풍수해 발생 상황관리를 위한 재난대응상황도(DOP) 구축

조정윤,송주일,장초록,장문엽,Jo, Jeong-Yun,Song, Ju-Il,Jang, Cho-Rok,Jang, Mun-Yeop 한국수자원학회 2021 물과 미래(한국수자원학회지) Vol.54 No.8

임천상(任天常) 편저(編著) 『쇄편(瑣編)』 연구

조정윤 ( Cho Jeong-yun ) 근역한문학회 2018 한문학논집(漢文學論集) Vol.51 No.-

본고는 任天常(1754-1822)의 編著 『瑣編』의 구성과 내용을 분석하여 그 특징을 고찰한 것이다. 『쇄편』은 모두 6책으로, 1책은 任相元(1638-1697)의 「郊居瑣編」(原集), 2-5책은 任天常의 「任氏家言」과 「試筆」(이상 續集)로 구성되며, 6책은 『瑣編別集』으로 任相元의 「郊居瑣編下」와 任天常의 「試筆緖論」으로 구성되어 있다. 이는 高祖와 高孫의 필기를 합본하였고, 家門遺事인 임씨가언 을 함께 수록하였으며, ‘箚錄’의 기준에 의해 『쇄편별집』을 별도 편성하였다는 점에서 일반적인 필기류와 차별적 구성을 보여준다. 「교거쇄편」은 사대부의 일화, 그 중에서도 광해군폐위와 인조반정, 병자호란과 같은 16~17세기의 혼란했던 시기를 살아간 역사인물의 인품과 학문, 出處, 업적 등에 대한 이야기가 다수를 이루며, 敎訓的이고 鑑誡的인 성격을 갖는다. 「시필」 역시 인물일화 및 시화를 기록한 것인데, 17~18세기 소북 및 저자의 집안과 가까웠던 少論과 南人에 대한 이야기가 풍부하다. 또 호방하고 탈속적이며 유머가 있는 인물에 대한 기사 및 비교적 가볍고 해학적인 내용이 많다. 「임씨가언」은 저자 선조들의 과거와 벼슬 및 문학에서의 빛나는 성취, 독서 취향과 청백리 생활 등을 기록한 것으로 豊川任氏의 名門家的 위상과 전통을 잘 보여준다. 「郊居瑣編下」와 「試筆緖論」은 우리나라 文人 및 중국 故事에 대한 논평, 우리나라 역사·지리 풍속에 대한 고증, 산수 유람의 감상 등을 기록한 것으로, 특히 「시필서론」의 遊覽 기록들은 「임씨가언」의 任琨 기사와 함께 遊記小品이라 할 만하다. 『쇄편』 중 「교거쇄편」·「시필」·「임씨가언」은 대체로 저자가 독서 및 先輩들에게 見聞한 故事를 기록한 것으로, 조선 후기 인물에 대해 풍부한 정보를 제공한다. 「교거쇄편하」와 「시필서론」은 두 저자의 실제 경험과 독서를 통해 얻은 견해와 논평, 감상을 서술한 것으로, 역사·경제·지리·문학 등 제 방면에 대한 두 저자의 사고와 인식을 보여준다. 곧 ‘別集’의 구성은 見聞의 기록에 상대해서, 저자 자신의 견해를 서술한 것이라는 기준에 의해서 편성된 것으로, 조선 후기의 분화되어가는 筆記史의 변화 양상을 고스란히 나타내고 있다는 점에서 의미가 있다. In this paper, the characteristics of 『Soaepyeon』 of Im Cheonsang’s compilation were reviewed by investigating its organization and contents. 『Soaepyeon』 is composed of 『Gyogeosoaepyeon, Imssigaon』, Sipil and 『Soaepyeon-byeoljip』. It exhibited a distinctive organization different from general writings; Im Cheonsang compiled writings of great-great-grandfather together with his books, Soaepyeon』 contained Imssigaon, record for family, and 『Soaepyeon-byeoljip』 was separately organized based on ‘Charok箚錄’. 『Gyogeosoaepyeon』 is mainly anecdotes of the gentry in the Joseon dynasty period. Especially, the records for historical figures who lived in chaotic period of 16-17th century such as Gwanghaegun’s dethronement, Injo’s restoration, and Byeongjahoran occupied the majority of it. It showed instructive and righteous characteristics by mostly recording character, learning, view of living, and achievement of historical figures. 『Sipil』, a record for anecdotes, poetry and paintings of various figures, has a lot of records for Soron少論 and Namin南人 close to Sobuk小北 and Pungcheon-Imssi豊川任氏‘s family of the 17-18th century and contains many relatively light and humorous contents for the figures with low worldly greed, and magnanimous and humorous spirit. 『Imssigaon』 shows well the status and tradition of Pungcheon-Imssi豊川任氏's family by recording reading tastes, poor and honest living attitude, Gwageo科擧 and government job, and achievement in literature of author’s ancestors. 『Gyogeosoaepyeon Ha』 and 『Sipilseoron』 recorded comments for our country‘s writers and chinese ancient events, historical investigation for our history, geography, and customs, and feeling of landscape sightseeing. These are documents to examine both authors’ view of literature and learning. In particular, the records of landscape sightseeing of Sipilseoron and articles in 『Imssigaon』 exhibited Short Compositional小品 aspects. 『Soaepyeon』 contains many contents such as tales of person for writing types, remarks for poetry and prose, scholarly arguments, and Short Composition小品. 『Gyogeosoaepyeon』, 『Sipil』, and Imssigaon in 『Soaepyeon』 provide a plenty of information for figures of the late Joseon dynasty by describing anecdotes of figures through authors’ reading and the story that they heard from the seniors. 『Gyogeosoaepyeon Ha』 and 『Sipilseoron』 described the opinions, comments, and feelings obtained through both authors’ real experiences and readings. So these showed well thinking and recognition of both authors for all aspects like history, economy, literature, and geography. In other words, there is a meaning in that organization of 『Byeoljip』 was made based on description of authors’ own original view, and showed a transfiguration trend for a Pilgi筆記 history to be separated in late Joseon dynasty.

僑窩 成涉의 散文批評 一考 -『筆苑散語』를 중심으로 -

조정윤 ( Cho Jeong-yun ) 근역한문학회 2022 한문학논집(漢文學論集) Vol.63 No.-

『筆苑散語』는 18세기 영남 문인 僑窩成涉(1718~1788)이 저술한 시화서로, 우리나라 및 중국 고금의 인물과 문학에 관한 정보와 비평이 풍성하다. 본 논문은『筆苑散語』를 중심으로 성섭의 산문비평 양상과 특징을 검토한 것이다. 성섭은 道가 내재된 순정한 문장을 지어야 한다는 道文一致의 문학관을 지향하였고, 이러한 문학관이 잘 구현된 문장으로 唐宋文을 들었다. 젊어서는 蘇軾의 詩文을 특별히 애호하였는데, 三蘇및 歐陽脩문장에 대한 朱熹의 비판적 비평을 접한 뒤로는, 이전보다 더욱 철저한 道文觀을 견지하고 소식 문장에 대해서도 일부 부정적 견해를 보였다. 또한 그는 古文辭에 대해 부정적으로 인식하고 순정한 문장을 추구하는 韓歐正脈論의 견해를 드러냈다. 이러한 입장은 명 전후칠자 및 고문사를 추구하는 근기 남인의 문장에 대해 비판적 시각을 드러내는 한편, 서인 계열 문장가인 김창협의 문장을 이상적인 문장으로 평가하기도 하고, 문집에 수록된 산문 작품 대부분이 論, 說, 記, 序등의 의론문 중심의 문체인 것에서도 확인할 수 있다. 성섭의 산문비평은 허목 등 南人문사에 대해 호의적인 평가를 보인다는 점에서 남인의 정체성을 보여준다. 그러나 근기 남인이 일반적으로 의고문풍의 전통 아래 문학적 변화를 추구하였던 면모와 달리 明의고문풍을 강하게 비판하고, 주자학을 바탕으로 하여 당송고문의 문장법을 추구한 점은 도학적 학문 분위기 속 영남 남인의 일면모를 드러낸 것으로 이해할 수 있다. This paper examines the background and characteristic aspects of literary criticism of an Yeongnam writer, Seong Seop (成涉, 1718-1788), focused on 『Pilwonsaneo(筆苑散語)』. 『Pilwonsaneo(筆苑散語)』 is a kind of poetry and painting book, mainly about characters, anecdotes, and literature of present and past in Korea and China. Seong Seop had a literary view of Domunilchi(道文一致) that one should build a pure sentence containing the Tao(道), and he chose the prose of DangSong(唐宋文) as a sentence that was well realized. Among them, he was particularly fond of poetry and prose of Sosig. However, after reading JuJa’s criticism on the sentences of So Sig(蘇軾), his father, his brother, and Gu Yangsoo, Seong Seop maintains a more thorough view on relationship between the Tao and literature and has a critical view on Sosig’s sentences. This view shows that although he is a Namin, he negatively perceives Gomunsa(古文辭), revealing a critical view on the sentences of a Namin in the region near Seoul who pursues Jeonhuchilja(前後七子) of the Ming and Gomunsa(古文辭). It appears to evaluate the sentences of Kim Chang-hyeop and Seoin writers who are in the position of Classical literate style of Han-yu and Gu Yang-soo(韓歐正脈論) and pursue pure and upright words as ideal sentences. The characteristic of preference for pure and upright writing of classical literate style of Han-yu and Gu Yang-Soo(韓歐正脈) is also confirmed in the prose that abstracts other people's sentences in the literature, and that most of the prose he created is centered on ideological texts such as Ron(論), Seol(說), Gi(記), and Seo(序). Seong Seop's critique of prose reveals the identity of Namin in the sense that he favorably evaluates words of Namin like Heo Mok. However, unlike the aspect that Namin in the region near Seoul generally pursued literary changes under the tradition of Archaism of Literature(擬古主義), he strongly criticized the Archaism of Literature(擬古主義) and pursued the art of writing of the Dangsonggomun(唐宋古文) based on the neo-Confucian in the history of prose literature. He also shows a side of Namin in Yeongnam in the confucian academic atmosphere.

任相元의 『郊居瑣編』 소재 문학비평 양상 고찰

조정윤(Cho, Jeong-yun) 대동한문학회 2016 大東漢文學 Vol.46 No.-

본고는 任相元(1638~1697)의 저술 郊居瑣編 (郊居瑣編 下 포함)에 수록된 문학 관련 내용을 추출해서 임상원의 문학적 시각 및 비평의 양상과 의미에 대해 검토한 것이다. 임상원은 豐川 任氏 명문가의 후예로, 독서를 중시하여 다양한 서적을 섭렵하였다. 또한 문과급제 후에는 문장력이 중시되는 관직을 두루 역임하며 많은 문사들과 교유하였다. 이러한 배경 하에 그는 자신의 문학적 감식안을 넓혀나갔는데, 그의 문학적 관심은 우리나라의 문예뿐 아니라 중국의 문예에 까지 확장되어 있었다. 임상원은 錢謙益(1582~1664)에 대해서 비교적 일찍부터 인지하고 있었다. 그는 교거쇄편 에 전겸익의 문집 初學集과 有學集을 김석주로 부터 빌려 보았음을 기록하였다. 이는 전겸익 문집이 적어도 1683년 이전에 우리나라에 유입되었음을 말해주는 것이다. 그는 전겸익의 문장을 명말 제일이라고 평가하였으나, 조선과 조선의 시를 무시한 전겸익의 언급에 대해서는 반박하기도 하였다. 王世貞(1526~1590)에 대해서는 明 대가로 보는 한편, 그의 문학의 문제점 및 한계에 대한 비판적 認知도 하고 있었다. 또한 李攀龍(1514~1570)의 의고적 문장에 대해서도 매우 부정적인 평가를 하였다. 前後七子에 비판적이었던 唐順之 및 錢謙益의 문집을 이미 접했던 임상원은 金昌協 및 그 門徒들보다 이른 시기에 왕세정을 비롯한 秦 漢古文派에 대한 비평을 선보일 수 있었던 것으로 보인다. 교거쇄편의 우리나라 문예 비평은 주로 품격비평 양상을 띠는데, 시가 전범에 근접한 정도의 평가, 시인 간의 우열 비교, 중국 시인과의 대응 등과 같은 방식을 보인다. 盛唐詩를 전범으로 보았지만 실제 비평에 있어서는 盛 唐이라는 일률적 기준이 아닌 시인 當代에 추숭했던 典範的 시를 기준으로 평가하였다. 또 실제 창작에서는, 시의 字句 및 詩法[詩道]의 공부, 시인의 타고난 재주와 기상, 정신을 집중해서 창작에 힘쓰는 노력, 그리고 풍부한 양의 독서를 바탕으로 한 식견과 학식을 모두 갖추었을 때 최상의 시를 쓸 수 있다고 보았다. 임상원의 문예비평은 심도 있게 전개되지는 않았으나, 17세기에서 18세 기로 넘어가는 문예비평의 모습을 보여준다는 점에서 주목된다. 즉 漢詩史 에서는 尊唐的이면서 復古的 詩風을 중시하는 모습, 散文史에서는 前後七 子의 의고적 문풍의 문제적 요소를 파악하고 그 비판과 극복으로 이어지는 18세기 산문비평의 先導的 모습을 보여준다는 점에 의미가 있다. This paper is focused on reviewing a view of literature of Im Sangwon, its aspects and meaning of literary criticism by extracting the contents related to the literature contained in Gyogeo Soaepyeon including Gyogeo Soaepyeon vol. Ⅱ that he wrote. The literary interest of Im Sangwon was extended to China s literature as well as our country s literature. He knew quite earlier on Qian Qianyi (錢謙益) . He rented and read the collection of literary works of Jeon Gyeomik from Kim Seokjoo(김석주). This indicated that the collection of literary works of Qian Qianyi had been flowed in our country before at least 1683. Im Sangwon evaluated the sentence of Qian Qianyi as the best one in late Ming period. However, he refuted the attitude of Qian Qianyi who ignored Chosun and Chosun s poetry. Meanwhile, Im Sangwon considered basically Wang Shizhen ( 王世貞 ) as a good writer in Ming dynasty, but was starting to recognize critically his problems and limitation. In addition, Im Sangwon was very critical about the writing of Li Panlong(李攀龍), in which he considered an old literature of Jin and Han ( 秦漢 ) as a model. It seems that Im Sangwon, who learned about the collection of literary works of Tang Shunzhi ( 唐順之 ) and Qian Qianyi who were ‘Dangsongpa ( 唐宋派 ) ’ and had been critical at ‘Jeonhuchilja ( 前後七子 ) ’, could earlier on criticize of ‘Jeonhuchilja’, including Wang Shizhen as compared with Kim Changhyup(김창협) and his disciples. The critical aspects of Gyogeo Soaepyeon assumes a critical shape through evaluation of neighboring degree of a poem to a model, comparison of superiority between poets and correspondence of chinese poets. It mainly adopts a way of dignity criticism. He considered poem of Seongdang (盛唐) as the best poem. However, he evaluated exemplary poem revered in the Tang age as a reference in practical criticism, not the same standard of Seongdang. In addition, he considered that the best poem could be generated when all things such as a study on phrasing and prosody, inborn talent and spirit of a poet, efforts to try creative writing by concentrating mind, and insight and knowledge based on a large amount of reading were provided in creative writing. The literary criticism of Im Sangwon shows the image of literary criticism moving from 17th to 18th century. Namely, there is a meaning in that he exhibited the image that put stress on a style of poetry of retro character and respecting the poetry of Dang in a history of poetry, and he figured out the questionable elements of classically literary spirit of ‘Jeonhuchilja’ and revealed the leading image of prose critique of 18th century connected to its criticism and conquest in a history of prose.

『좌계부담(左溪부談)』 연구 -저자 문제와 이본 검토를 중심으로-

조정윤 ( Jeong Yun Cho ) 근역한문학회 2012 한문학논집(漢文學論集) Vol.35 No.-

This paper is focused on reviewing author problems and variants to provide a cornerstone for the full-scale study of 『Jwagye-budam』, the book in the late of Chosun Dynasty. The conclusion that an author of 『Jwagye-budam』is ``Shin Don-bok`` has room for reconsideration because there is no record and information about an author in 『Jwagye-budam』 and the record of the same contents in 『Haksan-haneon』 and 『Jwagye-budam』 is described differently. There are seven kinds of the existing variants. Two kinds of systematization is possible. The version possessed by National Central Library among the a series seemed to be transcribed in relatively late generation among seven kinds of variants. However, it has meaning in that the content included is the most and there are sub-titles and annotation of historical investigation absent from different versions. Even though the version possessed by Yang Seung-min transcribed 148 stories with omission of the front and the rear, it is estimated as a better copy including the more content than the version possessed by National Central Library on the basis of inclusion of a story of ``Kimgu(金構)`` absent from other versions. Four kinds among the b series are agreed each other in the number of story and content. However, the version, 『Yaseung』 is estimated as a better copy with relatively small misspellings. The version possessed by Dongyangmoongo is estimated as a previous copy of the version possessed by Gyujanggag owing to its relatively small misspellings between Dongyang`s and Gyujanggag`s version. In other words, a series have a lot of contents and a large of misspellings on the whole. b series have a small of misspellings but their contents are a few. However, for these reasons, if it is complementarily cooperated and interacted each other, it is considered that the standard text of 『Jwagye-budam』 is possible.

谿谷 張維의 <送吳肅羽出牧驪州序> 考察

조정윤(Cho Jeong-yun) 어문연구학회 2004 어문연구 Vol.45 No.-

Gegog, Jang Yu(1587~1638), who was one of Hanmoonsadaegas, got into action in the political world in the middle of Chosun and took the leadership in the literary world. In this paper, I analyzed <Songosugwoochulmogyeojooseo(送吳肅羽出牧驪州序)> which was a literary work showing logical structure and lanconical style among Gegog's works. In particular, I have a focus on the theme, the structure mode for embodiment of main consciousness, and the achievement of archaic style based on analysis of internal structure of his work, <Songosugwuchulmogyeojuseo(送吳肅羽出牧驪州序)>, by pyeonjangjagu method(篇章字句法). As a result of my analysis, the fact is confirmed that he established the theme that was the projection of virtuous features taking a serious view of justice for a friend leaving as a Yeoju minister and applied the versatile structure modes for emboding that theme in the work. In conclusion, first, he developed precisely logical connection by pyeonjang(篇章) of correspondence and inversion among the paragraphs for effective realization of a theme and a communicative structure. In particular, the logical structure progressed by ‘arguer(議者)'-‘acquaintance (知者)’-‘I(余)’is very effective because it had gradually deepened the contents among the paragraphs and brought to a conclusion. Second, he applied properly versatile rhetoric of pyeonjangjagu(篇章字句), an originally worked, cardinal point of the archaic style. Among them, he showed the refined phrase like the corresponding phrase and the concise, clear sentence by proper arrangement and organization of an expletive like ‘yagbu(若夫)’, ‘ya(也)’. Third, he stood out a theme clearly and cleared up a point of an argument by contrast of contents between paragraphs or by contrast of meaning of phrase. In addition, An archaic style with form and organization by using various rhetoric came into being.

谿谷 張維의 散文에 나타난 현실 비판 의식과 대응 양상

조정윤(Cho Jeong Yun) 어문연구학회 2005 어문연구 Vol.48 No.-

GeGog(谿谷), JangYu(張維:1587~1638) got into action in the political world in the middle of Chosun, the era of Incho(仁祖) and lived a glorious life that his daughter was selected as a crown princess of a prince, Bongrim (1631). But the era in which he had got into action was plunged in confusion in various fields of politics, economy and culture due to external troubles of Imbyeong(壬丙) two wars and internally repeated party squabbles and a massacre of scholars. After he started his career as an official, he was involved in Kim Jik Jae(金直哉) Muok event(誣獄事件) within three years. So he was dismissed from office. And then for about 10 years he took up a temporary abode in Ansan(安山). He experienced the death of his son and three daughters before he became thirty years old. He again took a temporary abode in Ansan(安山) after 'Samjeondobimun(三田渡碑文)' production event in the Namhansanseong(南漢山城) surrender of the King, Incho(仁祖). He experienced political defeat and spent personal unhappy period. Gegog made every effort to preserve fidelity and purpose in the personally unhappy and socially and politically confused period. However, he was confronted with contradictory reality that bad characters of those days was constantly striving after fame and profit and party squabbles, and society treated them, resulting in his continuous conflict and a sense of sorrow. It is considered that conflict and critical consciousness about unreasonable reality or correspondence to it and consciousness to overcome it were functioned as a basis of creative writing if his literatures were investigated to synthetically connect facts of his life and political reality of those days to his thought. Therefore, this paper examined how the critical thinking system on contradictory reality had appeared in the literary work by selecting the literary work based on conflict and consciousness to overcome it among Gegog's prose writings, namely <Gogmogseol(曲木說)>·<Cheongbaeganseol(靑白眼說)>·<Sineunggunginbyeon(詩能窮人辯)>·<Jaekimihomun, (祭金而好文)>·<Songosugwoochulmogyeojooseo(送吳肅羽出牧驪州序)>.

임진왜란 의병장 諸沫 이야기의 기록과 전승

조정윤(Cho Jeong-yun) 어문연구학회 2020 어문연구 Vol.103 No.-

본 논문은 조선 중기 의병장 諸沫(1552-1593)에 관한 이야기가 記事로부터 筆記와 野談, 傳 등의 산문 작품으로 전승되는 과정을 살펴보고, 그 특징과 의미를 탐색한 것이다. 제말은 固城 출신의 常民이었다. 임진왜란이 발발하자 의병을 일으켜 熊川·鼎巖 등지의 전투에서 대승을 거두니 戰功이 조정에 알려져 성주목사를 제수받았다. 그러나 얼마 되지 않아 전사하고 남겨진 기록도 없어서 그의 공업은 그렇게 묻히는 듯하였다. 그러다가 남구만의 기록에 의해 그의 사적이 처음 세상에 알려지게 되었고, 정석유가 제말 혼령과 遭遇한 이야기가 생산되면서 그의 이야기는 널리 퍼지게 되었다. 이후로 제말 사적과 혼령의 출몰에 대한 기록은 빠르게 확산되어 筆記와 野談, 傳 등으로 재생산되었다. 정조는 제말에게 병조판서를 추증하고 시호를 하사하였으며, 사적비를 세우고 치제문을 내렸다. 후손인 諸安國은 전하는 기록들을 바탕으로 家狀을 지어 신도비명을 받고, 제말 관련기록을 모아 『삼충록으로 편찬하였다. 이렇듯 의병장 제말은 임진왜란의 戰功에도 불구하고 남겨진 기록이 없어 잊힐 뻔하다가 남구만의 우연한 기록과 정석유의 기이한 이야기 전승에 힘입어 국왕의 褒彰을 받고 신도비명까지 작성되는 주인공이 되었다. 제말 기록 전승의 특징과 의미를 요약하면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 제말 기록은 그의 사후 70년까지 전하는 기록이 없다가 우연히 전해지는 이야기와 혼령 출몰담이 기록되면서 필기와 야담, 傳 등의 작품으로 전승되고, 이를 바탕으로 碑誌文까지 작성되는 다소 독특한 과정을 보여준다. 둘째, 정석유의 기록은 기이성을 바탕으로 빠른 파급력을 낳아 여러 유형의 산문 작품을 산생시키는 계기가 되었다. 셋째, 제말 이야기는 신돈복의 奇異 인식 및 창작 능력과 결합하여 서사가 확대되고 편폭이 길어지는 등 서사성이 강화되면서 야담 양식으로 전승되었다. 넷째, 제말 이야기의 기록과 전승에는 기본적으로 ‘忠烈’의 유교적 가치관을 선양하고 묵수하려는 사대부 의식이 내포되어 있다. 또 제말 혼령 이야기의 빠른 확산과 재생산은 후세에 길이 이름을 전하고자 하는 인간의 근원적 열망을 바탕으로, 업적이 있는 데도 그것이 실현되지 못했을 경우의 억울함이 귀신과 같은 비현실적 현상을 낳을 수 있다는 기록자들의 공통된 인식을 보여준다. This paper reviews the process and aspects of the record on Jemal, which was passed down from Gi-sa to the prose works such as biography, handwriting, and Yadam, and aims to examine its features and meanings. Jemal, a common people, was born in Goseong. After the outbreak of the Imjin-year war, he raised righteous armies and won a battle in the battles of Ungcheon and Jeongam. His distinguished military service was known to Royal court and he was ordained a Seongjoo ministry. But he was shortly killed in the war and his achievements seemed to be so buried because there were no records left. For the first time, Jemal’s achievements became known to the world by the record of Nam Gu-Man. Later, when Gi-sa that Jeong Seok-Yu met Jemal’s spirit was written, his story became widespread. Then records for his achievements and appearance of spirit was rapidly spread. It was reproduced with handwriting, Yadam, and biography. King, Jeongjo, who was impressed by the transmitted story, granted him the posthumous conferment of honors, the Minister of War, and the posthumous epithet, and set up his memorial stone, and issued a praising funeral oration. Hence, his descendant, Je An-guk wrote record of conduct based on the inherited stories. After that, he obtained Shindobimyung from Byun Jong-Un and collected the related records and compiled it as 『Samchungrok』. Like this, Jemal, General of the righteous armies, was almost forgotten in spite of distinguished military service because there were no records left, but thanks to the accidental record of Nam Gu-Man and Jeong Seok-Yu’s bizarre story, Shindobimyung was written after receiving the king’s help. The following is a summary of the features and meanings of the story transmission about Jemal. First, there were no records left about his life until 70 years after his death. As an inherited story and the story of the spirit appearing by chance were recorded, works such as writtings, Yadam, and biography were transmitted and then Bijimoon based on these was written. Second, Jemal’s spirit appeared to Jeong Seok-Yu. He appealed his resentment and requested Chimyo, Combined with it, ancient event about Jemal spread quickly. This means that Jeong Seok-Yu’s record produced a rapid ripple effect based on mystery and produced several styles of prose works. Third, the story about Jemal was transmitted in the form of a Yadam as narrativity was strengthened, such as the expansion of narrative and lengthening of the content of the work, combined with the awareness and creative ability of Shin Don-bok. Fourth, at the bottom of which the story about Jemal was first recorded and spread, there was basically a consciousness of the gentry trying to admit and embrace the Confucian values of unswerving loyalty. In addition, the rapid ripple effect of the story about Jemal’s spirit was formed on the basis of the common understanding of the authors about the fundamental desires of humans to convey their names to future generations and unfortunate unfulfilment of them.

『雙淸堂題詠』에 나타난 공간 인식

조정윤(Cho Jeong-yun) 어문연구학회 2021 어문연구 Vol.110 No.-

이 논문은 『雙淸堂題詠』에 수록된 詩文을 분석하여 조선시대 문인들의 공간인식을 고찰한 것이다. 우선 대상 공간인 쌍청당에 대한 이해를 돕기 위해 누정 주인 송유와 쌍청당의 건립에 관해 검토한 후, 주요 텍스트인 『쌍청당제영』의 구성을 살폈다. 이때 누정 주인 송유와 수록 작가와의 관계를 밝혀 작품이 창착된 배경을 탐색하였다. 이어 쌍청당 시문에 나타난 형상화 양상 및 공간인식에 대해 분석하였다. 조선 시대 문인들이 제작한 쌍청당시문의 내용은 크게 도학적 관물인식의 발현, 전원생활의 흥취, 선조의 덕행을 계승하고 가문을 선양하는 것으로 나눠볼 수 있다. 또한 쌍청당 시문의 이러한 내용적 특징은 쌍청당을 인격수양 및 隱居의 공간, 接賓의 공간, 가문 결집의 공간으로 인식한 문인들의 사유와 밀접한 관련을 맺는다. 이 가운데 특히 인격 수양 및 은거의 공간으로써의 이미지를 형상화 한 작품이 전체 작품에서 큰 비중을 차지한다. 이는 당호에서 표방한 바람과 물[雙淸]의 맑음을 본받아서 심성을 수양하고자 하는 도학적 관물인식에서 비롯한 것으로 해석할 수 있다. 곧 쌍청당 시문의 공간 인식 및 그 형상화 양상은 대체로 누정 주인과 당호의 합일 관계를 읊는 전통 및 당호에 제시된 뜻을 밝혀 심성을 도야하고자하는 도학적 관물의식과 연관되어 있다. This paper is reviewing the object recognition about the space of Nujeong of writers in the early Joseon Dynasty by analyzing the embodiment aspect of 『Ssangcheongdangjeyoung(雙淸堂題詠), which is a compilation of poems about Ssangcheongdang, a space in Nujeong in our area. First, in order to understand the target space, Ssangcheongdang, we briefly reviewed the construction of Ssangcheongdang and Songyu(宋愉), the owner of Nujeong, and then reviewed the composition and writers of the text of this thesis, 『Ssangcheongdangjeyeong』. At this time, by examining the relationship between the master of Nujeong and the writer of Jeyeong poem(題詠詩), the motivation for the creation of poetry related to Ssangcheongdang was examined. Then, as a result of analyzing the embodiment aspect of Ssangcheongdang Jeyoung and record literature(記文), it was confirmed that writers viewed Ssangcheongdang from three perspectives. That is, it is a space for cultivating personality and hiding places, a space for bonseon(奉先) and reception(接賓), and a space for cultivating a family member. Among them, the image of Ssangcheongdang as a space for character cultivation and retreat, which is the first, is the most important. In 『Ssangcheongdangjeyeong』, there are many poems about the unity of the owner of Nujeong and the name of the building, and most of the works contain the will and desire to cultivate the heart by imitating the purity of the wind and water.

谿谷 張維의 記文 硏究

조정윤(Cho Jeong Yun) 대동한문학회 2007 大東漢文學 Vol.27 No.-

본고는 谿谷 張維(1587~1638)의 記文 전체를 개관하고 주요 작품들에 대한 분석을 진행해 봄으로써, 장유 산문의 구체적 양상과 특징에 대해 살펴보고자 한 것이다. 모두 19편인 그의 기문은 私堂 또는 公?를 대상으로 창작한 樓亭記가 주를 이루는 한편, 산수자연을 유람하고 그 행로의 견문과 감상을 기록한 山水遊記는 전혀 없다. 창작시기상 비교적 이른 시기에 해당하는 안산 寓居 시절의 작품들은 대부분 私堂을 대상으로 한 작품들로, 堂號의 의미 풀이를 주요 내용으로 삼고 있는데, 이때 당시 서인계로서 작자와 堂主가 처했던 상호 불우한 처지에 대한 同質意識이나 憐憫ㆍ慰勞의 감정들이 함께 표현된다. 그런가 하면 인조반정 이후 환로기에 지어진 기문 중에는 公?를 대상으로 한 작품들도 다수 차지하는데, 이들 작품들은 애민의식을 바탕으로 한 政事에서의 교화적 내용을 기술하고 있어 위정자로써의 면모를 살필 수 있게 한다. 장유 기문의 두드러진 특징은 일반적 기문의 양식적 특성인 ‘記事’보다는, 堂號의 의미 풀이와 관련해서 儒家的 이치 혹은 가치를 추구하거나 자신의 다양한 철학적 사유를 입론하는 방식의 ‘議論’에 치중하고 있다는 점을 들 수 있다. 〈蜃樓記〉의 경우 『莊子』를 연원으로 하는 寓言 및 『孟子』ㆍ『戰國策』과 같은 先秦散文에서 나타나는 論爭的 問答 형식을 활용하여 虛幻과 實在의 문제, 즉 시ㆍ공간의 무한성에 대한 인간과 만물의 유한성에 대한 문제를 상대주의적 사유에 입각하여 의론화 하고 있음을 확인할 수 있다. 〈神明舍記〉는 寓言적 방식을 활용하여 사람들이 이해하기 어려운 ‘心’과 ‘明德’의 이치를 보다 이해하기 쉽게 풀어내고 있는 작품이다. 이 밖에 私堂을 대상으로 하여 堂號의 의미에 관한 의론을 주요 내용으로 하는 다수의 기문들은 堂과 堂號, 堂號와 堂主간에 名實相符함을 밝히는데 역점을 두고 있으며, 이를 위해 堂號에 대한 의론과 堂主에 대한 서술부분이 서로 조응하도록 구성하고 있음을 살필 수 있다. 또한 이들 작품에서 堂號 및 堂主와 관련해서 빈번하게 강조하고 있는 주제는 바로 君子의 修養과 같은 儒家的 道임이 확인된다. This paper was focused on aspects of discussion and characteristics of Ki writings that Gegog, Jang Yu (1587~1638), who was one of Hanmoonsadaegas in the middle of Chosun, wrote. As a result of a general survey of his Ki writings, in the first place, the main current was writings (樓亭記) about a personal house and its name by private asking. On the other hand, there was no writing about travels about landscape (山水遊記). According to the division by creation time and object, the majority of the literary works in the days when he was in Ansan were about a personal house. The same consciousness or feelings of pity and comfort between the author and the owner of the house in adverse circumstance flowed in the base of his works. On the other hand, the literary works in the aged days after enthronement of Incho described an educational subject in the governmental affairs and public morals of people related to a government building. An aspect of a politician was also visible in his works. However, the most important characteristic in Gegog, Jang Yu’ Ki writings was to lay stress upon discussion setting up a philosophical idea and thinking and clarify a confucian reason associated with meaning or interpretation of a name of a personal house, not to record a fact. Examining closely aspects of discussion through analyses of his works, in case of Shinru Ki (蜃樓記), it was confirmed that a problem on existence and non-existence was discussed by making use of the form of controversy questions and answers, which came out in prose before Jin as “Maengja (孟子)” and “Jeonggugchaek (戰國策)”, which originated from “Jangja (莊子)”. In other words, a problem on finiteness of a man and all nature for infiniteness of time and space was discussed, which was based on relative thinking. “Shinmyungsa Ki (神明舍記)” was a writing, which was comprehensively and easily solving a difficult reason of “Shim (心)” and “Myungduk (明德)” by using an allegory form In addition, many Ki writings including discussion on meaning of a name of a personal house was focused on making it clear to be true to the name between a house and its name, its name and its owner. They consisted of discussion on the name of a personal house and the corresponding description of the owner of it. In this point, a theme Jang-yu emphasized in several works associated with the name of a personal house was the very confucian morality