위험기반검사에서 응력부식에 의한 사고발생 가능성 해석

이헌창,김환주,장서일,김태옥 한국공업화학회 2004 한국공업화학회 연구논문 초록집 Vol.2004 No.1

정량적 원인분석이 가능한 한국형 위험기반검사 프로그램의 적용

李憲昌,金泰玉 명지대학교 산업기술연구소 2007 産業技術硏究所論文集 Vol.26 No.-

As a way of improving the safety of the chemical facilities, the risk based-inspection (RBI) was executed for the facilities of the chemical plants by using KS-RBI Ver. 3.0 program, supporting the quantitative cause analysis, which has been developed based on the API-581 based resource document (BRD). As an evaluation result, we could find the level of the process safety management (PSM) for the applied plant, risk of the applied process, risk of static and pipe facilities, and the damage mechanism of the facilities. Thus, we could suggest a proper inspection plan(frequency and method of inspection) using the calculated risk and the status of the facilities. Also, the applied plant achieved a reduced inspection cost by an extension of the inspection frequency, improved productivity, improved reliability of the facilities, and a computerized history management.

정량적 원인분석이 가능한 한국형 위험기반검사 프로그램 개발

李憲昌,申東一,金泰玉 명지대학교 산업기술연구소 2007 産業技術硏究所論文集 Vol.26 No.-

As an effort to improve the safe and effective use of pressurized facilities, the KS-RBI program supporting the quantitative cause analysis was developed based on API-581 BRD. The developed KS-RBI program, which consists of eight program modules, is compatible to ASME code, because it uses KS code as input, and determines the recommended inspection method and inspection frequency of equipment with damage mechanisms. It can also import and export data by using Excel program, arid its built-in GUI enables ease use by users. As a result of the application of the developed KS-RBI program, industries could have benefit through reduced cost, obtained by modifying inspection frequencies to be more efficient.

우리나라 近代經濟史에서의 市場問題

李憲昶 翰林大學校 泰東古典硏究所 1986 泰東古典硏究 Vol.2 No.-

開港期市場構造의 變化

이헌창 경기대학교연구교류처 1989 論文集 Vol.24 No.-

『민적통계표(民籍統計表)』의 검토

이헌창 한국고문서학회 1996 古文書硏究 Vol.9 No.1

한 탁월한 조선후기경제사 연구자의 학문적 자취 : 『朝鮮後期 社會經濟史의 硏究』(宋贊植 一潮閣 1997)

이헌창 한국역사연구회 1998 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.27

서평 : 권병탁 저 『한국 산업사 연구』

이헌창 경제사학회 2005 경제사학 Vol.39 No.-

조선시대 銀 유통과 소비문화

이헌창 명청사학회 2011 명청사연구 Vol.0 No.36

The influx of Japanese silver had increased since around 1538, reached its height in the late 17th century, then decreased from the turn of the century, and ceased in around 1753. Most of silver in Joseon[朝鮮] Korea including domestically produced silver as well as that from Japan was used for the import from China, mostly silk products. The massive influx of Japanese silver made silver function as a currency since the 17th century. However, their function as a currency withered as the inflow of silver from Japan fell sharply during the early 18th century. Before port-opening to Western countries[開港], Korea’s silver trade has not encountered with any other countries except Japan and China. Therefore, world system approach is not necessary to understand the silver circulation in Korea. Locked in the Malthus trap, ordinary people in the Joseon dynasty barely managed their life by consuming some necessity goods at most. Only the rich enjoyed their luxury consumption. During the Joseon dynasty the custom of luxury consumption diffused, but part of those newly entered into the middle class went bankrupt due to indulgence and high consumption. The increasing silver influx enriched consumption pattern in Korea by stimulating market and economic growth, and providing the means of trade with China for luxury goods. Leaded by some elites[士大夫], high and refined consumption behaviors became diffused. The sharp reduction of silver influx in the 18th century did not shrink the luxury consumption, because the growth of market and production partly driven by silver trade had a solid foundation. However, the circulation of silver money did not last owing to the efflux of silver, and Korea could not foster the import substitution industry of high quality silk. This is a reason why the economy could not advance in the 19th century before the port-opening. The main discourse about consumption in the Joseon dynasty was respect for frugality and worry about extravagance. Luxury culture in Korea was modest compared with previous dynasties or its neighboring countries. But their attitude toward luxury culture was very negative due to Confucianism. This can explain why Yeonsangun[燕山君], who was not bounded by Confucian teaching, was the only king pushing ahead with an effective substitution policy of high quality Chinese silk. The banning of Chinese silk of high quality[紗羅綾緞] and precious metals[金銀珠玉] that has been frequently practiced until the reign of Jungjong[中宗] became infrequent after the middle 16th century when luxury consumption diffused, because such consumption behaviors were already rooted in the society. A scholar group to study how to increase wealth and welfare [利用厚生學派], emerged in the late 18th century, discussed how to elevate the standard of living and defended high and refined consumption culture beyond the discourse making a sharp distinction between frugality and extravagance.

문호개방 이전 동아시아의 經世濟民學

이헌창 한국실학학회 2018 한국실학연구 Vol.0 No.36

Discourses on statecraft appeared and developed, as state institutions developed in Ancient China. Confucianism was their central component, and School of Law played an important role. Chinese discourses on statecraft were disseminated to surrounding East Asian countries. After the 16th century, discourses on statecraft of East Asian countries developed so as to suggest market-friendly policy and institutional reform and accept European science and technology. Growth of market and stimulation of European civilization raised the level of discourses on statecraft. The level of discourses on statecraft reached by Korea, China, and Japan until the 18th century was comparable. Tokugawa Japan’s discourses on statecraft achieved remarkable development, owing to peace and cultural unity provided by the centralized feudal state system, independence from the Chinese world order, open-mindedness to European science and technology, dynamic development of market, and many specialty scholars. Vietnam did not reach the level of the other three countries due to the delay of development of record culture with national independence. The discourses on statecraft in Asia did not create modern science which has theories to explain laws, but provided the basis for accepting Western modern science. 중국의 경세제민학은 춘추전국시대 세계에서 가장 먼저 국가제체를 발전시키는 과정에서 성립하였다. 유학은 그 중심 학풍이었고, 법가사상도 중요한 역할을 하였다. 중국의 경세제민학은 주변 동아시아국가로 전파되었다. 16세기 이후 동아시아 국가들에 공통적으로 대두한 경세치용학은 시장의 성장과 유럽 과학․ 기술의 자극을 받아, 功利의 경제합리주의에 입각한 정책과 제도개혁안을 제시 하고 유럽 과학․기술의 물리를 수용하여, 경세제민학의 수준을 높였다. 실학의 중심 내용은 경세제민학이고, 경세치용학은 근세 실학으로 평가할 수 있다. 18세 기까지 조선, 중국 및 일본이 도달한 경세제민학의 수준은 대등하였다. 18세기 일본의 근세적 수준의 경세제민학은 조선과 중국보다 풍성하게 전개되었고, 19세기 그런 현상은 심화되었다. 기록을 중시하는 중국문화의 압도적 영향력, 중국적 세계질서로부터 벗어난 자주성, 幕藩체제의 중앙집권적 봉건제가 제공한 평화와 문화적 통일성․다양성 및 경쟁의 풍토, 시장의 다이나믹한 발전, 그리고 지식을 직업으로 삼는 전문집단의 출현이 일본 경세제민학의 발달을 낳은 중요한 요인이었다. 명나라 멸망이 경세치용학을 낳은 중요한 계기이나, 청나라 안정은 그 쇠퇴를 낳았다. 조선의 사대부가 유학, 그중에도 주자학으로 순화된 정치와 사회를 만들려는 시도에 성공하여, 사상의 폭이 가장 좁았던 것은 경세제민학의 발달을 저해하였다. 베트남은 다른 3국만한 수준에 도달하지는 못하였는데, 국가 독립과 더불어 기록문화의 전개가 늦었기 때문으로 생각된다. ‘경제학’이란 용어가 일찍 성립하였지만, 법칙을 다루는 이론체계를 갖춘 근대 학문의 수준에는 도달하지 못하여서 science로 번역될 수 없고 담론(discourse) 수준이었다. 아시아의 경세제민학은 근대 학문을 창출하지는 못하였으나, 서양의 근대 학문을 수용하는 기반을 제공하였다.