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        장 드니 아티레(Jean-Denis Attiret, 王致誠)와 로코코 미술의 동아시아 전파

        정석범(Jung Sukbum) 미술사연구회 2008 미술사연구 Vol.- No.22

        Jean-Denis Attiret (王致誠, 1702-1768) was a French Jesuit active as a prominent painter in service of the court of Qianlong emperor. Overshadowed by the fame of Giuseppe Castiglione (郞世寧, 1688-1766), his artistic achievement had been remained unknown to Korea or abroad. Concerning the western painting techniques introduced by the Jesuit painters, the influx of Baroque style in China and Mannerism in Japan has been pointed out in previous scholarships. The inflow of Rococo art from Europe via Attiret during the reign of Emperor Qianlong, however, has not yet received proper scholarly attentions as it deserves. Rococo art emerged in the early 18th-century and became highly popularized in particular, in France. After the death of the absolute monarch of Louis ⅩⅣ, the center of arts was shifted from Versailles to salons in Paris, mostly enjoyed by the aristocracy and the upper class bourgeois. It is Rococo-style decorative art that flowered during that transitional period of time. Intricate ornaments embellished with curves and asymmetrical patterns became pronounced as architectural interior designs, while Watteau’s fete galante, Boucher’s sensual expressions of Greco-Roman mythology, and pastoral country were well-received as pictorial subjects. In the time between the demise of Baroque style and the rise of Rococo style, Attiret was born as a son of a painter in the small city of Dole in the mid-east of France. Showing great talent of painting as a child, he went to study at the French Royal Academy in Rome with the support of Marquis de Broissia, At the academy, he met Rococo artists such as Natoire and van Loo. At that time, Pannini, famous for his images of imaginary ruins of antiquity, was teaching perspective. As indicated by Ruines Imaginaires, the early work of Attiret depicting ruins of Rome seems to have been influenced by Pannini’s works. After returning to France, Attiret gained artistic fame as a portrait painter, and at the same time, he worked on the interior decorations of the Jesuit church and oil paintings of biblical episodes. Although his motivation is unknown, Attiret joined the Jesuits and entered the novitiate of Avignon in 1735. During this time, he painted the Quatre Evangeliste on the dome ceiling of the Eglise St. Louis within the novitiate. He was recognized for his talent and sent by the Jesuits in 1738 as a court painter to the Qing court. In China, Attiret, first called Zhang Chunyi (張純一), received a Chinese name of Wang Zhicheng and was assigned to a palace of Yuanming Yuan (Garden of Perfect Brightness). He participated in various decorative paintings and emperor-related documentary paintings. At that time, Castiglione established a firm position as the head court painter of the Qing court. Of the works by Attiret, the oil painting portraits of leaders of the Mongol nomadic tribes subjugated by Qing and the Ten Steeds are well-known. With Castiglione, Sichelbart and Damascene, Attiret is also believed to have participated in the preparatory drawing for the copperplate print entitled as Battle Scenes of Quelling the Western Regions. In addition to these historical themes, Attiret played an essential role in introducing a newly emerged trend of Rococo art, which swept the eighteenth-century European art scene. His significant role, however, have been rather overlooked. There are two extant Rococo-style oil paintings securely attributed to Attiret. Portrait of Fragrant Concubine that depicts is Hsing Fei (香妃: fragrant concubine) as a shepherd girl, with a hat on her head, holding a cane in one hand and a flower basket in the other, is painted in a sweet Rococo style echoing Boucher’s. The other work is A Court Lady and Her Attendants, which depicts the daily life of an Emperor Qianlong’s royal concubine who lived in a room at the Yuanming Yuan. Attended by maids, the emperor’s concubine is posed in a room embellished in a delicate Rococo-style. Along with Castiglione, Attiret

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        화산관 이명기와 조선 후기 서양화풍 초상화의 국제성

        정석범(Jung, Suk-bum) 고려대학교 한국학연구소 2013 한국학연구 Vol.45 No.-

        본 논문은 한국예술의 국제적 성격을 조선후기의 화원화가인 이명기의 초상화를 통해서 살펴보기 위한 논문이다. 한국은 전통적으로 중국을 중심으로 한 동아시아문화권의 중심 문화로부터 많은 세례를 받아왔다. 그러나 한국은 그런 문화적 외풍을 언제나 고유의 맥락 속에서 재해석, 새로운 절충문화와 예술을 창조해왔다. 18세기 화원 이명기를 중심으로 탄생한 조선의 절충양식 초상화도 그 대표적인 사례 중 하나라고 할 수 있다. 화원 이명기는 그런 주역의 한 사람으로 일찍부터 서양화법을 배웠지만 명암을 구사하는 데 있어 여전히 붓자국이 드러나 면적인 묘사와는 거리가 멀었고 원근법은 평행투시법의 수준에 머물렀다. 그러던 그는 1789년의 부연사행을 통해 서양화법에 대한 완전한 이해에 도달한다. 1891년에 제작한 <오재순상>은 그런 서양화법에 대한 완벽한 이해를 상징적으로 보여주는 예로 중국의 절충 양식에 기반을 둔 것이지만 이를 조선 초상화의 전통 속에서 재해석, 한국적 절충양식으로 소화해낸 것이다. 이명기의 초상화는 18세기 조선의 자신감과 작가의 치열한 노력으로 달성한 예술적 성과로 국제성과 한국성을 동시에 달성한 대표적 사례로 기억돼야 할 것이다. This paper examines the internationality of Korean art through the portrait art of Yi Myeong-gi(李命基: 1756-after 1802), a court painter during the late Joseon period. Traditionally Korea has been much influenced by Chinese culture, which has been central in the East Asian cultural sphere. Korea, however, has always reinterpreted the cultural currents from the outside within its own unique context and created new hybrid culture and art. One of the representative examples of this is the hybrid style portrait art of Joseon created by the 18thcentury courtpainters led by Yi Myeong-gi. As a driving force of such eclectic creativity, Yi Myeong-gi learned early on the techniques of Western painting. However, his use of chiaroscuro (shading), still showing traces of brush strokes, was far from achieving planar depiction, and his use of perspective remained at the level of parallelism. But through his participation in the 1789 envoy to the Chinese Emperor in Beijing for paying tributes, he attained a full understanding of Western painting techniques. The Portrait of Oh Jae-sun(吳載純像) completed in 1791, as a representative example showing his complete understanding of Western painting techniques, is based on the hybrid style of China, but it is also a work reinterpreted within the tradition of Joseon portrait art and assimilated into a Korean-style hybrid style. As an artistic achievement attained through the confidence of the 18thcentury Joseon and the fierce effort of the artist, the portrait art of Yi Myeong-gi should be remembered as a representative example that simultaneously achieved both internationality and Korean originality.

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        조선후기 서양화풍 초상화와 유가적 自我

        정석범(Jung Sukbum) 미술사연구회 2007 미술사연구 Vol.- No.21

        The portrait is a genre that recreates a specific individual image, and it naturally reflects not only the outer characteristics and aesthetic viewpoint of the subject but also certain inner characteristics such as how the society in which the portrait was drawn views humanity. Therefore, it is indispensable to have a correct understanding of individuality. However, it is not an exaggeration to state that explanations of individuality in East Asian Confucian society are direly lacking. Terminologies that we customarily use such as“self”(“moi”in French) or “individual”(“individu”in French) are words loaned from western philosophical concepts signifying “an existence as a subject of perception, desire, and action which is separate from the external world or other human beings”or “a human being as an individuality that is irreplaceable with others.”Such meanings, however, are remote from the individuality of traditional East Asian society and that has been a cause of incomplete understanding of traditional portraits. Originally, the Confucian self was an active being with moral autonomy and the ability to judge appropriate patterns of behavior in each of the five cardinal relations(五倫): the parent-child, ruler-subject, husband-wife, old-young, and fiend-friend human relationships. However, as Confucianism became politically ideologized during the Han Dynasty and filial piety(孝) became known as the supreme value, the active individual self became submerged into a hierarchy of family ethics centered on the head of the family. Nevertheless, in spite of such a regression of individual autonomy, the Confucian individual can still be said to be a relational being that actively chose and carried out roles proper to the self within the horizontal relationship network of the five cardinal relations and the vertical[hierarchical] relationship network of the four classes(四民). The East Asian Confucian society based on these five cardinal relations and such a status system began to show political, social, and economic contradictions during the 16<SUP>th</SUP> and 17<SUP>th</SUP> centuries. In China, the desire to reform the irrational reality was expressed as a new current of neo-Confucianism, namely the doctrines of Wang Yangming(陽明學), which affirmed human desires and individuality, and that led to increased interest in the physical world. In the case of the Joseon Dynasty, studies on governing and applied scholarship were carried out mainly by the out-of-power Confucianists who rebelled against the unreality of existing neo-Confucianism and the failure of its policies. The resulting emphasis on the physical aspects of the Universe in the Late Ming Dynasty in China and the Late Joseon Dynasty in Korea also caused a transformation in the characteristics of the traditional Confucian individual. The traditional Confucian human being that endeavored to become an ideal person, a “man of virtue”(君子), through the cultivation of oneself as a relational being located within the network of the five cardinal relations and status-based relations, now became replaced by a realistic human being pursuing perfection of character within the concrete activities of everyday life. Such inner changes in Confucianism, however, did not negate the foundations of Confucian society, which rested on the traditions of the five cardinal horizontal relations and status-based hierarchical relations. The traditional self built on relationships was maintained just the same, while only the method of reaching the Confucian individual's ideal adulthood (becoming a man of virtue) had changed, shedding the abstract approach that had been the norm until then and following the new method of expressing that ideal within the concrete life of reality. The interest in reality influenced painting and created a tendency to emphasize realistic representation, and this showed most notably in portraits. With portraits in the Late Joseon Dynasty, the reception of we

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        康雍乾시대 ‘大一統’ 정책과 시각 이미지

        정석범(Jung Sukbum) 한국미술사교육학회 2009 美術史學 Vol.23 No.-

        대일통 사상은 한대에 대제국을 효율적으로 통치하기 위해 대두되었는데 황제 중심의 정치적 통일과 공자의 유학으로 사상을 통일하는 것을 말한다. 대일통 사상은 분열기에는 그 자취를 감추었지만 통일기에는 어김없이 등장하여 중국을 정치적, 문화적으로 결속하는 중요한 이념적 수단이 되었다. 초기에는 華夏 중심의 배타적인 종족적 화이론이었지만 한인 지배영역의 확대와 함께 변방의 四夷를 끌어안는 문화적 개념으로 재해석된다. 이민족으로서 중원의 패자가 된 청조도 문화적 화이론에 입각한 대일통 사상을 대제국 통합의 바탕으로 삼는다. 청조의 전성기를 이룩한 강희ㆍ옹정ㆍ건륭의 세 황제는 이러한 이념을 바탕으로 황제로서의 자신들의 이미지를 형성해 나간다. 강희제는 민본주의적인 유가 군주의 이미지를 정립하려 노력한 데 비해 옹정제는 重儒 정책을 표방하되 불교와 도교도 포용함으로써 복합다민족 국가에 걸맞은 군주상을 정립하려한다. 그러나 복합다민족 제국 위에 군림하는 새로운 황제상을 확립한 것은 건륭제였다. 그는 만주족에 대해서는 大汗으로서, 한족에 대해서는 민본적 유가군 주로, 티벳과 몽골인들에 대해서는 문수보살 황제로서의 이미지를 구축해나감으로써 다원적 대일통을 지향했다. 청조의 황제들은 대일통 사상을 제도적으로만 관철해나간 것이 아니라 시각 이미지를 활용하여 이를 적극적으로 유포했다. 이를 위해 그들은 화원제도를 적극적으로 활용했고 대일통 이미지에 적합한 화원양식의 형성에 치밀하게 개입한다. 중국 전통화법과 서양화법을 병렬적으로 결합한 화원의 공식 회화양식인 ‘郎體’는 황제의 칙령을 만문, 한문, 몽골문 등으로 병기하여 반포하는 복합 다민족 제국의 운용방식과 통하는 것이다. 이렇게 해서 제작된 이미지들은 세 황제가 각각 지향한 군주로서의 풍모를 선양하는 중요한 수단이 되었다. 민본주의적 유가 군주를 표방했던 강희제는 자신의 초상을 통한 직설적 방식보다는《佩文齋耕織圖》의 반포와 같은 간접적인 방식으로 자신의 이미지를 구축해나갔다. 유교를 중심으로 하면서 불교, 도교 등도 포용한 옹정제는 강희제와 달리 자신의 단독 초상을 통해 새로운 황제상을 정립하려했다. 그는 자신을 백성과 즐거움을 함께하는 군주로, 혹은 다양한 민족의 지도자로 묘사함으로써 마치 상황에 따라 형상을 바꾸는 부처와 같은 모습으로 자신을 묘사했다. 반면 청 최대의 영토를 이룩한 건륭제는 다양한 민족을 통합하기 위해 다원적 이미지 전략을 구사했다. 불교가 현실정치에 큰 영향력을 행사하는 티벳과 몽골지역에는 문수보살로서의 황제상을 제작 유포하는 한편 기마초상과 같은 大汗으로서의 이미지도 공적인 장소를 통해 전파해나갔다. 한인에 대해서는 덕치를 구현하는 유가군주로의 풍모를 드러내려 했는데 이는 황제의 仁政에 감화되어 極西의 서양인들까지 조공을 바치러 온다는 <萬國來朝圖>에 웅변적으로 표현되었다. 청대 강옹건 시대의 화원을 통한 시각이미지 정책은 정치 이데올로기와 이미지의 상호관계를 파악하는 중요한 사례가 된다는 점에서 미술사연구의 가치있는 자산이라고 할 수 있다. The doctrine of ‘The Great Unity(Daiyitong)’ became prominent in the Han Dynasty as the driving force for efficient governing of the great empire and it refers to the political unification centered on the emperor and the Confucianism-centered unification of ideologies. Although it disappeared during periods of division, the doctrine of ‘The Great Unity’ emerged without fail during periods of unification and became an important ideological means of politically and culturally uniting China. Initially an exclusivist, ethnic group based Sino-Barbarian theory (Huayilun) centered on the central district of China, it became reinterpreted, with the expansion of the Han controlled territory, as a cultural concept embracing the Four Barbarians (Siyi) in the border areas. Even the Qing Dynasty, established by a Manchurian people reigning supreme over central China, took up the doctrine of ‘The Great Unity’, based on cultural Sino-Barbarian theory, as the foundation for the unity of the great empire. The three emperors, Kangxi, Yongzheng, and Qianlong, who built the golden age of the Qing Dynasty, constructed their images as emperors based on such ideology. Whereas Emperor Kangxi strived to establish the image of the people-oriented Confucian monarch, Emperor Yongzheng attempted to form the image of the monarch befitting a multi-ethnic nation by embracing Buddhism and Taoism while still pursuing a Confucianism first policy. However it is Emperor Qianlong who established the new image of the emperor dominating over a multi-ethnic empire. He moved toward the pluralistic ‘Great Unity’ by constructing the image of the Great Khan for the Manchu, the people-oriented Confucian monarch for the Hans, and the Manjusri Emperor for the Tibetans and Mongols. Going beyond institutionally establishing the doctrine of ‘The Great Unity’, the Qing emperors actively disseminated it by using visual images. To do so, they aggressively used the Painting Academy system and elaborately intervened in the formation of the Painting Academy’s style appropriate for the Great Unity image. The Castiglione’s style, the official painting form of the Painting Academy which combined traditional Chinese painting and Western painting styles like “collaged images”, conforms to the method of managing a multi-ethnic empire whereby the emperor’s edits are sent out in the Manchu, Chinese, Mongolian, and Tibetan languages written side by side. The images thus formed became important means of propagating the image of the ruler sought by each of the three emperors, respectively. Emperor Kangxi, who espoused the people-oriented Confucian monarch, established his image through indirect methods such as distribution of the Book of Agriculture and Sericulture(Gengzhitu), rather than the direct method of distributing his portrait. Emperor Yongzheng, who embraced Buddhism and Taoism while keeping Confucianism at center, unlike Emperor Kangxi, attempted to establish a new image of the emperor through his own individual portraits. By depicting himself as a ruler who share in the joys of the people, or as a leader of diverse ethnic groups, he expressed himself like Buddha who changed shape appropriately depending on the situation. On the other hand, Emperor Qianlong, who expanded Qing’s territory to its greatest size, employed a strategy of pluralistic images to unite the diverse ethnic groups. In Tibet and Mongol areas where Buddhism exercised tremendous influence, he produced and distributed the image of the emperor as Manjusri Emperor and also disseminated the image of the Great Khan. Toward the Han people, the emperor tried to reveal the image of a Confucian monarch actualizing ethical government, and this was eloquently expressed in the Ten Thousand Envoys Come to Pay Tribute (Wanguolaizhaotu) showing even Extreme Occidental Westerners coming to pay tribute. As an important example for understanding the correlation between political ideology and image, the visual image p

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      • 산업용 보일러 배기가스 중의 NO_x 제거를 위한 TiO_2 담지 산화 중석 촉매들의 내열성과 그 촉매표면 산성특성과의 상관관계

        丁碩鎭,李重範 慶熙大學校 1989 論文集 Vol.18 No.-

        In order to suggest an efficient catalyst systems for the NOx reduction of flue gases from industrial boilers, TiO_2 supported WO_3, WO_3-V_2O_5, V_2O_5 and WS_2 catalysts were tested for the performances of NOx reduction at high reaction temperature range (250-500℃) using a simulated flue gas system. It was found that while the proposed WO_3/TiO_2 and V_2O_5-WO_3/TiO_2 catalysts showed a significant high NOx reduction efficiencies at about 350-400℃, the conventional commercial catalyst of V_2O_5/TiO_2 showed a significant drop in NOx reduction efficiency due to the excessive NH_3 oxidation. From the measurements of surface acidities of those catalysts, it was found that the acidities are well correlated with the activities of NOx reduction. The reason of high activity of WO_3 series catalysts at high reaction temperature seems due to the low value of surface excess oxygen compared with that of V_2O_5/TiO_2 catalyst. The active site for NOx reduction of WO_3/TiO_2 seems equivalent to the acid site of that catalyst.

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