two countries, Japan’s regional division was clear under ecological condition and the society was also under the similar political circumstances, which can be compared to a small basin. Therefore the nation’s condition caused a failure of nationwide vogue for red pepper even after its introduction. In spite of the Japanese avoidance of red pepper, it was counted as one of the seven ingredients which is referred to ‘shiqimitogarashi(七味唐辛子)’. Moreover wasabi is needed in sushi. Spices such as wasabi and shiqimitogarashi became flourishing ingredients among cities’ restaurants in Edo(江戶) period. Nevertheless, in late 20th century, multinational entrepreneurs spreaded mexican hot sauce, bringing spiciness which has similar taste with Mexican chili into fashion in Japan and adding hot sauce style flavor into existing spiciness in Korea. This trend is somehow related with travel boom began in 1980s to Southeast Asia and China and growing interests in ethnic food in Japan. Indian curry and Sichuan food from China were already Japanized in 1960s. Thai and Korean food were introduced as ethnic food after 1980s. These were the most famous exotic food that led the fever for spiciness. Amid vogue for spiciness There were restaurants that take the most important roles in the food service industry. The wave for spiciness, a marketing strategy by the industry, stimulated Japan’s young generation’s desire for new food. Main cause for the recent fashion in spiciness in Northeast Asia is new experiential world accomplished by traveling overseas and sharing mass media after 1980s in every Northeast Asian countries. However, the fashion gave different conditions to each countries to maintain the tendency. In Japan, marketing point is effect of capsaicin in Kimchi on diet. In Korea, existing spiciness was affected and changed by nursery industry and food companies but the industry didn’t stress connection between hot taste of red pepper and weight loss to be the major marketing strategy. In China, mixture of Sichuan food-still has its regional uniqueness-and Beijing food is invented as a fusion cuisine emphasizing its spicy flavor. But nationwide vogue for spiciness in China was a result of dramatical prosperity of food industry after the reform and opening of China because the industry put emphasis on special spicy food of particular regions. Accordingly nutr

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