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자신의 학문을 민족문화운동의 일환으로 이해했던 조지훈은 신칸트학파의 영향 아래 한국학과 한국사 연구에 들어섰다. 한국사는 한국학을 구성하는 핵심이었으며 그의 실천의 식을 드러내는 중요한 수단이었다. 조지훈은 전통을 계승의 대상이자 가치 창조의 주체로 삼아 민족주체성을 바로 잡고자 했고, 한국사의 체계화를 모색했다. 또한 한국사의 독자성을 찾고 세계사와 견주기를 시도하는가 하면, 자연적·외적 조건에 인한 영향을 조화·융합하면서 한국사가 발전한다고 보았다. 원효의 철학과 동학사상을 이와 같은 전범으로 내세웠으며 한국사를 보는 주체적·개성적 시선을 갖는 것이 ‘한국적' 방법이라고 집약했다. 조지훈의 한국사 연구 영역은 문화사, 그 가운데 정신사(精神史)에 해당했다. 그는 민족이 조선 세종대에, 민족의식은 왜란·호란을 거치며 형성된다는 것을 시작으로, 실학운동-홍경래의 난-삼정 소요-갑신정변-동학혁명-갑오경장을 통한 민족의식 발달사를 체계화했다. 또한 독립운동도 정신사의 범위로 끌어들여 3·1운동-6·10만세운동-광주학생운동 등 민중의 독립투쟁을 높게 평가했고, 사회주의도 민족의식의 범위 안에서 수용하고자 했다. 이와 같은 조지훈의 한국사 서술은 민족의식에 절대성을 부여하는 규범적·윤리적 성격이 강했으며, 이는 사회 모순으로 인한 역사발전을 강조한 당시 소장 연구자의 내재적 발전론과 차이가 있었다. 조지훈은 한국학이 처음으로 공론화되던 1960년대 초에 한국사 연구를 통해 한국학의 역사적 흐름을 확인하고, 정신사 연구의 경험을 통해 한국학의 방향을 모색했다. 따라서 조지훈의 한국사 연구는 민족 중심 한국학과 민족문화운동의 설계도로서 의미가 있었다. Cho Ji-hoon, who understood his scholarship as part of the national cultural movement, began to study Korean history under the influence of neo-Kantians. Korean history was the core of Korean studies, and an important means of revealing his practical consciousness. Cho Ji-hoon wanted to make tradition the target of succession and the subject of value creation, and rectify the national identity, and sought to systematize Korean history. He also attempted to find the identity of Korean history and compare it with the world history, and believed that Korean history would develop through harmonization and convergence with natural and external conditions. He thought of Wonhyo's philosophy and the thought of Donghak as examples thereof, and said in summary that having the subjective and individualistic viewpoint of Korean history is the ‘Korean' method. The research area of Cho Ji-hoon's Korean history corresponded to cultural history, and particularly, intellectual history. Having started with the formation of the nationality under the reign of King Sejong and the formation of national consciousness during the Japanese and Manchu invasion, he systematized the history of the development of national consciousness through the Silhak Movement, Hong Gyeong-rae's Rebellion, the Samjeong Riot, the Gapsin Coup, the Donghak Revolution, and the Gabo Reformation. He also included the independence movement in the range of the intellectual history, and thought highly of people's struggle for independence, e.g. the March 1st Movement, the June 10th Independence Movement and the Gwangju Student Independence Movement, and tried to accommodate socialism within the scope of national consciousness. Cho Ji-hoon's description of national consciousness had a strong normative and ethical personality that gives absoluteness to national consciousness, which was different from the internal development theory of the young researchers of those days who emphasized the development of history due to the contradictions in our society. Cho Ji-hoon verified the historical genealogy of Korean studies through the research of Korean history in the early 1960's when Korean studies came under the spotlight for the first time, and sought for the direction of Korean studies through the experience of studying intellectual history. As a result, Cho Ji-hoon's study of Korean history became the blueprint of the nation-centric Korean studies and national cultural movement.
이 글은 1920년대 후반기와 1930년대 전반기에 민족주의 계열이 제기한 농촌협동조합론을 민족운동의 전개과정에서 살펴본 연구이다. 일제하 협동조합운동은 協同組合運動社, 朝鮮農民社, YMCA 등의 경제운동 단체를 비롯해 민족주의 지식인 일반으로부터 폭넓은 공감대를 형성하고 있었다. 그렇다면 이 시기 민족주의자들은 왜 협동조합이라는 조직 형태에 관심을 가지게 되었으며, 이를 통해 어떠한 경제적 지향을 담고자 했는지 검토해볼 필요가 있다. 이 글에서는 민족주의 계열이 농촌협동조합론을 제기하는 배경을 두 가지 차원에서 분석했다. 1920년대 이래 축적된 농업공황과 연이어 나타난 세계대공황의 영향에 따른 농촌파멸이 첫 번째이고, 이 시기 대두하고 있던 사회주의 계열과의 경쟁 및 정치적 세력 확대의 필요성이 두 번째이다. 한편 이 글에서는 농촌협동조합론의 경제적 지향을 민족주의 각 세력이 추구했던 협동조합의 형태와 협동화의 전망을 중심으로 크게 세 가지로 나누어 살펴보았다. 첫째는 동아일보 주도층과 동우회 일부 세력에게서 나타나는 농업은행의 역할 강조와 소생산자의 원재료 구매 · 판매의 협동, 즉 경영의 합리화라 불리는 이른바 자본주의적 협동조합론이다. 둘째는 대다수의 민족주의자가 채택한 소비조합을 통한 중간상인의 이윤 철폐와 신용조합의 지원에 의한 민간 차원의 자작농 창정을 추진하는 이른바 협동조합주의적 경향이다. 셋째는 천도교 조선농민사 · 전조선농민조합 등이 소비 신용조합 설치에서 한 발 더 나아가 생산조합을 통한 농촌공동체 건설을 지향한 흐름으로, 이는 사회주의적 협동조합론이라기보다 아나키즘 계열이 추진했던 농촌공동체 건설 방안과 유사했다. 일제하에서 추진된 민족주의 계열의 농촌협동조합론은 이와 같은 시대적 상황에 영향을 받으며 논리적 차이를 내장한 채 진행되었다. 따라서 향후 협동조합론에 대한 연구 역시 역사적 조건에 대한 이해를 바탕으로 각 주체들이 조직을 운영하는 방식 등에 대한 세부적인 검토로 진전되어야 할 것이다. This study examines the rural cooperative theory, proposed by the nationalist camp between the second half of the 1920's and the first half of the 1930's, in the development process of the national movement. The cooperative movement under the Japanese colonial rule formed an extensive social consensus among nationalist intellectuals as well as economic movement organizations like the Cooperative Movement Association (Hyupdongjohapudongsa, 協同組合運動社) and the Korean Farmer"s Company (Joseonnongminsa, 朝鮮農民社) and YMCA. If so, it is necessary to investigate why the nationalists of this time took interest in an organization called the cooperative, and examine what kind of economic orientation they tried to espouse. This paper analyzed the background of the rural cooperative theory, proposed by the nationalist camp, from two perspectives. The destruction of rural communities due to the Great Depression that followed the agricultural crisis which had built up since the 1920's, and the competition with the socialist camp, which was emerging at this time, and the necessity of expanding its political power influenced the rural cooperative theory. Meanwhile, this paper largely divided the economic orientation of the rural cooperative theory into three types with focus on the types of cooperatives pursued by nationalists and the prospect of the cooperative movement. First, it is the capitalist cooperative theory called rationalization of management, i.e. the emphasis of the role of the Agricultural Bank, and the cooperation in small producers' purchase of raw materials and sales, which appear in Dong-A IIbo"s leading group and some Dongwoohoe groups. Second, it is the cooperative trend, adopted by most cooperative theorists, that is, eliminating the middlemen's profits through consumers' cooperative, and supporting farmers' life through credit unions, and creating independent farmers in the private sector. Third, it was the cooperative theory like Cheondogyo Joseonnongminsa and Pan-Joseon Farmers' Cooperative that insisted on installation of producers' cooperative engaged in joint farming in addition to consumers' cooperatives and credit unions, and tried to build a rural community. Attention must be paid to the fact that it is similar to the utopian socialist and anarchist camp's plan to build a rural community although they did not have a direct influence on it. These conditions of the times and logical differences were inherent in the nationalist rural cooperative theory, which was pushed forward during the Japanese colonial rule. Accordingly, when future studies on cooperatives closely review how organizations were operated and clarify their nature, they will be able to provide a historical experience for the future society.
이 글은 조선학술원 설립을 주도한 백남운·신남철과 조선과학자동맹의 학술문화운동론을 비교함으로써, 운동정세와 문화운동 방침의 변화에 따라 표출된 학문의 사명에 대한 마르크스주의 지식인의 생각을 분석한 것이다. 특히 이 글에서는 1946년 초 조선문화단체총연맹(이하 ‘문련')의 등장과 함께 채택된, 그리고 미군정과의 관계 악화 이후 1947년 초 변경된 문화운동 ‘지도노선'의 영향 및 좌익 학술단체 통합체인 조선과학동맹의 조직을 중요한 계기로 검토했다. 조선과학자동맹은 설립 직후부터 연구자의 일사불란한 학술활동을 계획하며 정치운동과 직접 연결된 문련 내에서 과학이론의 생산을 책임지는 ‘이론부대 조직론'을 내세웠다. 조선학술원 주도층은 학문의 독립성을 원칙으로 삼은 채, 문련의 산하 단체가 된 이후에도 학문연구 성과를 바탕으로 현실에 정책적으로 개입하는 ‘학문적 기여론'을 제기했다. 이와 같은 두 가지 생각은 조선과학동맹의 결성과 함께 신국가 수립의 과업을 달성하기 위해 학자는 대중과 적극적으로 만나야 한다는 ‘이론보급대론' 아래 일시적으로 모이게 되었다. 그러나 그 내부에서는 마르크스주의를 유일한 과학으로 인정할 것인가, 또한 대중과 어떠한 관계를 형성할 것인가를 둘러싼 갈등이 잠재하고 있었다. 결국 이러한 생각들은 마르크스주의 지식인의 학문과 정치의 관계에 대한 사색의 결과였으며, 해방정국에서 아직 공개적으로 대립하지 않았지만, 마르크스주의 학문이 학술계에 자리 잡으면서 언제든지 표면화될 수 있는 학문관이었다. This article compared Baek Nam-woon and Shin Nam-cheol, who led the establishment of the Joseon Academy, and the academic cultural movement theory of the Joseon Scientists' Federation, and analyzed the thoughts of Marxist intellectuals about the mission of scholarship, which manifested itself due to the changes in the situation of movements and policies on cultural movements. In particular, in this article, the influence of ‘Instructional Line,' a cultural movement, which was adopted in early 1946 when the Federation of Joseon Cultural Organizations appeared, and went through changes in early 1947 when its relationship with the U.S. military government worsened, and the organization of the Joseon Scientists' Federation, an integration of left-wing academic organizations were reviewed as important factors. The Joseon Scientists' Federation began to plan the synchronized academic activities of researchers immediately after its establishment, and produced the ‘theoretical unit organization theory' responsible for producing scientific theories in the Federation of Joseon Cultural Organizations, which was directly connected to political movements. The leaders of the Joseon Academy made it a rule to maintain the independence, and even after it became an affiliated organization of the Federation of Joseon Cultural Organizations, it presented the ‘academic contribution theory,' i.e. active policy-level intervention in reality based on the results of academic researches. When the Joseon Scientists' Federation was organized, these two thoughts temporarily assembled under the ‘theoretical unit dissemination theory,' i.e. scholars should actively meet the general public to accomplish the mission of establishing a new nation. However, there were latent internal conflicts regarding whether to recognize Marxism as the only science, and what relationship they should form with the general public. After all, these thoughts resulted from contemplation on the relationship between Marxist intellectuals' scholarship and politics, and there was no open confrontation in the post-liberation years yet, but they were views of scholarship that could surface anytime as Marxist scholarship settled in academics.
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이 글은 우리나라의 대표적 온천 중 하나인 온양온천의 개발을 역사적으로 검토한 것이다. 온양온천 개발은 일본인 자본가와 유력자가 조선 왕실의 온궁을 점탈하면서 시작됐다. 그리고 이후 사설 철도 회사인 경남철도주식회사가 이를 인수해 대유원지화 계획을 세우면서 현재의 모습을 띠게 되었다. 이와 같이 온양온천 개발은 일제강점기라는 역사적 조건 속에서 일본인에 의한 이권 획득, 또한 일본인에 의한 조선인 차별이라는 식민성을 띠면서 전개됐다. 그리고 이른바 ``근대적`` 개발 과정에서 시설을 향유할 수 있는 대상은 확대되었으나 온천의 목적은 탕치에서 소비 유흥으로 변해갔다. 또한 이러한 개발은 아산 지역민들의 생활을 급작스럽게 변화시켰고, 그들을 개발의 주체가 아닌 객체로 소외시키기도 했다. 우리나라의 대표적 자연 환경과 관광 유산을 일본인, 외지인에 손에 맡겨야 했던 왜곡된 출발을 바로 잡는 것은 해방 이후의 과제였으나, 6.25전쟁의 참화와 생활난을 겪으면서 이는 후일로 미뤄지게 되었다. 그리고 온양온천은 1970년대 이후 생활 수준의 향상과 현충사 설치 등 관광 코스가 발굴되면서 대중적으로 주목받게 되었다. 그러나 외형적 성장은 이루었지만 일제시기 온양온천 개발 과정에서 나타났던 식민성, 또한 상업적 목적 아래 확대되었던 근대성과 지역민의 소외는 근본적으로 조명해보지 못했다. 안타깝게도 온양온천의 위세는 과거만 못한 것이 사실이다. 이럴 때일수록 온양온천 개발 과정을 성찰하고, 과거 관광 사업자와 외지인의 시각을 벗어나 관광소비자와 지역민을 위한 개발에 더욱 매진하여 진정한 대중의 여가 공간으로 거듭나길 기대해본다. This study looked into the development history of Onyang Hot Spring, one of the most representative hot springs in Korea. Onyang Hot Spring development began as Japanese capitalists and influential figures plundered Ongung, a temporary palace of Joseon Dynasty located on the hot spring. Since then, Gyeongnam Railways Corporation, a private railway company, took over Ongung and established plans to turn it into a large resort area as it is today. As such, Onyang Hot Spring development was carried out under the historic circumstance of Japanese ruling marked by acquisition of concessions and discrimination of the people of Joseon by the Japanese. Although the targets to enjoy the hot spring facility expanded over the course of the so-called ``modern`` development, the purpose of hot spring became tainted from that of hot spring cure to consumption and amusement. In addition, the hot spring development brought sudden changes to the lives of local people in Asan area. These people were even alienated as the object, rather than the subject of development. Rectifying the distorted beginning of having had to place the representative natural environment and tourist heritage of Korea in the hands of Japanese people was a task to be handled after liberation. However, it was put off to later days as Korea suffered the calamities of the Korean War and difficulty of living. Onyang Hot Spring was popularly taken notice of after the 1970s as tourist routes were developed, such as by the installation of Hyeonchungsa Shrine, and as the standard of living was elevated. Despite the outer growth, however, there has yet to be an instance to fundamentally focus on the issues raised over the course of Onyang Hot Spring development during the Japanese ruling era, such as colonial mentality, expansion of modernity under commercial objectives and alienation of local residents, Unfortunately, Onyang Hot Spring is in fact not as popular today as it used to be in the past. Under this circumstances, it is all the more anticipated that Onyang Hot Spring should be reborn as a space of leisure for the public in the genuine sense as we reflected on the course of Onyang Hot Spring development and focus further on development for local residents and tourism consumers by escaping from the viewpoints of outsiders and tourism traders as practiced in the past.
This paper examined the research methodology of the historical science of Joseon of the 1930's with focus on the method of understanding historical materialism, perception of development opportunities, and strategies for combining historical materialism with the study of the history of Joseon. Earlier studies paid attention to the two research trends, i.e. the theory of the universality of the world history and the theory of Asian specificity within historical science, but specific analysis of the theoretical backgrounds of the two trends and the method of connecting them to the history of Joseon was lacking. Advocates of the theory of the universality of the world history interpreted historical materialism from the monistic viewpoint, while criticizing theories and descriptions that emphasize the inferiority of Joseon. They considered primitive communism-slavery-feudalism-capitalistic society as the common development path of world history, and placed emphasis on national opportunities in historical development especially under the influence of the nationalistic viewpoint. To prove it, they adopted the method of comparing Joseon with various countries around the world. It was a precursor to the Joseon history perception system, i.e. the history of Joseon developed along the same path as the world history. Advocates of the theory of Asian specificity classify countries around the world according to the current level of their production capacity, and interpreted historical materialism from the pluralistic viewpoint. They agreed that there were only four types of production in history, but they believed that each stage can be omitted and modified depending on various conditions. Their perception of the uneven development of the world history led them to pay attention to the international opportunities in historical development. To prove it, they classify the Asian society as a separate form of development, and put Joseon into this category. As the difference from the West was highlighted, the historical perception trying to find the cause of backwardness came into being.
This study focused on whether existing studies on the ‘cultural movement' have overly-simplified this historical period, which was in fact a dynamic period in which various philosophies were introduced into Korea. More to the point, this study attempted to develop a proper perception of the ‘cultural movement' and of the period in which the Singanhoe (新幹會, New Korea Society) was active. In order to uncover whether all the participants in the ‘cultural movement' can rightfully be regarded as having wanted to establish a modern capitalist state, the study focused on an individual by the name of Sol T'aehui. This study will prove that S?l T'aehui regarded corporatism, which can be perceived as being closely related to socialism, as the best method of resolving pending national issues under the prevailing colonial circumstances, and the increasing of productivity based on small industries and production cooperatives as a more practical way of bringing about social reforms than the introduction of a capitalistic production system. The main findings of this study on Sol T´aehui can be summarized as follows: Influenced by Kang Yuwei and Liang Qichao, S?l T'aehui, a student of Confucianism who became an active participant in the domestic nationalist movement and an advocate of the concept of the survival of the fittest during the enlightenment period, accepted the Thought of Taedong during the 1910s. Arguing that the perception of ‘the weakest falls by the wayside' should be overcome and that mutual cooperation was in fact the most important value, Sol openly criticized the realist notions of capitalism. He also came to accept socialist ideals and the tenets of a socialist economic system. However, his Confucian background made it hard for him to accept the notion of a class struggle. As his ideological outlook began to approach corporatism, he eventually came to perceive the co-op movement, a peaceful social movement, as the best option for Korea. S?l T'aehuis activities during the 1920s were in large part related to his role in the Minuhoe and the Society for the Promotion of Korean Products. In his capacity as a member of the Minuhoe, S?l actively participated in joint undertakings with the domestic branch of the Shanghai faction that were designed to have the people of Chos?n's right to survive recognized. He was also actively involved in the establishment of consumer cooperatives during the Korean Goods Promotion Movement. His outlook, which was similar to that of the Rochedale Society of Equitable Pioneers, was based on the achievement of absolute equality, democratic forms of management, the protection of consumer rights, and the abolition of the usurious practices of middlemen. S?l actively encouraged the Korean public to purchase the goods produced in Choson, thus belying his desire to bring about social reforms through increases in productivity. The social reforms that he desired to bring about are evidenced by the production methods which he advocated: First, he clamored for the introduction of a handicraft industry and of a second income for agricultural families. Although this also reflected his desire to overcome the vices which he perceived as being associated with the mechanical production system, this request for the most part demonstrated his old-fashioned mindset. Second, he also advocated the notion of production cooperatives, including production associations and the formation of producer syndicates. This demand reflects S?l's desire to put an end to the capitalist notion of profits and consumption-based production.
이 논문은 1930년대 白南雲, 洪起文, 金台俊, 申南撤 등의 학술 활동과 ``과학적 조선학`` 수립론을 마르크스주의 진영 내의 학술문화운동론의 한 갈래로 평가하는 데 목적이 있다. 선행연구는 이들이 조선학에 관심을 가진 계기를 비타협적 민족주의 계열이 추진한 조선학운동과의 상관성 또는 개인적 관심사로부터 찾았지만, 최소한 위 네 명에게는 학술 활동을 매개로 조선을 연구하는 학문 수립이라는 일관된 문제의식이 공통적으로 자리 잡고 있음을 확인하고자 하였다. 이에 따라 이 논문에서는 세 가지 점을 주목했다. 첫째, 이들이 공개적 학술단체 활동을 통해 조선 현실에 개입하고자 했고 민족문화운동과 연계를 맺었다는 점이다. 그러나 그 연대의 과정은 반드시 조선학운동과 맞닿는 것은 아니었으며 그들의 활동 범위와 교류관계에 따라 다른 양상을 띠었다. 둘째, 1930년대 중반 이후 대체적으로 민족문화를 옹호하기 위한 공동전선의 필요성을 인지했고 전민족적 학술문화기관을 구상했다는 점이다. 학술문화기관은 민족주의 세력과 연합전선의 가능성 및 ``과학적 조선학``의 진지로서도 기능할 수 있었다. 셋째, ``과학적 조선학``이 민족주의 지식인의 조선학 개념으로부터 기인했다기보다 그들의 학문 중심적 사고에 기초를 두고 있었고, 이는 조선에 대한 법칙적 인식과 세계적 普遍學으로의 해소를 전망했다는 점이다. 즉 ``과학적 조선학`` 수립론은 이들의 학술 활동의 방향을 상징적으로 보여주며, 향후 개별 조선연구의 성격을 가늠하는 출발점이 되었다. The purpose of this paper is to evaluate the academic activities of Baek Nam-woon, Hong Gi-moon, Kim tae-joon and Shin Nam-cheol in the 1930`s and the theory of establishment of the ``scientific study on Joseon`` as a section of the academic and cultural movement within the Marxist camp. Previous studies argued that they took interest in Joseonhak (study of Joseon) because of its correlation with the Joseonhak Movement of the uncompromising nationalistic faction or their personal interests, but attempted to confirm that at least the four people mentioned above were commonly aware that they should establish a study on Joseon through the medium of academic activities. Accordingly, this paper noted three things. First, they tried to intervene in the realities of Joseon through the open activities of academic societies and affiliated themselves with the Nationalist Cultural Movement. However, this process of affiliation was not in line with the Joseonhak Movement, and it varied depending on the scope of their activities and their interaction. Second, after the mid-1930`s, they generally recognized the necessity of a united front to advocate the nationalist culture, and conceived a pan-nationalist academic and cultural institution. The academic and cultural institution could also function as the possibility of a united front with the nationalists and as the base for the ``scientific Joseonhak.`` Third, the ``scientific Joseonhak`` did not arise from the nationalist intellectuals` concept of Joseonhak, but it is rather based on their academics-centered thoughts, and it forecast the nomological conception of Joseon and the global mathesis universalis. In other words, the theory on the establishment of the ``scientific Joseonhak`` symbolically shows the direction of their academic activities, and formed the starting-point for judging the nature of individual studies on Joseon in the future.
This article is what about the Cooperative Movement Association, one of the big 3 Cooperative Movement organizations during the Japanese Colonial Period, to examine its organizing process, structure of leading group and cognition of reality. In the early 1920's, spreading influences of socialism, the Cooperative Movement Association based on Hanvit which was a group of the people who studying abroad and protesting methods of socialism movement was composed in Tokyo in 1926. The Cooperative Movement Association were a generation who experienced the Japanese colonialism in their childhood and built up nationalism, had a strong desire for an anti-feudalistic modernization, many of them were experts of economics from Waseda Univ. and Tokyo Commercial College. Both schools were affected by the economic school character of the German Young Historical School, and they were theoretical backgrounds that people were concerned about Cooperative Movement for a countermeasure of social problems. The leading group of the Cooperative Movement Association considered a current situation of Chosun as not only abnormal development process of capitalism but also the Industrial Revolution of Chosun by Japanese capitalism. They said all Chosun s people will become proletarian by Japanese imperialism in the end. Therefore they suggested that movement speaking for all classes should spread out, that unity of the public and independent discipline should be done by the only Cooperative Movement. On the other hand, Cooperative Movement Association took part in establishment of Shinganhoe branch in Tokyo. In the beginning of establishment. Cooperative Movement Association took the initiative among the sympathy with the Shinganhoe headquarters in Kyungsong but as the ML group's power expanded it organized joint forces with Chosun Communist Party(Seosang group) against ML group. In this union. there was a common cognition that an everyday strife which extensive classes participate was an urgent theme. Cooperative Movement Association moved the head office to Kyungsong and prepared substantial Cooperative Movement on April, 1928.
This paper is an analysis of the academic activities and research on Joseon of the group of practical intellectuals who have not received attention in researches on the Joseon Marxist Academic and Cultural Movement of the 1930's. The author tried to shed new light on them as one of the two axes of the Academic Cultural Movement along with those who forecast the ‘Scientific Joseon Studies' while working within the range of the Nationalist Cultural Movement, and lay the foundation for an inherent view of the academic activities immediately after Korea was liberated from Japanese colonial rule in 1945. The Proletarian Cultural Movement was a cultural maneuver led by the party and the state that emphasized the centrality of the working and farmer class immediately after Stalin took power. The Marxist intellectuals of Joseon during the Great Depression also thought hard about theoretical practice and paid a great deal of attention to this movement. The group which worked hard for cultural struggle in academics was the Marxists who graduated from Keijo Imperial University, the Social State Investigation Office and KOPF members. Their main topics were criticism of the Nationalist Cultural Movement, propagandizing the development of the Soviet Union, and the popularization of scientific theories. They criticized that the nationalists' researches on Joseon were engrossed in maintaining the vested rights of the old system while promoting the sanctity of the nation, and pointed out that the ‘Scientific Joseon Studies' were lacking in the political practice will. Based on this, they pursued the ‘Practical Researches on Joseon' that concentrated on the movement path of the working and farmer class. Furthermore, their overall research methodology was focused on an international approach emphasizing the movement of capital by the empire and the solidarity between the working class and the farmer class, and investigation of specificity for finding the origins of social problems and resolving these problems.
Contents, nature, meaning and implications of a certain argument, suggested right after the Korean liberation from the Japanese oppression, and also in favor of “Goryeo” as the title for the new state on the Korean peninsula, are examined in this article. It essentially shows how the history of Goryeo was generally evaluated by people of the time. This article is also meant to serve as a review of a past effort, which tried to reevaluate a certain part in Korean history from a different perspective on the verge of opening a new chapter for the Korean race. Hopefully such review would be inspiring for us all, living on a peninsula that has been divided for over 70 years, and especially in the current climate which for quite some time exclusively fathomed only ‘Daehan' or ‘Joseon' as valid state titles. The attempts made in this article could also allow us to approach the issue of “state title selections” from two different angles, not only seeing them as part of a political agenda, but also viewing them as a new way in historical recognition. The demand for a state title “Goryeo” had already been in the minds of the Korean people during the Japanese occupation period. Then it surfaced for the first time right after the liberation, and was more actively presented in 1947 by the Moderates in their response to the Joint U.S-U.S.S.R Committee. In 1948, the Korean Democratic Party also joined the cause during the Korean Constitution's designing process. The argument itself was promoted based upon certain notions that 1) Goryeo was a dynasty which inherited the legacy of Goguryeo, that 2) Goryeo rose to prominence through fighting foreign factions with its own force, and that 3) Goryeo was a state which earned recognition of the outer world under the name “Korea.” This recognition of Goryeo history was inspired not only by Nationalistic historical scholars but Neo-Nationalistic Korean scholars as well. Yet at the same time it still lacked the perspective to view Goryeo as a unified state, or as a country that prospered on cultural developments as well as diplomacy with their neighbors. This campaign for ‘Goryeo' as the new state title was in fact an attempt to put a dent in a previous notion of the Daehan Min'guk Provisional government being the sole legitimate representative body of the Korean people. In other words, it was an effort to create a new identity for the Korean race. Yet rather than pursuing peaceful stability for the Korean people with the newly named state, the campaign was more interested in show-casing the history of Goryeo as a period which supposedly pursued developments through strength and force. Of course, even such an effort served -in its own way- the objective of peaceful unification on the Korean peninsula. To a certain extent it widened the people's eyes, and helped them better appreciate both national and global merits this dynasty in the past did feature.