조지훈의 한국사 연구 ―민족 정신사 수립의 길―

조형열 ( Cho Hyong-yerl ) 고려대학교 민족문화연구원 2021 民族文化硏究 Vol.90 No.-

자신의 학문을 민족문화운동의 일환으로 이해했던 조지훈은 신칸트학파의 영향 아래 한국학과 한국사 연구에 들어섰다. 한국사는 한국학을 구성하는 핵심이었으며 그의 실천의 식을 드러내는 중요한 수단이었다. 조지훈은 전통을 계승의 대상이자 가치 창조의 주체로 삼아 민족주체성을 바로 잡고자 했고, 한국사의 체계화를 모색했다. 또한 한국사의 독자성을 찾고 세계사와 견주기를 시도하는가 하면, 자연적·외적 조건에 인한 영향을 조화·융합하면서 한국사가 발전한다고 보았다. 원효의 철학과 동학사상을 이와 같은 전범으로 내세웠으며 한국사를 보는 주체적·개성적 시선을 갖는 것이 ‘한국적’ 방법이라고 집약했다. 조지훈의 한국사 연구 영역은 문화사, 그 가운데 정신사(精神史)에 해당했다. 그는 민족이 조선 세종대에, 민족의식은 왜란·호란을 거치며 형성된다는 것을 시작으로, 실학운동-홍경래의 난-삼정 소요-갑신정변-동학혁명-갑오경장을 통한 민족의식 발달사를 체계화했다. 또한 독립운동도 정신사의 범위로 끌어들여 3·1운동-6·10만세운동-광주학생운동 등 민중의 독립투쟁을 높게 평가했고, 사회주의도 민족의식의 범위 안에서 수용하고자 했다. 이와 같은 조지훈의 한국사 서술은 민족의식에 절대성을 부여하는 규범적·윤리적 성격이 강했으며, 이는 사회 모순으로 인한 역사발전을 강조한 당시 소장 연구자의 내재적 발전론과 차이가 있었다. 조지훈은 한국학이 처음으로 공론화되던 1960년대 초에 한국사 연구를 통해 한국학의 역사적 흐름을 확인하고, 정신사 연구의 경험을 통해 한국학의 방향을 모색했다. 따라서 조지훈의 한국사 연구는 민족 중심 한국학과 민족문화운동의 설계도로서 의미가 있었다. Cho Ji-hoon, who understood his scholarship as part of the national cultural movement, began to study Korean history under the influence of neo-Kantians. Korean history was the core of Korean studies, and an important means of revealing his practical consciousness. Cho Ji-hoon wanted to make tradition the target of succession and the subject of value creation, and rectify the national identity, and sought to systematize Korean history. He also attempted to find the identity of Korean history and compare it with the world history, and believed that Korean history would develop through harmonization and convergence with natural and external conditions. He thought of Wonhyo’s philosophy and the thought of Donghak as examples thereof, and said in summary that having the subjective and individualistic viewpoint of Korean history is the ‘Korean’ method. The research area of Cho Ji-hoon’s Korean history corresponded to cultural history, and particularly, intellectual history. Having started with the formation of the nationality under the reign of King Sejong and the formation of national consciousness during the Japanese and Manchu invasion, he systematized the history of the development of national consciousness through the Silhak Movement, Hong Gyeong-rae’s Rebellion, the Samjeong Riot, the Gapsin Coup, the Donghak Revolution, and the Gabo Reformation. He also included the independence movement in the range of the intellectual history, and thought highly of people’s struggle for independence, e.g. the March 1st Movement, the June 10th Independence Movement and the Gwangju Student Independence Movement, and tried to accommodate socialism within the scope of national consciousness. Cho Ji-hoon’s description of national consciousness had a strong normative and ethical personality that gives absoluteness to national consciousness, which was different from the internal development theory of the young researchers of those days who emphasized the development of history due to the contradictions in our society. Cho Ji-hoon verified the historical genealogy of Korean studies through the research of Korean history in the early 1960’s when Korean studies came under the spotlight for the first time, and sought for the direction of Korean studies through the experience of studying intellectual history. As a result, Cho Ji-hoon’s study of Korean history became the blueprint of the nation-centric Korean studies and national cultural movement.

학문의 사명에 대한 마르크스주의 지식인의 두 가지 생각 : 8·15해방 직후 학술문화운동론을 중심으로

조형열(Cho, Hyong-Yerl) 역사학연구소 2021 역사연구 Vol.- No.40

이 글은 조선학술원 설립을 주도한 백남운·신남철과 조선과학자동맹의 학술문화운동론을 비교함으로써, 운동정세와 문화운동 방침의 변화에 따라 표출된 학문의 사명에 대한 마르크스주의 지식인의 생각을 분석한 것이다. 특히 이 글에서는 1946년 초 조선문화단체총연맹(이하 ‘문련’)의 등장과 함께 채택된, 그리고 미군정과의 관계 악화 이후 1947년 초 변경된 문화운동 ‘지도노선’의 영향 및 좌익 학술단체 통합체인 조선과학동맹의 조직을 중요한 계기로 검토했다. 조선과학자동맹은 설립 직후부터 연구자의 일사불란한 학술활동을 계획하며 정치운동과 직접 연결된 문련 내에서 과학이론의 생산을 책임지는 ‘이론부대 조직론’을 내세웠다. 조선학술원 주도층은 학문의 독립성을 원칙으로 삼은 채, 문련의 산하 단체가 된 이후에도 학문연구 성과를 바탕으로 현실에 정책적으로 개입하는 ‘학문적 기여론’을 제기했다. 이와 같은 두 가지 생각은 조선과학동맹의 결성과 함께 신국가 수립의 과업을 달성하기 위해 학자는 대중과 적극적으로 만나야 한다는 ‘이론보급대론’ 아래 일시적으로 모이게 되었다. 그러나 그 내부에서는 마르크스주의를 유일한 과학으로 인정할 것인가, 또한 대중과 어떠한 관계를 형성할 것인가를 둘러싼 갈등이 잠재하고 있었다. 결국 이러한 생각들은 마르크스주의 지식인의 학문과 정치의 관계에 대한 사색의 결과였으며, 해방정국에서 아직 공개적으로 대립하지 않았지만, 마르크스주의 학문이 학술계에 자리 잡으면서 언제든지 표면화될 수 있는 학문관이었다. This article compared Baek Nam-woon and Shin Nam-cheol, who led the establishment of the Joseon Academy, and the academic cultural movement theory of the Joseon Scientists’ Federation, and analyzed the thoughts of Marxist intellectuals about the mission of scholarship, which manifested itself due to the changes in the situation of movements and policies on cultural movements. In particular, in this article, the influence of ‘Instructional Line,’ a cultural movement, which was adopted in early 1946 when the Federation of Joseon Cultural Organizations appeared, and went through changes in early 1947 when its relationship with the U.S. military government worsened, and the organization of the Joseon Scientists’ Federation, an integration of left-wing academic organizations were reviewed as important factors. The Joseon Scientists’ Federation began to plan the synchronized academic activities of researchers immediately after its establishment, and produced the ‘theoretical unit organization theory’ responsible for producing scientific theories in the Federation of Joseon Cultural Organizations, which was directly connected to political movements. The leaders of the Joseon Academy made it a rule to maintain the independence, and even after it became an affiliated organization of the Federation of Joseon Cultural Organizations, it presented the ‘academic contribution theory,’ i.e. active policy-level intervention in reality based on the results of academic researches. When the Joseon Scientists’ Federation was organized, these two thoughts temporarily assembled under the ‘theoretical unit dissemination theory,’ i.e. scholars should actively meet the general public to accomplish the mission of establishing a new nation. However, there were latent internal conflicts regarding whether to recognize Marxism as the only science, and what relationship they should form with the general public. After all, these thoughts resulted from contemplation on the relationship between Marxist intellectuals’ scholarship and politics, and there was no open confrontation in the post-liberation years yet, but they were views of scholarship that could surface anytime as Marxist scholarship settled in academics.

1930년대 마르크스주의 지식인의 프롤레타리아문화운동과 ‘실천적 조선연구’론

조형열(Cho, Hyong-Yerl) 한국사연구회 2017 한국사연구 Vol.- No.177

This paper is an analysis of the academic activities and research on Joseon of the group of practical intellectuals who have not received attention in researches on the Joseon Marxist Academic and Cultural Movement of the 1930’s. The author tried to shed new light on them as one of the two axes of the Academic Cultural Movement along with those who forecast the ‘Scientific Joseon Studies’ while working within the range of the Nationalist Cultural Movement, and lay the foundation for an inherent view of the academic activities immediately after Korea was liberated from Japanese colonial rule in 1945. The Proletarian Cultural Movement was a cultural maneuver led by the party and the state that emphasized the centrality of the working and farmer class immediately after Stalin took power. The Marxist intellectuals of Joseon during the Great Depression also thought hard about theoretical practice and paid a great deal of attention to this movement. The group which worked hard for cultural struggle in academics was the Marxists who graduated from Keijo Imperial University, the Social State Investigation Office and KOPF members. Their main topics were criticism of the Nationalist Cultural Movement, propagandizing the development of the Soviet Union, and the popularization of scientific theories. They criticized that the nationalists’ researches on Joseon were engrossed in maintaining the vested rights of the old system while promoting the sanctity of the nation, and pointed out that the ‘Scientific Joseon Studies’ were lacking in the political practice will. Based on this, they pursued the ‘Practical Researches on Joseon’ that concentrated on the movement path of the working and farmer class. Furthermore, their overall research methodology was focused on an international approach emphasizing the movement of capital by the empire and the solidarity between the working class and the farmer class, and investigation of specificity for finding the origins of social problems and resolving these problems.

천도교인 차상찬의 역사인식 ―『별건곤』 기사 분석을 중심으로―

조형열 ( Cho Hyong-yerl ) 고려대학교 민족문화연구원 2023 民族文化硏究 Vol.98 No.-

이 글은 차상찬의 역사서술과 역사인식을 천도교인이라는 정체성을 중심으로 검토한 것이다. 차상찬이 쓴 역사 기사는 주로 조선후기를 대상으로, 지배권력에 저항했던 개혁적 인물들의 활동에 초점이 맞춰졌다. 이는 천도교 계열 지식인이 이징옥, 이괄, 임경업, 홍경래 등을 중요하게 거론하고, 동학의 창도를 중요한 분기점으로 보면서 ‘동학란’을 민중운동이자 개혁운동으로 높게 평가한 것과 일맥상통한다. 차상찬의 역사인식은 첫째, 천도교의 교리와 정치·문화운동론으로서 후천개벽을 중요한 목표로 내면에 깔고 있었으며, 둘째, 인간의 실천으로 역사가 진화한다는 점을 강조했다. 이는 새로운 세계를 열기 위한 실천적 역사인식으로서 의미가 있었다. 그러나 현재적 교훈을 강조하는 태도와 선천 시기 역사 변화와 역량의 축적 등을 충분히 고려하지 않는 천도교 역사관의 영향으로 역사성이 동요하는 한계를 드러냈다. This article reviews Cha Sang-chan’s historical narrative and historical awareness with focus on his identity as a Cheondoist. Historical articles written by Cha Sang-chan mainly focused on the activities of reformist figures who resisted the ruling power in the late Joseon period. This is in line with the fact that Chondogyo-affiliated intellectuals mentioned Lee Jing-ok, Lee Gwal, Lim Gyeong-eop, and Hong Gyeong-rae as important, and highly evaluated ‘Donghak’ as a people’s movement and reform movement while viewing the creation of Donghak as an important turning point. The important underlying goal of Cha Sang-chan’s historical awareness was, first, the Great Opening of the Latter Heaven, which is the doctrine of Cheondogyo and the theory of political and cultural movements, and second, it emphasized the fact that history evolves through human practice. The above was meaningful as a practical historical awareness to open a new world, but historical narrative is limited in terms of value, and it revealed the limitations of the falter of historicity, which hardly considers historical changes and accumulation of capabilities in the Early Heaven period, a past that needs to be liquidated.

형평운동과 지역사회운동 ― 연대로 가는 험난한 여정

조형열 ( Cho Hyong Yerl ) 한국사회사학회 2023 사회와 역사 Vol.- No.138

The social equality movement grew with the help of the community movement. The social equality movement, which regarded the complete elimination of the caste system as abolition of class distinctions, and the socialist community movement, which understood class leveling as liberation of the proletariat, became good partners. The social equality movement created ‘turmoil’ unique to the social equality movement and secured a foothold within the community while referring to the behavioral patterns of the community movement. The community movement also supported the social equality movement when the ‘anti-equality’ offensive occurred, and reorganized the movement by expelling the ‘anti-equality’ forces from the community movement. Within the social movement in the mid-to-late 1920s, however, ‘baekjeong’ (butchers) were criticized for being opportunistic and conciliatory. The community movement did not recognize the ‘life problems’ of hyeongpyeongsa members, including those related to the slaughter and leather businesses. Instead, they only repeated the general slogan of class leveling. The solidarity of fighting together enabled the members of hyeongpyeongsa to speak out, but moving forward any further proved difficult. Was it because of the deterioration of the social equality movement? Was it because of the betrayal of social movements? Was it because the situation changed in the late 1920s? It is difficult to give an exact answer. However, the field where these differences are expressed is the process of the movement, and, although it was ‘incomplete solidarity’, the social equality movement and the community movement took a step towards each other.

윤치호(尹致昊)의 아산지역사회(牙山地域社會) 개조론과 경제·사회활동

조형열 ( Cho Hyongyerl ) 대구사학회 2016 대구사학 Vol.125 No.-

아산은 윤치호의 고향이자 대토지 소유지로서, 그는 일제시대에만 78회 아산을 방문했다. 이 과정에서 표현된 지역사회 인식과 활동에 대한 연구는 윤치호의 조선 현실인식을 파악하는 데, 대지주로서 지위를 조명하는 데 도움이 된다. 해평윤씨가는 19세기 초 아산 둔포 신촌을 근거지로 부를 축적했다. 윤웅렬·윤영렬이 관직에 진출하면서 정치적 권위를 동시에 갖게 되었고 지역유력자로 부상했다. 윤영렬은 청일전쟁 당시 아산 주둔 청군이 조선 정부에 요청한 물자 징발 요구를 대행했다. 그러나 이 가문은 동학농민전쟁, 의병운동 당시 지역민의 봉기를 피해 급히 몸을 숨기기도 하였다. 윤웅렬의 사망 이후 가문과 토지에 대한 관리책임을 맡은 윤치호는 아산을 낙후한 공동체로 부정적으로 인식했다. 지역민이 처한 현실을 개인의 문명적 의식 부재로부터 찾았고, 그에 따라 해결책도 개인의식의 성숙과 자구적 활동에 맞추는 등 개인책임론을 내세웠다. 윤치호는 10여 명의 토지 관리인을 두고 대토지를 관리하는가 하면, 아산군수·헌병분견소장, 지역 내 조선인 유력자들과 활발히 교류했다. 그리고 이를 바탕으로 일제 농업정책을 수용하고 토지 매입을 이어갔다. 또한 선산에 대한 광산채굴권 인허가를 막기 위해 총독으로부터 온양경찰서 관계자까지 폭넓게 접촉했다. 그는 지역민에게 개인책임을 강조했지만 가산 유지를 위해 식민권력과 지주자본가 네트워크를 활용했다. 윤치호는 아산에서도 교육·사회사업에 참여했고 지역민은 송덕비를 세웠다. 그러나 칭송의 진정성을 의심할 수밖에 없는 것은 3·1운동 당시에도 해평윤씨가가 지역민의 비판 대상이 되었기 때문이다. 이러한 반응은 개인책임론을 바탕으로 한 윤치호의 아산지역사회 개조론과 활동이 지역민으로부터 끊임없이 도전 받았음을 의미한다. Asan is Yoon Chi-ho`s birthplace, and he owns a large piece of land in Asan. He visited Asan 78 times during the Japanese occupation. A study on his perception of the local community, expressed in this process, and his activities clearly shows Yoon Chi-ho`s perception of the reality of Joseon, and sheds light on his status as a large landowner. The Haepyeong Yoon clan accumulated wealth in Dunpo and Sinchon, Asan in the early 19th. As Yoon Woong-ryeol and Yoon Yeong-ryeol entered public service, they gained political authority at the same time, and emerged as the local influential figures. Yoon Yeong-ryeol commandeered the supplies that the Chinese army demanded from the Joseon government during the Sino-Japanese War as a proxy. However, the Yoon clan fled from the rebellion of the local residents during the Donghak Peasant War and the Righteous Army Movement. After the death of Yoon Woong-ryeol, Yoon Chi-ho took charge of managing the family and estate. He thought negatively about Asan as a backward community. He attributed the realities facing the local residents to individuals` lack of consciousness of civilization, and resultingly he sought the solution in the maturation of personal consciousness and the activities to save themselves, advocating the theory of individual responsibility. Yoon Chi-ho employed more than 10 land stewards to manage the large land, and actively interacted with the Asan county governor, the chief of the military police outstation and influential Koreans in the community. He capitalized on these relationships to accept the agricultural policy of Imperial Japan and continuously purchase land. Also, he contacted a large number of people from the governor-general to officials in the Onyang police station to prevent the awarding of the mining rights in the forest land where his father`s grave is located. He emphasized individuals` responsibilities to the local residents, but he revealed duplicity, i.e. utilizing the colonial power and the network of landowners and capitalists to maintain his family fortune. Yoon Chi-ho participated in educational and social work in Asan as well, and the local residents erected a commemorative monument for him. However, the veracity of the praise cannot but be doubted because the Haepyeong Yoon clan was attacked by the local residents during the March 1 Movement in 1919. These reactions mean that Yoon Chi-ho`s theory of reconstruction of the local community of Asan and economic and social activities, based on the theory of individual responsibility, were constantly challenged by the local residents.

트리클로로에틸렌의 유통,사용 실태조사 결과

조형열 ( Hyung Yoel Cho ),조성현 ( Sung Hyun Cho ),유장진 ( Jang Jin Ryoo ),김병규 ( Byung Gyu Kim ),박승현 ( Seung Hyun Park ),강성규 ( Seong Kyu Kang ) 한국산업위생학회 2007 한국산업보건학회지 Vol.17 No.3

Trichloroethylene(TCE) is widely used as a degreasing solvent in workplaces. TCE is primarily toxic to the nervous system, however, systemic disorder like Stevens-Johnson syndrome has been recently reported in small-scale factories, where the government has had limited information of chemical use. A survey was performed to investigate the actual condition of using TCE and to provide practical information to occupational health service agencies and professionals. This survey was carried out on 103 factories out of 430 factories which were conducted periodic work environment measurement for TCE. Degreasing was the most popular reason for using TCE in Korea, which reached to 94%. TCE was also used as a solvent for rubber in the coating or molding process, and adhesives in the bonding process. Metal fabrication was the most common as 23%, followed by assembling automobile parts (17%), and machinery (12%). Workers exposed to TCE during full-shift were 52% while 48% were exposed during short period of the shift or intermittently. Manual or semiautomatic work occupied 87% while automatic work was just 13%. Though automatic work by a closed system was generally lower exposed to TCE, compared to manual work, it can cause a high exposure when the maintenance system is improper. Semi-automatic work especially like open-top degreasing process can cause a high exposure when local exhaust system with condensing and refrigerating coils in the degreaser does not work well. In conclusion, the survey showed nationwide status of TCE exposure in various aspects. It can be used to monitor workplaces and workers exposed to TCE to prevent occupational diseases.

1920년대 후반~1930년대 전반기 민족주의 계열의 농촌협동조합론

조형열(Cho, Hyong-Yerl) 고려사학회 2015 한국사학보 Vol.- No.61

이 글은 1920년대 후반기와 1930년대 전반기에 민족주의 계열이 제기한 농촌협동조합론을 민족운동의 전개과정에서 살펴본 연구이다. 일제하 협동조합운동은 協同組合運動社, 朝鮮農民社, YMCA 등의 경제운동 단체를 비롯해 민족주의 지식인 일반으로부터 폭넓은 공감대를 형성하고 있었다. 그렇다면 이 시기 민족주의자들은 왜 협동조합이라는 조직 형태에 관심을 가지게 되었으며, 이를 통해 어떠한 경제적 지향을 담고자 했는지 검토해볼 필요가 있다. 이 글에서는 민족주의 계열이 농촌협동조합론을 제기하는 배경을 두 가지 차원에서 분석했다. 1920년대 이래 축적된 농업공황과 연이어 나타난 세계대공황의 영향에 따른 농촌파멸이 첫 번째이고, 이 시기 대두하고 있던 사회주의 계열과의 경쟁 및 정치적 세력 확대의 필요성이 두 번째이다. 한편 이 글에서는 농촌협동조합론의 경제적 지향을 민족주의 각 세력이 추구했던 협동조합의 형태와 협동화의 전망을 중심으로 크게 세 가지로 나누어 살펴보았다. 첫째는 동아일보 주도층과 동우회 일부 세력에게서 나타나는 농업은행의 역할 강조와 소생산자의 원재료 구매 · 판매의 협동, 즉 경영의 합리화라 불리는 이른바 자본주의적 협동조합론이다. 둘째는 대다수의 민족주의자가 채택한 소비조합을 통한 중간상인의 이윤 철폐와 신용조합의 지원에 의한 민간 차원의 자작농 창정을 추진하는 이른바 협동조합주의적 경향이다. 셋째는 천도교 조선농민사 · 전조선농민조합 등이 소비 신용조합 설치에서 한 발 더 나아가 생산조합을 통한 농촌공동체 건설을 지향한 흐름으로, 이는 사회주의적 협동조합론이라기보다 아나키즘 계열이 추진했던 농촌공동체 건설 방안과 유사했다. 일제하에서 추진된 민족주의 계열의 농촌협동조합론은 이와 같은 시대적 상황에 영향을 받으며 논리적 차이를 내장한 채 진행되었다. 따라서 향후 협동조합론에 대한 연구 역시 역사적 조건에 대한 이해를 바탕으로 각 주체들이 조직을 운영하는 방식 등에 대한 세부적인 검토로 진전되어야 할 것이다. This study examines the rural cooperative theory, proposed by the nationalist camp between the second half of the 1920’s and the first half of the 1930’s, in the development process of the national movement. The cooperative movement under the Japanese colonial rule formed an extensive social consensus among nationalist intellectuals as well as economic movement organizations like the Cooperative Movement Association (Hyupdongjohapudongsa, 協同組合運動社) and the Korean Farmer"s Company (Joseonnongminsa, 朝鮮農民社) and YMCA. If so, it is necessary to investigate why the nationalists of this time took interest in an organization called the cooperative, and examine what kind of economic orientation they tried to espouse. This paper analyzed the background of the rural cooperative theory, proposed by the nationalist camp, from two perspectives. The destruction of rural communities due to the Great Depression that followed the agricultural crisis which had built up since the 1920’s, and the competition with the socialist camp, which was emerging at this time, and the necessity of expanding its political power influenced the rural cooperative theory. Meanwhile, this paper largely divided the economic orientation of the rural cooperative theory into three types with focus on the types of cooperatives pursued by nationalists and the prospect of the cooperative movement. First, it is the capitalist cooperative theory called rationalization of management, i.e. the emphasis of the role of the Agricultural Bank, and the cooperation in small producers’ purchase of raw materials and sales, which appear in Dong-A IIbo"s leading group and some Dongwoohoe groups. Second, it is the cooperative trend, adopted by most cooperative theorists, that is, eliminating the middlemen’s profits through consumers’ cooperative, and supporting farmers’ life through credit unions, and creating independent farmers in the private sector. Third, it was the cooperative theory like Cheondogyo Joseonnongminsa and Pan-Joseon Farmers’ Cooperative that insisted on installation of producers’ cooperative engaged in joint farming in addition to consumers’ cooperatives and credit unions, and tried to build a rural community. Attention must be paid to the fact that it is similar to the utopian socialist and anarchist camp’s plan to build a rural community although they did not have a direct influence on it. These conditions of the times and logical differences were inherent in the nationalist rural cooperative theory, which was pushed forward during the Japanese colonial rule. Accordingly, when future studies on cooperatives closely review how organizations were operated and clarify their nature, they will be able to provide a historical experience for the future society.

근현대 온양온천 개발 과정과 그 역사적 성격

조형열 ( Hyong Yerl Cho ) 순천향대학교 인문과학연구소 2011 순천향 인문과학논총 Vol.29 No.-

이 글은 우리나라의 대표적 온천 중 하나인 온양온천의 개발을 역사적으로 검토한 것이다. 온양온천 개발은 일본인 자본가와 유력자가 조선 왕실의 온궁을 점탈하면서 시작됐다. 그리고 이후 사설 철도 회사인 경남철도주식회사가 이를 인수해 대유원지화 계획을 세우면서 현재의 모습을 띠게 되었다. 이와 같이 온양온천 개발은 일제강점기라는 역사적 조건 속에서 일본인에 의한 이권 획득, 또한 일본인에 의한 조선인 차별이라는 식민성을 띠면서 전개됐다. 그리고 이른바 ``근대적`` 개발 과정에서 시설을 향유할 수 있는 대상은 확대되었으나 온천의 목적은 탕치에서 소비 유흥으로 변해갔다. 또한 이러한 개발은 아산 지역민들의 생활을 급작스럽게 변화시켰고, 그들을 개발의 주체가 아닌 객체로 소외시키기도 했다. 우리나라의 대표적 자연 환경과 관광 유산을 일본인, 외지인에 손에 맡겨야 했던 왜곡된 출발을 바로 잡는 것은 해방 이후의 과제였으나, 6.25전쟁의 참화와 생활난을 겪으면서 이는 후일로 미뤄지게 되었다. 그리고 온양온천은 1970년대 이후 생활 수준의 향상과 현충사 설치 등 관광 코스가 발굴되면서 대중적으로 주목받게 되었다. 그러나 외형적 성장은 이루었지만 일제시기 온양온천 개발 과정에서 나타났던 식민성, 또한 상업적 목적 아래 확대되었던 근대성과 지역민의 소외는 근본적으로 조명해보지 못했다. 안타깝게도 온양온천의 위세는 과거만 못한 것이 사실이다. 이럴 때일수록 온양온천 개발 과정을 성찰하고, 과거 관광 사업자와 외지인의 시각을 벗어나 관광소비자와 지역민을 위한 개발에 더욱 매진하여 진정한 대중의 여가 공간으로 거듭나길 기대해본다. This study looked into the development history of Onyang Hot Spring, one of the most representative hot springs in Korea. Onyang Hot Spring development began as Japanese capitalists and influential figures plundered Ongung, a temporary palace of Joseon Dynasty located on the hot spring. Since then, Gyeongnam Railways Corporation, a private railway company, took over Ongung and established plans to turn it into a large resort area as it is today. As such, Onyang Hot Spring development was carried out under the historic circumstance of Japanese ruling marked by acquisition of concessions and discrimination of the people of Joseon by the Japanese. Although the targets to enjoy the hot spring facility expanded over the course of the so-called ``modern`` development, the purpose of hot spring became tainted from that of hot spring cure to consumption and amusement. In addition, the hot spring development brought sudden changes to the lives of local people in Asan area. These people were even alienated as the object, rather than the subject of development. Rectifying the distorted beginning of having had to place the representative natural environment and tourist heritage of Korea in the hands of Japanese people was a task to be handled after liberation. However, it was put off to later days as Korea suffered the calamities of the Korean War and difficulty of living. Onyang Hot Spring was popularly taken notice of after the 1970s as tourist routes were developed, such as by the installation of Hyeonchungsa Shrine, and as the standard of living was elevated. Despite the outer growth, however, there has yet to be an instance to fundamentally focus on the issues raised over the course of Onyang Hot Spring development during the Japanese ruling era, such as colonial mentality, expansion of modernity under commercial objectives and alienation of local residents, Unfortunately, Onyang Hot Spring is in fact not as popular today as it used to be in the past. Under this circumstances, it is all the more anticipated that Onyang Hot Spring should be reborn as a space of leisure for the public in the genuine sense as we reflected on the course of Onyang Hot Spring development and focus further on development for local residents and tourism consumers by escaping from the viewpoints of outsiders and tourism traders as practiced in the past.

스티렌의 유통,사용 실태조사

조형열 ( Hyung Yoel Cho ),조성현 ( Sung Hyun Cho ),김은아 ( Eun A Kim ),김병규 ( Byung Gyu Kim ),박승현 ( Seung Hyun Park ),강성규 ( Seong Kyu Kang ) 한국산업위생학회 2008 한국산업보건학회지 Vol.18 No.4

The objective of the survey is to define and judge exposure profiles from semi-qualitative data in high risk processes using styrene. The survey was conducted in 98 factories out of 229 factories based on data from periodic work environment monitoring results for styrene. Styrene is widely utilized as a raw material for PS and co-polymers such as ABS, SAN, SBR, SBL, unsaturated polyester resins(UPR) and others. An approximate breakdown of styrene`s markets in Korea is PS 30%, expandable PS 17%, ABS 33%, SAN 5%, SBL 4%, SBR 3%, UPR 1% and other 7%. Although UPR accounts for 1% of total amount of styrene, workers dealing with it are exposed to very high concentrations up to 64 ppm. Especially styrene is widely used in the laminating process of fiberglass reinforced plastics(FRP) manufacturing industry. The Applications using styrene are largely classified into two sections which are applied to styrene monomer(SM) and UPR. SM is utilized for a raw material of resins, surfactant and adhesive. UPR is employed for FRP and non-FRP. For SM control targets are mixing colors and packing in the gelcoat resins manufacturing industry(MI), for UPR control targets out of works using UPR are 1) laminating in the MI of plastics, automobile parts and boats, 2) mixing and packing in the SMC/BMC MI, 3) molding and cutting in the other specific plastics MI, 4) mixing and coating in artificial marble product MI, 5) dipping in the electric motors & transformers MI, 6) molding in the button MI, 7) painting in the musical instrument MI. Findings from the study have given the information for the high risk processes and working practices so that occupational health professionals could focus on targeted workplaces to prevent occupational diseases. It is also useful to develop a control strategies and specific controls for high risk processes and facilities using styrene.