조선후기 단성지역의 사회상 ; 조선 왕조 건국 전후 태국과의 교류에 대한 역사적 고찰

조흥국 ( Hung Guk Cho ) 성균관대학교 대동문화연구원 2008 大東文化硏究 Vol.62 No.-

태국과 말레이 무슬림 간의 알력에 대한 역사적 고찰 - 16 , 17 세기 분쟁을 중심으로 -

조흥국 (Hung Guk Cho) 한국동남아학회 1994 동남아시아연구 Vol.3 No.1

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14 - 17 세기 동남아 - 중국 - 일본 무역관계

조흥국(Hung Guk Cho) 한국동남아학회 2001 동남아시아연구 Vol.11 No.1

Between the 14th and the 17th century, the seaborne trade in the South China Sea and the East China Sea was more active than in any other period before. In the 14th century. Southeast Asian kingdoms such as Majapahit and Ayutthaya. China and Japan began to take an active interest in overseas trade. However, the 17th century saw a decline in the trade of China, Japan, Thailand, and Java. Thus, the period has a significant importance of its own in understanding the history of Northeast Asia and Southeast Asia. The Sino-Thai-Japanese trade is often explained as a concept of triangular trade. Thus, for example, a merchant ship which sailed from Ayutthaya would often drop at Chinese ports, and then go to Nagasaki, or vice versa. The East China Sea and the South China Sea, which are influenced by the same monsoon and ocean current, are not to be considered separately: the trade world of the former includes the latter and the commercial dynamism of the latter always involves that of the former. Thus, it is necessary to have a grasp of the whole structure of the trade among the major countries in the two regions, leading to understanding its character properly.

17세기 후반 태국의 무슬림 사회와 마카사르인 폭동에 관한 연구

조흥국 ( Hung Guk Cho ) 한국동남아학회 2013 동남아시아연구 Vol.23 No.2

The pro-European policy of the Siamese government of King Narai in the second half of the seventeenth century and the aggressive approach of France which, meeting the Siamese foreign policy, commercially as well as religiously advanced into Siam and even sent a military unit to this kingdom, gave rise to a strong antipathy and opposition among the Siamese bureaucracy and the Buddhist population. The antipathy of the Siamese society manifested in the 1688 Palace Revolution led by Phettharacha who was backed by the confidence of the Buddhist population and a large part of the bureaucracy. The revolt of the Makassarese during August and September in 1686 occurred also as an opposition to the pro-European and Catholic-friendly policy of the Narai court. The Makassar revolt ended, however, in failure, while the revolution in 1688 was successful, bringing forth a new regime of the so-called Ban Phlu Luang dynasty. A plain and obvious reason of the failure was that King Narai was still maintaining a strong control over the court and the population. Another important reason seems to lie in the difference of attitude of the Siamese society toward the two events. To put it simply, while the Siamese society gave support to the 1688 revolution, it did not sympathize with the Makassar revolt and even regarded it as dangerous. The reasons of such a point of view and attitude toward the Makassar revolt might have been that the actors of the event were not the Buddhist Thai who constituted the main group of the Siamese population, but Makassar Muslims from Sulawesi, Indonesia. This study shows that the Siamese society then regarded Buddhism as the cultural fundament of the Siamese kingdom, with the king and the kingship being essentially Buddhist. Although the Siamese society, which attached great importance to overseas trade, attracted Muslims and Christian Europeans into the kingdom, allowing them relatively free economic and cultural activity, it did not look on unconcernedly when they threatened the Siamese cultural tradition and the Buddhist cultural essence of the Siamese kingship, the protector of that tradition.

임진왜란에 대한 택국의 실용 외교와 중국의 이이제이(以夷制夷) 외교

조흥국 ( Hung Guk Cho ) 한국동남아학회 2009 동남아시아연구 Vol.19 No.3

영국 식민 진출 이후 미얀마 화인사회의 형성과 변화

조흥국 ( Hung Guk Cho ) 한국동남아학회 2007 동남아시아연구 Vol.17 No.1

동남아 화인사회 연구 / 현대 태국 화인사회의 발전과 변화

조흥국(Hung Guk Cho) 한국동남아학회 1999 동남아시아연구 Vol.7 No.1

N/A

12-14세기 베트남 사람들의 한국 이주에 대한 재고찰

조흥국 ( Hung Guk Cho ) 동아대학교 석당학술원 2013 석당논총 Vol.0 No.55

Intercourses between the Korean Peninsula and India or Southeast Asia which were carried out via China, seem to have developed already during the era of the Three Kingdoms and that of the Sinla Kingdom, and they continued during the Goryeo Dynasty. Through the intercourses flowed products of Southeast Asia and India into the market of Goryeo. During the Yuan Dynasty, for example, it seems that a Southeast Asian man who stayed in China came to Korea and was active in the Korean society. During the Goryeo Dynasty it could have even happened that some Vietnamese came to and settled down in Korea, which may be understood against the background of the intercourses in East Asia on the one hand and brisk trade between Goryeo and Yuan China on the other hand. Three cases of Vietnamese migration to Korea during the Goryeo era, especially from the twelfth to the fourteenth century, are being talked of in Korea as well as Vietnam. It is said that the founders of the clan Mak, the clan Yi of Jeongseon, and the clan Yi of Hwasan were Vietnamese. The claim that the forefather of the Mak clan was a Vietnamese, Mac Dinh Chi by name, is hardly founded. Jeongseon issi jokbo, genealogy of the Yi clan of Jeongseon, upon which the supposition of the Vietnamese origin of this Yi clan is based, shows many problems in its records. Nonetheless, the fact that the descendants of this clan have edited a pedigree of the Yi clan of Jeongseon which puts a foreigner, Ly Duong Con by name, from Vietnam, a country that was hardly known to the then Korean society, as the founder of their clan, makes the claim of the Yi clan of Jeongseon to have a Vietnamese origin not easily denied. The claim of the Yi clan of Hwasan to be descended from a Vietnamese prince has a decisively week point that the name of the Vietnamese progenitor of the clan, Ly Long Truong, is not to be found in Vietnamese historical records. However, the story of the creation of the Yi clan of Hwasan by a Vietnamese prince is much better founded by various Korean historical sources, which requires a more serious approach to it.

POST-2015 개발 의제에 있어서 원주민 교육의 중요성에 대한 일고찰

조흥국 ( Hung Guk Cho ),이경애 ( Gyeong Ae Lee ) 21세기기독교사회문화아카데미 2015 신학과 사회 Vol.29 No.1

The aim of this research is to elucidate the background of why international society focuses on Indigenous Peoples regarding POST-2015 Development Agenda and to suggest the direction which Korea International Development Cooperation area would take the action for IPs keeping the pace with the flow of the international tendency. Considering the diversity of IPs, an official definition of indigenous’ has not been adopted by any international organizations. Instead of defining IP, international organizations categorized them. In that category, self-identification of IPs is the most important element. According to the category, the IP population of six continents is about 370 million which are scattered into more than 70 countries. They correspond to 15% of the people who live at extreme level of poverty in the world and one third of 900 million people who live in extreme poor rural communities. IPs’ population has decreased at a fast rate, the language has disappeared, and human rights deprived, biodiversity and knowledge of the nature on their residence are being destroyed. The background of the reason why IPs are being focused on POST-2015 development agenda of International society is the result of efforts of certain Human Rights Organizations, International Organizations, and United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) after having several discussions of United Nations for decades. Along with IP development issue, IP-centered education based on IP’s culture and language has been emphasized on POST-2015 development agenda, as well. Donor countries, including South Korea, have a task to deal with IP’s education as an important part of Development Cooperation for developing countries.

절대군주와 타이 사회: 1932년 이전 태국 국왕의 정치,문화적 위상과 역할에 대한 역사적 고찰

조흥국(Hung Guk Cho) 한국외국어대학교 국제지역연구센터 2003 국제지역연구 Vol.7 No.1

태국 왕권의 개념과 실제는 왕조사의 시작부터 1932년 입헌혁명에 이르기까지 여러 변화를 겪어 왔다. 처음에는 가부장적 왕권으로 가능했지만, 왕국의 통치 범위가 점차 확대되면서 보다 보편적인 왕권 개념이 필요하게 되었고, 그것은 가부장적 왕권에 불교군주의 개념이 가미된 형태로의 발전으로 나타났다. 불교적 왕권은 13세기 말 이후부터 짜끄리 왕조 시대에 이르기까지 태국이 불교국가로 존재하는 한 태국 왕권의 바탕과 틀을 형성하게 된다. 한편 태국의 왕권에 대한 논의에서 중시되는 힌두교적 왕권 개념은 캄보디아로부터 도입된 것으로 보이는데, 힌두교적 왕권 특히 데바라자에 대한 종래의 논의에서 왕이 힌두교 신과 동일시되었다는 왕권의 신격화는 사실이 아니며, 데바라자 컬트는 어디까지나 왕권의 수호자인 힌두교 신에 대한 하나의 제사행위로 이해되어야 한다. 태국의 왕권 개념에서 가장 중요한 것은 불교적 왕권이며, 그것은 담마라자와 짜끄라바르띤이라는 두 가지 불교군주 개념으로 대표된다. 근대 이전 태국 역사 전체를 두고 볼 때, 그것이 가부장적 왕권이건, 힌두교적 왕권이건, 불교적 왕권이건, 이러한 이론적 왕권은 실제의 현실정치에서는 대부분의 경우 백성 위에 군림하는 절대군주의 형태나 그 활동 양상으로 나타났다. 그것은 한편으로는 권력을 강화하고 유지하려는 국왕의 관심이었으며, 다른 한편으로는 국왕과 함께 왕국의 통치엘리트 계층을 형성하는 관료사회의 이해관계의 표출이기도 했다. 그러한 절대군주로서의 왕권은 19세기 이후 점차 약화되어 국왕-백성 관계가 근접하게 되었다. 이 변화의 가장 중요한 원인은 서양과의 접촉이 증가하면서 타이 사회에 대한 서양 문물의 영향이 갈수록 증대되었기 때문이다. The conception and practice of kingship in Thailand has undergone many changes since the beginning of its dynastic history in the 13th century. The most important concept of kingship was the Buddhist kingship. The Hindu concept of kingship in which a king is generally identified with a Hindu deity, especially Shiva, has also instigated much discussion among students of Thai kingship. The deification of kingship, however, does not fit to the real picture. The so called devaraja cult must be understood as a ritual dedicated to a Hindu deity who was regarded as the protector of the king, not as a one to worship the king(raja) as a god(deva). In the pre-modern history of Thailand, the conceptual kingship, whether a patriarchal or a Hindu or a Buddhist, was different from the one in real politics in which kings in most cases manifested themselves as absolute monarchs reigning over the populace. The latter seems to have been related to the interests of kings to strengthen their own political power or those of the bureaucracy which together with the king formed the governing elite class. The absolute royal power, however, weakened since the 19th century, so that the relation between the king and the populace became closer. The most important reason for this change seems to be the influence of Western culture as a result of the increased contact of Thai society with the Westerners.