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조기석 현대문법학회 2004 현대문법연구 Vol.36 No.-
The goal of this article is to discuss properties of functional categories in the framework of Chomsky (1999)`s minimalist theory. We will divide core functional categories of English into sixteen types of categories and specify their syntactic properties in terms of EPP feature, EPP tense feature, and EPP affix feature. We will justify the necessity of the EPP tense feature and the EPP affix feature on the empirical basis of English data. The notion of EPP affix feature will be justified on empirical grounds.
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Imperative Constructions in English
조기석 한국영어학회 2009 영어학 Vol.9 No.2
The purpose of this article is to discuss imperative constructions in English and show that imperative constructions are formed by force lowering. The force lowering process is a movement of force feature to verbal predicates. It requires adjacency between Comp and the verbal predicates that bear the force feature. The force lowering approach to imperative constructions will explain why negative imperative sentences such as not cheat in the exam are not acceptable, whereas don't cheat in the exam or somewhat archaic cheat not in the exam are possible imperative sentences.
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조기석 한국외국어대학교 영미연구소 2019 영미연구 Vol.45 No.-
The purpose of this study is to investigate Chomsky’s binding theory and show that its definition of C-Command in binding principles A, B and C is limited to the argument structures of a predicate, and does not work in different argument structures of different predicates. It will be shown that the notion of C-Command should be differentiated depending on whether lexical items that enter into binding relations are in the same argument structures of the same predicate or in different argument structures of different predicates. In the former case where lexical items, particularly proper nouns and pronouns, are in the same argument structures of the same predicate, referential expressions and pronouns enter into C-Command relations in terms of the maximal projections of their categories. The binding relations based on the M-Command work for the lexical items belonging to the same argument structure of the same predicate, but do not work for the lexical items belonging to the different argument structures of different predicates. Hence a new definition of C-Command should be put forth to explain the binding relations of the lexical items belonging to the different argument structures of different predicates. It will be proposed that the lexical items in the same argument structures of the same predicate need M-Command-based binding relations while the lexical items in different argument structures of different predicates need Command-based binding relations.
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조기석 신영어영문학회 2007 신영어영문학 Vol.37 No.-
he goal of this article is to discuss the licensing condition of the null arguments PRO and pro from a critical point of view and provide an alternative licensing condition. The government and binding theory specifies the licensing condition of PRO in terms of PRO theorem. The PRO theorem states that PRO should be ungoverned to be licensed as a null pronoun subject. This study points out some significant problems of the PRO theorem on the basis of the empirical data analysis, and offer a new licensing condition for PRO and pro. The new licensing condition will be a better alternative to the former one in that we can dispense with all the stipulations with regard to the notion of government.
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A Review of the Anti-Locality of Movement Dependencies
조기석 한국생성문법학회 2012 생성문법연구 Vol.22 No.1
The purpose of this article is to carry out two major tasks. The first is to discuss Grohmann (2003)'s containment-based Anti-Locality Condition from a critical point of view and test its coverage of empirical application on the basis of A-movement and A'-movement. It will be shown that the Anti-Locality Condition has a very limited coverage of application in comparison with other containment-based locality conditions such as the Phase Impenetrability Condition. The second is to offer a revised version of the Anti-Locality Condition to broaden its coverage of application. The revised version of the Anti-Locality Condition will be a genuine solution of the problems that the standard Anti-Locality Condition is confronted with.
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Conjoining Main Clauses and Embedded Clauses: The Link Approach
조기석 한국외국어대학교 영미연구소 2014 영미연구 Vol.30 No.-
This study discussed the progressive being and nonprogressive being and classified the former as an aspect that signifies the aspectual state of a sentence and the latter as a link that conjoins the main clause and the embedded clause. The nonprogressive being is optional when the embedded clause has a complementizer that conjoins the main clause and the embedded clause. The nonprogressive being is also optional when the sentence has an appositive comma that conjoins the main clause and the embedded clause in an equal way. The appositive comma conjoins the main clause and the embedded clause only when they both have verbal elements and have equal structural status. Syntactic identification of the nonprogressive being as a link makes a clear distinction between the obligatory progressive being and the nonprogressive being, which is optional when the sentence has a complementizer or an appositive comma that performs the same function.
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