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중국 농촌의 경제개혁과 인구문제 : 계획생육의 경제사회학 Economic Sociology of Family Planning
장경섭 서울대학교 국제지역원 1993 국제지역연구 Vol.2 No.2
개혁기 중국 정부가 농촌에서 가족의존적 생산·복지정책을 추구하고, 동시에 농촌가족의 산아제한을 더욱 강화함으로서 정책목표의 모순이 심각하게 나타나고 있다. 농민가족이 효율적인 사회·경제적 조직으로 기능하기 위해서는 다양한 생산, 소비, 부양활동을 수행하는데 적합한 조직규모를 유지하여야 한다. 그런데 오늘날 중국에서 농가의 적정 조직규모는 개혁정책의 결과로 어느 때보다도 커야하는 반면, 실질적 가족규모는 그 동안의 집중적인 산아제한의 결과로 어느 대보다도 작은 딜렘마가 있다. 즉, 개혁정권의 경제정책은 농민들에게 뜻밖의 경제적 호기를 가져다 중T지만, 강압적 가족계획으로 인해 가족규모가 줄어들고 가족노동력이 부족해짐에 따라 갈수록 많은 농민들이 그 경제적 기회를 살리는데 애를 먹고 있는 것이다. 이같은 상황을 감안해 중국 정부는 가족계획에 따르는 농민들에 대해서는 다양한 물질적, 비물질적 혜택을 부여함으로써 농민들의 이상적 소가족들의 '경제적 불리'를 국가 인구정책 추종에 때한 '정치적 보상'으로 상쇄시킴으로서 농민 출신의 비용-혜택 구조를 가족계획에 용이한 방향으로 바꾸려고 하였다. 한편, 농민들은 그들 나름대로 개혁정권의 인구정책과 경제정책의 모순에 대해 다양한 자구책을 모색해 왔다. 즉, '불법적' 출산행위를 은폐하거나 영아살해를 범하고, 이웃과 친족 사이의 도구적 유대협력관계를 강화하며 가족 일손을 늘리기 위해 취학 아동들의 학업을 중단시키거나, 아니면 아예 농촌을 떠나 개인 노동자로 변신하는 등 다양한 적응노력을 하는 가운데 많은 사회문제들이 생겨나고 있다. The issue of family planning in post-Mao rural China has profound implications beyond the domain of demographic control. the pragmatist position of pursuing full-scale family planning and family-reliant rural development simultaneously has left Chinese peasants in an awkward situation where their desire for more children, in particular more sons, in familial production and welfare provision is directly betrayed by the draconian measures of coercive birth control. The state intervention in peasant's fertility had gone far, and peasant resentment against compulsory abortion and sterilization in record numbers came to pose a serious political threat. Thus the Chinese government has attempted to change the cost-benefit balance of peasant procreation by offsetting the economic disadvantages of small peasants' families with political rewards for compliance to family planning. Nevertheless, peasants' attempt to circumvent unwanted family planning is almost desperate. Given a current or prospective shortage of family labor, some of them will join relatives and neighbors to achieve economies of scale in various production activities, and others will rather uproot themselves from village terrains to seek individual labor-selling opportunities in towns and cities. Still, others will not mind committing female infanticides, hiding newly born girls, or withdrawing children from schools to help out on their parents' farms.
장경섭 이화여대 한국여성연구소 1995 여성학논집 Vol.12 No.-
Economic reforms in socialist and former socialist countries have required grassroots people to undergo fundamental and drastic changes in the basic conditions of work and family life. Amidst the rapid transition from the socialist planned economy to the capitalist or quasi-capitalist market economy, people in increasing numbers have been trapped in a deadlock situation where they are neither materially protected by the socialist arrangements for unconditional employment and subsistence, nor functionally integrated into the new system of market-based division of labor and commodity exchange. This dilemma seems especially problematic for women and female-headed households. The logic of liberal economic restructuring implicitly proposes that women's equal entitlement to social empolyment and wage, a socialist principle advocated for decades, is not necessarily compatible with macro-economic efficiency. Once discharged into local communities and families, women's trouble is aggravated as they are now subjected to resuscitated habits and ideologies for gender segregation and thus unfavorably treated in newly available market-oriented economic activities. Destabilization of grassroots people's work and life in the market transition of socialist economies, compounded with gender bias in elite economic theory and grassroots social custom, tends to cause a rapid feminization of poverty and alienation. This paper attempts to present an overall review of the changing socioeconomic status of rural women in reform-era China. The review will be based upon a theoretical proposition that Chinese rural women's socioeconomic status is critically shaped by the interplay between patriarchal liberalism embedded in the market economy and patriarchal familialism embedded in the peasant household economy. This structural condition manifests itself throughout the life course of average rural women. Son preference is reinforced as rural families become more and more conscious about the need for sons not only in securing old-age support, but also in taking advantage of newly available market-oriented economic opportunities. Son preference interacts with the strict family planning policy, leading to female-targeted abortions, concealments, and even infanticides. School-age rural girls are forced to skip classes or drop out from schools as their parents, who do not see much value in investing in their daughters' deucation, want them to help with familial farmworks or household chores. More and more rural girls try to evade such ill-fated cirumstances by moving into various types of urban places, though not many of them are likely to acquire opportunities for stable employment. When men and young girls move into urban places, middle-aged women are left with the mission of maintaining and improving agricultural productivity. Now married rural women are politically encouraged to maximize their role as the core workforce in agricultural production, while agriculture continues to suffer from insufficient state investment, low profitability, and primitive working conditions. There is an interesting contrast in the nature of socioeconomic transformation between rural and urban women. While the above symptoms of gender-beasd reform in the countryside are much less pronounced in the cities, urban women are facing different types of discrimination. Managerial reform in urban state-enterprises is geared to institutionalization of the labor market, which in turn necessitates massive pay -cuts, temporary and permanent lay-offs, and early retirements. As women are much more likely to become targets of these measures, this reveals the bender-biased perspective of reformist political leaders and enterprise managers who seem to analyze the Chinese economy much more “overwomaned”than “overmaned”. This urban-rural difference does seem to attest to a better situation of urban women but constitutes another manifestation of the gender-biased nature of post-socialist reform in China.
장경섭 서울대학교 사회과학연구원 2000 한국사회과학 Vol.22 No.3
본 연구는 1970년대 후반부터 시작된 중국 농촌개혁의 배경, 과정, 성격, 결과에 대한 다측면적이고 분석적인 검토를 바탕으로 북한 농촌의 중국식 개혁 조건과 가능성을 진단하여 보았다.이를 위해, (1) 북한과 죽국의 사회주의 농촌경제체제를 간단히 비교 ·검토한 후, (2) 중국의 농촌개혁을 사영농업의 거시경제적 및 사회정책적 의의, 농가전략으로서의 농촌산업화의 성격, 집단생산체 해체에 따른 사회보장 문제, 경제정책과 인구정책의 상충 문제, 사영경제활동에 따른 불평등화 현상 등의 다양한 측면에서 객관적이고 장기적으로 평가하고, (3) 북한의중국식 농촌개혁의 전망을 제도 개혁, 이념적 합리화, 자원 동원, 생산조직 형성, 생산동기 부여, 물리적 여건 등의 다양한 측면에서 평가해 보았다. Based upon a multi-faceted and analytical examination of the background, process, nature, and outcome of rural reform in China, this study appraises the conditions and possibility for a Chinese-style rural reform in North Korea.I will (1) briefly compare the North Korean and the Chinese rural economic systems, (2) evaluate the Chinese rural reform in the aspects of the macro-economic and social policy-related implication of privatized farming, the nature of rural industrialization as a familial strategy of rural people, the social security problem of decollectivization, the contradiction between economic and demographic policies, and the inequlity accruing to private economic activities, and (3) appraise the prospect for a Chinese-style rural reform in North Korea in terms of institutional reform, ideological justification, resource mobilization, formation of production organizations, provision of production incentives, and physical conditions.