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The goal of this paper is to reexamine the proper applications of NONFINALITY constraints, in particular, NONFINALITY(´σ) constraint and NONFINALITY (FT) constraint within Optimality Theory (OT). To properly describe the prosodic status of final syllables in languages with trochaic systems like Latin and English, we propose that the foot-leveled NONFINALITY(FT) constraint be replaced with a new NONFINALITY(σweak-in-foot) constraint regulating the foot membership of word-final syllables. Although NONFINALITY(FT) constraint is for antepenultimate stress patterns in more than 3-syllabled words, it fails to account for the stress patterns of 2-syllabled words in size because they are undersized for the constraint application. With the ranked NONFINALITY(´σ ) constraint and NONFINALITY(σweak-in-foot) constraint interaction, we can capture and describe both of the avoided prosodic structures, word-final stressed syllables and weak-footed syllables word-finally. NONFINALITY(FT) constraint still survives to reduplicate the effects of Foot Extrametricality within constraint-based approaches.
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This paper reexamines secondary stress in Modern Greek. Debates about secondary stress are as follows: (a) the relative prominence of two stresses found in the cliticized words; (b) the presence and role of rhythmic secondary stress. In this paper, it is shown that the added stress, in the process of cliticization, rather than the original lexical stress, is the most prominent because the former satisfies primary-specific constraints, EndRule-R, and *Final-Long-Lapse. Also, it is demonstrated that the presence of rhythmic stress in the phrase-level is phonologically justified based on vowel reduction/elision phenomena. A cophonology approach proposed by Anttila (2002) is employed here to handle two different sets of co-existing stress patterns, that is, those of words and cliticized words. Phrasal rhythmic stress is accounted for by interaction between *Clash constraint and *Lapse constraints, along with basic stress assignment principles. Significantly, there is a split in anti-lapse constraints into *Lapse, *Final-Long-Lapse, and *Lapse_(Left). Of greater importance is to avoid lapse within final three syllables and lapse to the left of a stronger stress than avoid just adjacent unstressed syllables in Modern Greek.
The typology of stress systems shows asymmetries in the directionality of iambic foot paring. Under Optimality Theory, such asymmetries have made some analysts attracted to the asymmetric application of alignment constraints, dispensing with the constraint A<sub>LL</sub>-F<sub>T</sub>-R and keeping only the constraint. A<sub>LL</sub>-F<sub>T</sub>-L. This study contends that there is a close correlation between the size of minimal feet a language allows for and directionality of alignment constraints cross-linguistically. Focusing on the typology of directionality in unary and binary stress systems, this study tries to show that asymmetric alignment approaches are typologically untenable, considering that the unary systems put top priority on exhaustive foot parsing into prosodic words and as a result, symmetrical foot parsing directionality is indispensable. Binary stress systems showing iambic footing asymmetries, however, place value on achieving eurhythmic goals because the unattested right-aligning iambic patterns include unfavorable initial lapse. Iambic asymmetries are explained by the interaction of *LAPSE constraint with symmetric alignment constraints. The typology of bidirectional stress systems, although they are rarely occur, also gives support to the mutual relation between minimal foot size and alignment directionality.
The goal of this paper is to cross-linguistically examine the equivalence between a single heavy-syllable foot and a two-light syllable foot in the rhythmic grouping. In spite of their bimoraicity nature in quantity, (σ.μμ)F=(σ˘ μσ˘ μ)F does not function equally across languages under the guidance of quantitative asymmetry between iambs and trochees proposed by Hayes (1995). In iambic system languages the iambic-specific phonological process such as Iambic Lengthening attempts to be the best quantitative shapes of disyllabic uneven iambs (LH) by means of lengthening the strong branch of (LL). As a result, the rank of (H) > (LL) comes out. The Trochaic Shortening process does the same role in the trochaic system languages to reach the harmonic goal of disyllabic even trochee (LL), producing (LL) > (H), otherwise (LL) and (H) are not scaled each other. Therefore, the equivalence between (σ.μμ)F and (σ˘μσ˘ μ)F does not seem to be a universal principle but a strong linguistic tendency which is varied with the presence of language-specific phonological processes like Iambic Lengthening and Trochaic shortening and their hierarchical constraint rankings wiith other constraints.