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The Preparatory Committee for the Establishment of Korean Communist Party was formed in accordance with The February Decision (1924). But the decision of Comintern was not accurately excecuted. The goal of establishing Korean Communist Party was not eventually achieved, and instead, it ended in the establishment of the provisional organ to prepare the inaugural party general meeting. The leading force of the formation of the preparatory committee for Korean Communist Party (PCKCP) was the allied camp of the Shanghai communist group and the original Irkutsk communist group which took root in the Russian Far East Korean society. Quite unexpectedly, the officers of the East Division of Comintern in charge of excuting The February Decision (1924) ended in passive cooperation in establishing PCKCP. The East Division officials’ concern was to win the factional struggle. They made efforts to keep the Shanghai communist group including Lee Dong-Hwui from taking the leadership of PCKCP. Also, they secretly endeavored to secure their sympathizers within PCKCP.
The objective of this article is to elaborate upon how the pro-Japanese factions acted and also what they were thinking during the March 1st Movement period. Preliminary researches show that the previous opinion which believed that the pro-Japanese factions were 'withering' at the time has been far from the truth, On the other hand, they actively engaged in anti-campaigns against the March 1st movement, and members from tile late royal family, aristocrats, governmental officials and religious leaders all participated in those campaigns. These pro-Japanese factions also started to found political organizations. Yet not before long, they diverged and separated. One side decided to support the Argument of Municipality, which aimed for establishing a colonial congress in Joseon, while one sided decided to support the Argument of (petitioning for) political rights, which aimed for the Joseon people's joining of the Japanese parliament. Inside the inner psyche of the pro-Japanese activists, there was a decent set of logics and also an attitude of superiority. They truly believed that it was impossible for Joseon to gain independence. They were not ashamed for acting pro-Japanese. They considered themselves as pioneers of Civilization, who were bringing welfare and happiness to the Joseon people who were (by their definition) seriously underdeveloped. Yet the grim reality of a colonized world was contradicting their beliefs. They were only able to maintain their inner balance, which was constantly threatened by me psychological oppression they were getting from tile 'superior Japanese', by relaying such oppression -through a psychological mechanism- to the 'inferior Koreans'.
The purpose of this paper is to clarify what role did the parties to the Korean question played in the process of adopting the December Theses. According to existing studies, Korean representatives were placed in a passive position while Comintern officials played a leading role. But the minutes of the meeting of the Korean commission ECCI on September 20, 1928 showed that It was confirmed that the existing views were different from the facts. Except for president O.W.Kuusinen, the members of the commission were just the newcomers when it came to Korean question. They were ignorant of Korean situation, and therefore could not present themselves the draft of the Korean resolution to ECCI. There was nothing they could do, outside of choosing one of the three ways proposed by the Korean representatives.
The object of this study is to estimate the value of the book by Lee Gyun Yeong, 'On the National United Front, Shinganhoe'. The 690 page book discusses the lives of the people who took part in the National United Front movement in Korea under the Japanese Imperialistic Rule. The book also contains appendices discussing participants, and the branch bodies of the Shinganhoe. The first stage in Lee's research was collecting materials. He had traveled almost all parts of the country to meet the participants of the Shinganhoe. Fortunately, 15 participants and 116 observers talked about what happened at that time. Lee Gyun Yeong was busy writing from the participants' dictation. The collection is a much-needed, timely oral history. In 1992, he traveled to Moscow to collect materials, that are kept in the Archive of the former Comintern. Then he collected historical materials related to the Korean Communist Party. Lee Gyun Yeong have made valuable contributions towards deepening our understanding of the National United Front movement in Korea. First, He fought a battle against ideological prejudice, which issued from Anti-communism. He made his stories credible by explaining the activities of Korean socialists in great detail. Secondly, The historical facts that in the past were swept under the rug are being pursued with vigor. As a result, We learned about the 1929 Shinganhoe conference, and the branch bodies of the Shinganhoe and much more.
In this article, I would like to explore the decision making process of the Korean National Convention. Several studies state that the representatives determined their attitude based on their native places. Another study showes that the representatives determined their attitude on a voluntary basis. I disagree with these opinions. Not a representative but the floor negotiation group is the decisionmaker. There were 7 floor negotiation groups in the Korean National Convention: Gukminuihoi group, Irkutsk communist party group, Shanghai communist party group, Double Western group, Double southern group, Provisional government group, Peking group. The Korean National Convention broke down over the conflicting fractions: Gai-jo fraction and Chang-jo fraction. Each fraction was the united floor negotiation groups. For example, Gai-jo fraction was made up of three floor negotiation groups: Shanghai communist party group, Double Western group, Double southern group. On the other hand, Chang-jo fraction was comprised of three floor negotiation groups: Gukminuihoi group, Irkutsk communist party group, Peking group.
이 글의 목적은 국제공산당의 1924년 2월 결정서의 채택 경위와 그 의의를 밝히는 데에 있다. 2월 결정서는 대립되는 두 초안의 격렬한 투쟁 속에서 태어났다. 보이틴스키와 쿠시넨이 작성한 두 초안은 조선 문제를 대하는 국제당 안팎의 두 의견 그룹을 대표했다. 그 중 하나는 국제당 동방부장 보이틴스키와 그 예하의 전권위원 및 사무관들, 한명세를 수반으로 하는 국민의회파 공산그룹의 연합 진영이었다. 다른 하나는 간부회 위원 쿠시넨과 그에 동조하는 국제당 집행위원들, 이동휘·이성 등으로 대표되는 상해파·순이시파 공산그룹들의 연합 진영이었다. 두 초안에 내재하는 차이점을 바르게 이해해야 한다. 민족통일전선 정책을 지지하느냐 혹은 반대하느냐의 차이로 보는 견해는 실제와 다르다. 두 초안은 민족통일전선 정책을 실행에 옮겨야 한다고 보는 데에는 아무런 차이가 없었다. 문제는 방법이었다. 보이틴스키 초안은 민족주의 좌우 분화론을 기계적으로 적용하고자 했다. 그에 반해서 쿠시넨 초안은 광범한 대중적 단결을 이끌어낼 수 있는 방식을 선호했다. 국내 중심론이었다. 3·1혁명 이후에 조선 내지에서 발흥하고 있는 대중운동의 열기를 토대로 하여 민족통일전선 기관을 설립해야 한다고 판단했던 것이다. In this article, I would like to explore a little further the process of the adoption of the February Decision, including the issues of historical significance. Communist International issued a decision on February 24, 1924. The purpose of the decision was to resolve the unsettled issues of the Korean communist movement. During all the arguments on the Korean question the high-ranking Comintern officials were devided into two groups. One group, led by G.Voitinsky, received an ardent endorsement from the administrative officers of the Eastern Department of ECCI and the Korean Gukminuihoi communist group. The other group, led by G.Kuusinen, earned the support of several members of ECCI and the Korean Shanghai and original Irkutsk communist groups. There were no difference between two groups on the question of the national united front. The question was how to get there. G.Voitinsky argued that Korean communists should enter into a combination with the revolutionary exiled political leaders. By contrast, GKuusinen asserted that It was necessary to unify the people mass in both at home and abroad. In the end, the February Decision ruled in favor of Kuusinen. The Decision proved to be a catalyst for change of Korean national united front movement.
In this paper I have attempted to explain the diplomatic activities of Jo Dong-Ho, the representative of the Korean Communist Party, sent to Moscow to seek entry into the Comintern. For his efforts the March Decision was adopted by the 6th Plenum of the Executive Committee of Comintern. The Decision provided for the Korean Communist Party to became an official member of the Communist International. Mr.Jo was in stiff competition with the delegates, sent to Moscow by the allied non-mainstreamer communist groups. He won competition against the opposite delegate with the help of the Comintern bureaucrats headed by Voitinsky. According to the earlier studies, the decisions of Comintern on Korean Problem had been to be decided unilaterally. But as things have turned out Korean delegates participated in the decision-making process of Comintern. Jo Dong-Ho set up a cooperative system with Voitinsky group, on the oter hand, the opposite delegate entered into the partnership with Kuusinen group. The March Decision was reached after a last minute compromise between the Jo-Voitinsky group and the opposite-Kuusinen group.
This paper examines whether the records of the criminal investigation of the Jeong Jae Dal and Yi Jae Bok incident are inconsistent with the facts. Particular attention is paid to how the Japanese police questioned the political offenders, and to exactly what happened. The investigation lasted more than a month and a half during which time the accused were held incommunicado in solitary confinement. The police engaged in an intense psychological and physical torture of the accused men. Before their arrest, the purpose of Jeong Jae Dal and Yi Jae Bok was to establish the Korean Communist Party composed of representatives of all the communist groups in the country and abroad. The accused made several fallacious statements to the police officer in their defence. On the few occasions when it was absolutely necessary, they admitted to the police that they had lied. The two men were finally indicted on charges of political criminal behavior, but were able to keep secret from the authorities the existence of the thirteen-member committee, a coalition of the communist groups in Korea
This paper provides an outline of research papers on modern Korean history published in recent years (2018-2019). In the introductory section, we confirmed how much research papers and books were produced. During the two years, 2,059 research papers and 426 books have been published. The researchers who wrote these papers belong to one of the four schools. The new right school of history represented the interests of the ruling class. They are politically extremely conservative. The nationalist school of history is mainly composed of researchers majoring in the history of the independence movement. They are oriented towards gradual reform of the society. The people-oriented school of history is based on the theory of historical materialism, and has a politically radical tendency. The postmodernist school of history is regarded as the most attractive theory and methodology leading the study of modern and contemporary history. The majority of young researchers support this school.