조선은행 일본지점의 청산과정과 한일관계

정병욱(Jung, Byung-Wook) 한국사학회 2009 史學硏究 Vol.- No.95

특집 : 평화와 통일의 사건사; 북한 대기근의 역사적 기원 -일제시기 함경도 지역을 중심으로-

정병욱 ( Byung Wook Jung ) 고려대학교 민족문화연구원 2013 民族文化硏究 Vol.59 No.-

이 글의 목적은 북한 대기근의 역사적 기원을 함경도 지역을 중심으로 살펴보는데 있다. 함경도는 자연 조건 상 식량 자급이 곤란한 지역이었다. 더욱이 20세기 들어서 도시화, 공업화의 진전에 따라 인구가 늘어나 식량의 70~80%를 외부에서 들여와야 하는 지역이었다. 북한 전체로 확대해 볼 때도 식량자급은 힘들었다. 다른 산업분야에서 생산하는 영농자재를 다량 투입하여 1970년대 중반 이후 일시적으로 식량자급에 도달할수 있었다. 그렇지만 영농자재의 공급이 원활하지 않자 안정적으로 식량자급을 유지할 수 없었다. The aim of this paper is to examine the historical origins of the great famine in North Korea focusing on Hamgyong-do area. Hamgyong-do was one of the areas where degree of self-sufficiency of food is low due to its natural condition. Furthermore, Hamgyong-do had to bring in 70-80% of the food from the outside as the area has been urbanized and industrialized in the 20th century. The food supply situation over the whole of North Korea was not poor either. After the mid 1970s, the food self-sufficiency was able to reach the right track temporarily by deploying agricultural materials from other industries. However, it lost its stability as the supply of agricultural material became disrupted. Eventually, to end the famine in North Korea, not only appropriate amount of food production system but also continuous and stable shortage-supplementing system should be prepared. When trades or rationing fail, migration consequentially follows. Herein lies the significance of rationing and vitalization of interregional trade implied from the history of famine relief in Hamgyong-do area.

종교단체의 회계투명성 확보를 위한 통일화된 회계기준 제정의 필요성

정병욱(Jung Byung-Wook),손혁(Shawn Hyuk),박성진(Park Sung-Jin) 한국국제회계학회 2010 국제회계연구 Vol.0 No.34

본 연구의 목적은 우리나라의 3대 종교단체인 불교, 천주교, 기독교의 회계제도의 현황을 파악하여 문제점을 진단하고 개선방안을 제시하는 데 목적이 있다. 본 논문의 연구결과를 요약하면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 교회의 회계처리는 고정자산에 대한 감가상각은 하지 아니하는 수정발생주의를 채택하고 있다. 둘째, 불교의 회계처리는 단식부기의 수준을 크게 벗어나지 못하고 있다. 셋째, 천주교는 자체개발한 전산회계프로그램에 복식부기로 매월 결산보고 하도록 하고 있으나, 구체적인 회계처리기준은 갖추고 있지 아니한다. 현행 종교단체의 불완전한 회계제도는 재정과 결산의 불투명성을 증가시키는 주요한 원인이 되고 있다. 본 연구는 이러한 회계의 불투명성을 해소하여 종교단체의 건강한 발전을 통한 건실화를 유도하고 국민들이 합리적으로 자신의 종교를 자유롭게 선택할 수 있도록 통일화된 회계기준을 제정할 것을 주장하였다. 이를 위해 “비영리조직의 재무제표 작성과 표시지침서”와 “일반기업에 적용되는 회계기준”을 원용하여 통일화된 회계기준의 제정방향을 제안하였다. The purpose of this study is diagnosing accounting system of the current country's three religious organizations(Buddhism, Catholics, Christian) and suggesting ways to improve the problem. The results of this study can be summarized as follows. First, Christian's accounting is modified accrual basis which does not depreciate fixed asset. Second, Buddhism's accounting is not far from a single-entry accounting system. Third, Catholic developed their own computerized accounting program to report each month by the double-entry system but the specific accounting standards are not equipped. Incomplete accounting system of religious organizations is the main cause to increase the non-transparency of financial and settlement. In this study, the unified accounting standards should be made to develop a sound religious organizations and reasonably induce the freedom to choose their own religion through resolving non-transparency of accounting. For this purpose, "the financial statements guidelines for non-profit organization" and "general corporate accounting standards are applied to establish the unified accounting standards.

식민지 기억과 분단 : 1940년 양구군 해안면 소학교 낙서사건을 사례로

정병욱 ( Jung Byung Wook ) 역사문제연구소 2014 역사문제연구 Vol.18 No.2

After liberation In 1945, memories of the message incident at Maedong Normal Elementary School in Yanggu county, Gangwon province, became classified into three types. The first type was referred to as the "silent" period, before the message incident be-came public until the middle of the 1970s. After liberation, the colonial memories that had honored anti-Japanese acts and criticized pro-Japanese acts could not last under the failing decolonized political reforms. The silence or delay of memories reflected the Cold War and division in the Korean peninsula. The second type of memory was classified as beginning after 1977, in which time the court`s written judgment was discovered and published in texts and history books. Since then, the related teacher was recognized as in-dependence patriot and students as leading figures in the anti-Japanese history of the region. However, this second type of memory had two characteristics. One is referred to as the survivor`s appropriation of memory, wherein it is doubtful whether memories corre-spond to actual facts. The other is called colonial traces. Ironically, confirming an in-dependence movement through texts, such as the ones created by Japanese powers who suppressed the movement, reintroduced the Japanese perspective which explained on the incident by focusing on the teacher and his anti-Japanese teachings. The third type of memory, based on newly discovered records of the Prosecutor`s Office, was formed after the publication of reinterpreted history books in 2013 and focused on Kim Chang-hwan and his friends. As Kim Chang-hwan ― the man responsible for putting the message up on the school ― gained attention, his memory was reignited among the people and his bereaved family called upon the government to recognize him as an independence patriot. However, the government withheld the request because of his suspicious activities during the Korean War. This tells us that the current government maintains its provincial identity rooted in the prevalence of conservative powers. Thus, the shadow of the Cold War can still be found deep within the colonial memories of South Koreans.

신설리 패, 중국인 숙소에 불을 지르다

정병욱(Jung, Byung Wook) 역사비평사 2012 역사비평 Vol.- No.101

The viewpoints on anti-Chinese riots after Wampaoshan incident in July 1931 can be roughly divided into two a theory that Japanese empire maneuvered behind the scene, and another theory that it was a harmful consequence of Korean nationalism. However, the present author argues that the main reason of the anti-Chinese riots was the sharp increase in influx of Chinese labor and the following conflicts between Chinese and Korean laborers. The ones who aggravated the strife between classes, and the enmity between minorities were capitalists, landowners, and manpower brokers who made a profit on the influx of Chinese labor. In terms of structure, these riots were one of the results of colonial capitalism. Also, focusing on the agent of the action and the spacial background, this anti-Chinese riot in 1931 can be read as a manifestation of the conflict between urban poors at marginal area on the basis of a long history of urbanization. Thecase that Sinsulli clique, the lower class living in urban periphery, fired the Chinese residence inside the racetrack evidently shows the characteristics of those anti-Chinese riots.

한국산업은행원의 식민지 기억과 탈식민

정병욱(Jung Byung-wook) 한국사연구회 2011 한국사연구 Vol.152 No.-

“Sanwoo", a company magazine published by the Korea Development Bank, illustrated that the memory of the colonial period mainly emphasized on industrial finances while trivializing other aspects of colonialism to justify the establishment of banks. Based on this, the mainstream memory of the colonial period romanticized the colonial period. However, during the political upheaval around the April 19th Revolution, reformers of the Korea Development Bank disclosed hidden pieces of information about the colonial period and stood against the mainstream memory. These remarks were chiefly about the roles of the bank and its employees which were covered up by mainstream thinkers. By revealing these, the reformers attempted to criticize the upper class and revolutionize the bank. The fact that these movements emerged intermittently shows that the employees weren't solidly integrated by the mainstream memories but merely remained “stitched up" at times. The reformers pointed out familism and subordination to power as vestiges of the colonialism that needed to be gotten rid of. Including diplomaism that had been interiorized by the bankers since the colonial period, these 3 factors were maintained or strengthened ever after the liberation in the bank. Here comes up the question whether these factors can be solely attributed to the colonialization. These factors can be considered as survival means for people after the failure of group endeavor in the latter era of the Chosun Dynasty. When thinking about the vestiges of Japanese colonization, it's important to keep in mind that there was a basis or a “root" that enabled these vestiges to remain. Unless this “root" is eradicated, the vestiges will still remain.

경성 유학생 강상규, 독립을 열망하다 (上)

정병욱(JUNG BYUNG WOOK) 역사비평사 2008 역사비평 Vol.- No.83

전시기(1937-1945) 반일언동 사건과 식민지 조선 민중의 의식 ―식량 관련 ‘유언비어’ 분석을 중심으로―

정병욱 ( Jung Byung-wook ) 고려대학교 민족문화연구원 2018 民族文化硏究 Vol.79 No.-

이 글의 목적은 식민지 권력 측이 남긴 유언비어 자료를 검토하고 그 자료에 포착된 식민지 민중의 말을 분석하여 그들의 의식과 일상에 접근하는 데 있다. 전시기 식민지 권력 측은 반일언동, 특히 유언비어에 관한 많은 사례를 모았다. 그 이유는 관련 법규의 적용 범위, 양형의 적정성을 판단하기 위한 담당 검사, 경찰, 헌병의 실무적 요구가 있었기 때문이다. 따라서 많은 사례는 실무자들이 범죄의 구성 요소라고 생각한 점을 중심으로 요약 정리되었다. 식민지 권력 측이 요약한 개요로는 유언비어가 말해진 상황과 맥락을 파악하기 힘들다. 이러한 한계를 감안하면서 유언비어를 분석할 필요가 있다. 1942년 전후 식민지 조선의 식량 관련 유언비어에는 식량부족으로 사상(死傷)에 이르는 이야기가 48%를 차지하고, 그 대부분은 죽음으로 인해 가정이 파국에 이르는 비극으로 끝난다. 가족주의가 강한 사회에서 가정의 파괴야말로 가장 호소력이 있는 주제이다. 이런 비극 이야기는 일본에도 적지 않지만 식민지 조선이 더 극단적이다. 이는 가정을 파괴하는 식민지 권력에 대한 분노를 야기하여 ‘저항의 저류’가 될 수 있지만, ‘신파성’처럼 체념을 야기하여 체제를 감수하는 ‘순응의 저류’가 될 수도 있다. 식민지 조선의 식량 관련 유언비어에 등장하는 식민지 경찰은 일본의 그것에 비해 더 권위적이고 폭력적이다. 보통사람들이 경찰에 바라거나 의지하는 바도 적었고 감히 풍자를 하지도 못했다. 반면에 일본의 유언비어를 보면 일본의 보통사람들의 권력에 대한 동의, 그에 대한 반대급부로서 기대와 실망이 보이고, 그래서 종종 경찰은 풍자의 대상이 되었다. 유언비어에 비친 식민지 경찰의 모습에서 식민지 지배는 적어도 민중에게 ‘헤게모니 없는 지배’였음이 드러난다. This article purports to review information, collected by the colonial governors, on groundless rumors and analyze the people’s language patterns evident in those rumors to better understand their life and culture. The colonial governors of wartime collected numerous cases of anti-Japan words and actions, especially the groundless rumors. The groundless rumors played a significant role for prosecutors, police officers and military police officers in determining the scale of punishment and discerning whether a certain law would be applicable to a case. For this reason, most of the rumor cases collected by the officials were organized around what they considered criminal components. Therefore, it is difficult to understand the specific context of the groundless rumors just by studying the cases collected by the colonial officials, which needs to be considered when studying these sources. 48 percent of the groundless rumors on food supply in colonial Joseon around 1942 were about death caused by lack of food and destruction of a household as a result. Destruction of a family could be a strong convincing factor in a strongly family-oriented society. Such pattern of tragic stories could be found in Japan as well but the cases in colonial Joseon were more drastic. Such rumors could become the motivation for resistance against the colonial power but on the other side, it could also become the motivation for conformity like the nature of Shin-pa. The colonial police officers portrayed in the groundless rumors on food supply, who represent the colonial power, are more authoritarian and violent than those in Japan. Common Joseon people rarely relied on the police and could not dare satirize the police. In contrast, the Japanese groundless rumors show that the common Japanese population approved of the ruling class and thus had expectations and disappointments towards the police, which led them to satirize the police in their rumors. The portrayal of colonial police officers in the groundless rumors indicate that the colonial governance was a "governance without hegemony," at least to the common people of Joseon.

일제말(1937~1945) 戰時金融과 조선인자본가의 존재방식

정병욱(Jung Byung-Wook) 한국사연구회 2003 한국사연구 Vol.120 No.-

The main purpose of wartime financing at the end of the Japanese era (l937 ~1945) was to help advance military preparations. To achieve this, once the absorption of Japanese bonds had been attained by an interest rate cut, a large quantity of Korean capital was sent to Japan, while the remaining capital was focused on the military industry in Chosun. Therefore. most industries. excluding the military industry, were forced to depend on old-style means of financing at high interest rates, all of which led to rampant usury. During this period of wartime financing, based on their survival methods, Chosun capitalists can be divided into three groups. The first group is those who were able to obtain capital from banks. Most of these were entrepreneurs, related to the armaments industry, who thrived on Japans war of expansion and grew under Japanese protection. While this group had many opportunities to amass fortunes, their actions forfeited any possibility of having any social influence as capitalists. Therefore, once liberation was achieved in August 1945, their political power was severely curtailed. The second group included most of the small-medium sized capitalists of Chosun: those who, as a result of their inability to reap the benefits of modern finance, were forced to turn to old style financing methods which usually entailed high interest. During the period of wartime financing, as the critical objective of this group was to survive rather than to prosper or grow, they often turned to old style financing methods and took part in black market dealings & smuggling in order to repay their high interest loans. Following liberation. a number of those within this group managed to survive expand their operation as regional demand. The third group was composed of those who lived on usury. These were those who, as a result of the restriction of loans to an elite few and the massive demand for high interest loans, depended on the wartime financing structure. Members of this group included capitalists who operated the Sakchae (朔債) in Pyongyang, money lenders who made loans to miners, and financiers. Most of these individuals, for whom usury was a major source of income, had the necessary financial strength to change business field. However, most of these individuals were not successful socially and, as shown in the case of the Sakchae, were often forced to hide themselves from the public.

1919년 삼일운동과 일기 자료

정병욱(Jung, Byung-Wook) 고려사학회 2018 한국사학보 Vol.- No.73

1919년 삼일운동 당시 쓰인 일기 자료로 한국인 일기 14종 16건, 외국인 일기 4건 총 20건을 정리 비교하면서 그 특성을 파악해보았다. 한국인 일기는 16건 중 한지에 한문으로 쓴 것이 10건으로 전통적인 양식의 것이 많았다. 작성 주체는 전부 남성이고 16인의 1919년 당시 평균 연령은 48세였으며 대부분 유생이나 종교인이었다. 삼일운동의 참여층에 비해 나이가 많고 지식인층이 다수였다. 이러한 일기를 통해 삼일운동을 고찰할 때 그 자료가 가지는 편향성을 고려할 필요가 있다. 일기 자료를 통해 삼일운동 관련 정보의 유통을 살펴보면, 전 지역에 공통으로 사람을 통한 정보의 유통이 많았다. 방문객이 주요한 정보 전달자였다. 학생 네트워크로서 하숙집, 지역의 시장도 주요한 정보 유통 통로로서 기능했다. 일기 작자들은 신문이나 전단을 통해서도 시위 정보를 얻었는데, 그 의존도는 중앙에서 지방으로 갈수록 낮아진다. 조선총독부의 통제하에 발행되는 신문 보도이지만 통치 의도대로 기능하지 못했다. 신문은 시위가 진정되고 있음을 강조했지만, 경성의 김윤식은 3, 4월 일기에 계속 만세시위가 “그치지 않는다”고 적었다. 유언비어와 불안을 잠재우기 위해 시위 보도 금지를 해제했지만, 전남 구례의 유형업은 ≪매일신보≫의 보도를 통해 시위가 전국적으로 일어나고 있음을 알고 불안했다. 이런 가운데 독립의 희망이 담긴 ‘독립문’ 괴담이 전국에 유포되었고 일본의 탄압을 비판하는 ‘애국 소녀’ 이야기가 도시에서 발생했다. 삼일운동에 대한 일기작자의 반응을 살펴보면 우선 뮈텔(Gustave Charles Marie Mutel) 주교는 만세시위를 ‘망동’으로 보았지만, 선교사 노블 부인(Noble Mattie Wilcox)은 환호하고 공감했다. 김윤식과 윤치호는 삼일운동의 파도에 흔들리면서 교차하며 다른 길을 갔다. 김윤식은 삼일운동 당시 자신에 대한 모함과 민중이 보인 전국적인 만세시위를 계기로 ‘독립청원서’를 써서 공표했다. 반면에 윤치호는 만세시위를 통해 ‘민족’을 새롭게 발견하고 긍정하기도 하나 결국 식민지배에 저항하지 못하는 자신을 종교의 논리로 합리화했다. 울산의 심원권과 김해의 김영순도 대조적이다. 심원권의 1919년 일기에는 삼일운동은 물론 고종의 사망과 장례식도 나오지 않았다. 반면에 김영순은 1919년 당시와 1920년대 초에 거주 지역 만세시위에 대해 파자(破字)로 적었고 해방된 뒤에 정자로 기록했다. 자신의 일기에도 파자를 써야 하는 식민지라는 엄혹한 상황, 그런데도 기록을 남기고자 했던 의지를 엿볼 수 있다.