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조정남 ( Chung Nam Cho ) 한국민족연구원 2015 민족연구 Vol.0 No.61
일본은 천왕제가 확립된 명치유신 이후에는 일본의 대표적인 민족정책이라고 할 수 있는 천황을 ‘親’, 국민을 ‘臣’으로 하는 가족국가관을 중심으로 하는 ‘단일 민족론’을 창안 발전시켜왔다. 그러나 본격적인 제국주의세력화 해가는 과정에서 다양한 타민족집단을 일본제국의 신민으로 받아드리게 됨에 따라 기존의 단일민족론에 대신하여 제국주의 특유의 민족이론인 ‘복합민족론’, ‘통합민족론’등의 다양한 제국주의 민족론을 통하여 그들 제국 내에 새롭게 편입된 식민지 민족들을 새로운 ‘일본 민족화’하려 했다. 그리나 그 후 1945년 전쟁에서 패배하자 그들은 단번에 제국주의민족이론을 벗어던지고 다시 그들 고유의 황국사관에 입각한‘단일민족론’으로 회귀하면서 전후의 새로운 상황에 대처하고 나섰다. 일본의 재외 일본인(일계인)들에 대한 정책적인 대응도 그들의 전통적인 민족정책의 연장선상에 있다. 단일민족론이 지배하던 전전의 천황제 가족국가 시대에 이뤄진 해외이민들에 대해서는 해외에 나가 있지만 몸과 마음은 언제나 천황가의 신민이어야 한다는‘천황 신민론’의 입장에서, 1945년 패전 이후로는 해외 동포들에 대해서 일단 해외에 나갔으면 그곳 현지가 무엇보다 우선해야 한다는 이른바 ‘수입국 중심주의’의 입장을 강조하는 등으로 재외동포정책을 유연하게 펼쳐기도 했다. 2000년대로 들어서면서는 남미 특히 브라질 등의 일계 후손들을 일본으로 불러드려, 이들을 부족한 노동력으로 활용하는 등의 새로운 일계인 활용의 수단이 동원되기도 하고 있다. The Japanese diaspora, known as nikkei (日系), are Japanese emigrants from Japanand their descendants that reside in a foreign country. Emigration from Japan firsthappened and was recorded as early as the 12th century to the Philippines, but didnot become a mass phenomenon until the Meiji Era, when Japanese began to goto the Philippines, North America, and beginning in 1897 with 35 emigrants to Mexico. There was also significant emigration to the territories of the Empire of Japan duringthe colonial period; however, most such emigrants repatriated to Japan after the endof World War II in Asia. According to the Association of Nikkei and Japanese Abroad,there are about 2.5 million nikkei living in their adopted countries. The largest ofthese foreign communities are in Brazil, the United States, Peru and the Philippines. Descendants of emigrants from the Meiji Era still hold recognizable communities inthose countries, forming separate ethnic groups from Japanese peoples in Japan. After World War II, most of these overseas Japanese repatriated to Japan. TheAllied powers repatriated over 6 million Japanese nationals from colonies and battlefieldsthroughout Asia. On]y a few remained overseas, often involuntarily, as in the caseof orphans in China or prisoners of war captured by the Red Army and forced towork in Siberia. During the 1950s and 1960s, an estimated 6,000 Japanese accompaniedZainichi Korean spouses repatriating to North Korea, while another 27,000prisoners-of-war are estimated to have been sent there by the Soviet Union; see Japanesepeople in North Korea. In the 1980s, with Japan``s growing economy facing a shortage of workers willingto do so-called three ‘K’ jobs (きつい kitsui [difficult], 汚い kitanai [dirty], and 危險kiken [dangerous]), Japan``s Ministry of Labor began to grant visas to ethnic Japanesefrom South America to come to Japan and work in factories. The vast majority -estimated at roughly 300,000-were from Brazil, but there is also a large populationfrom Peru and smaller populations from Argentina and other Latin American countries. In response to the recession as of 2009, the Japanese government has offered ￥300,000for unemployed Japanese from Latin America to return to their country of origin withthe stated goal of alleviating the country``s soaring unemployment. Another ￥200,000is offered for each additional family member to leave.
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趙政男 慶北大學校 1978 論文集 Vol.25-26 No.-
The year of 1956 was the watershed of post-Stalin ideological change in the U.S.S.R. In the Central Committee's report to the Twenieth Party Congress-the first congress held after Stalin's death-Nikita Khrushchev announced a series of doctrinal innovations affecting particularly the line of Communist Marxism on international relations and the further development of the world communist revolution. These doctrinal changes was centered in the general idea that communism can spread in the world by peaceful means, without "export of revolution" (i, e., the use of armed force to impose communist revolutions from without) or internal civil war. From this time, the "peaceful" communist revolutionary ideas was used to an important take-over tactics among the communist nations. In the wake of the Russian revolution of February 1917, which over-threw the Tsar, Lenin's party attempts to enact the violent revolutionary scenario. After they took power in October, however, their efforts to raise revolts in other countries had little success, the revolutionary outbreaks in Hungary and Germany were abortive, and the venture in revolutionary war in Poland in 1920 ended in failure. Therefore, it was not surprising that the theory of the world communist revolution underwent significant modification in the movement of thought from classical to communist Marxism. Indeed, patterns of non-violent change have assumd ever greater importance in communist theory and practice, particularly when we deal with the fairly centemporary scene, they are given commensurate attention. Even in the optimal situtation of co-existence as defined by the communist, however, violence plays a crucial, if de-emphasized, role. We fell that the option of violence continious to be of major importance to communist strategy. In short, we must remind that peaceful coexistence and peaceful revolution can never embrace "ideological co-existence," i.e., that the ideological gulf between communist and noncom munist societies remains unbridged and unbridgeable.
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