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This paper starts with the questions of how and why Korean rural families maintain patriarchal structures despite their various attempts to readjust to modern situations in their rural communities. Rural families had been analyzed as understanding the 'traditional' Korean family structure until the 1970s. In the 1980s, problems related to economic crisis and urban migration have been the major interests of rural research. Reports describing a shaking family economy and the heavy workload of peasants in the 80s include that the 'traditional' family system functions to sustain or reproduce socio-economic status in rural communities. However, in the 90s, the economic crisis under the WTO system seems to threaten to demolish it. The concept of 'cultural resistance' against this crisis of utilizing 'traditional' social organization is adopted to analyzing emerging new organizations reconstructed from old ones. At the same time a feminist approach is also applied to rural family research. The changes in the research focus reflect the changing status of rural communities in the period of globalization. Contemporary family problems in rural communities are matters concerning their survival . Their ways of utilizing manpower in the family and of reconstructing 'traditional' social organization seem to be their survival strategy. This paper examines this strategy in two ways: one from a conservative, 'traditional' way, and the other from a 'modern' way, which peasant families adopt based on my field data from 1981 and other research papers. I try to point out the 'flexibility' of Korean peasants citing 'memoirs' of old men from my field and to relate this aspect to a 'modern' strategy as well as to a 'traditional' one. In the modern strategy, peasants are flexible enough to accept 'smaller' family and rather 'equal' relationships among family members. That flexibility allows women to be active laborers and partners to their husbands, although in the decision-making process of farming, they are still marginalized due to their lack of education and experience. Women's increased roles do not result in better socio-economic statuses in communities because they are still represented by their husbands , etc. I try to relate this discrepancy between increased roles and social recognition to retaining family ideology and a patriarchal community bureaucracy. Traditional emphasis on family relations increases the burden of parents to support their children and women's roles to family subsistence. A rural bureaucratic system only runs through patriarchal ways; through 'village leaders' and 'heads of households.'A recent report dealing with 'reconstructed old social organizations' indicates that these are mostly roles for men across villages. The analyst argues that these are the reconfirmation of an old community consciousness of 'mutuality and communality' in a period of cultural identity crisis. But I conclude that this reconstructed organization and bureaucratic system limit modern aspects of changing family relations extended to the community level through their exclusiveness. Therefore, this paper points out that the present modern and conservative ways to adjust to the economic crisis cannot contribute to better womens positions. It has also implied that newly rising cultural resistances may function to retain the 'patriarchal' aspect of Korean rural communities.