http://chineseinput.net/에서 pinyin(병음)방식으로 중국어를 변환할 수 있습니다.
변환된 중국어를 복사하여 사용하시면 됩니다.
개별검색 DB통합검색이 안되는 DB는 DB아이콘을 클릭하여 이용하실 수 있습니다.
통계정보 및 조사
예술 / 패션
<해외전자자료 이용권한 안내>
- 이용 대상 : RISS의 모든 해외전자자료는 교수, 강사, 대학(원)생, 연구원, 대학직원에 한하여(로그인 필수) 이용 가능
- 구독대학 소속 이용자: RISS 해외전자자료 통합검색 및 등록된 대학IP 대역 내에서 24시간 무료 이용
- 미구독대학 소속 이용자: RISS 해외전자자료 통합검색을 통한 오후 4시~익일 오전 9시 무료 이용
※ 단, EBSCO ASC/BSC(오후 5시~익일 오전 9시 무료 이용)
'스콜라' 이용 시 소속기관이 구독 중이 아닌 경우, 오후 4시부터 익일 오전 7시까지 원문보기가 가능합니다.
이황은 매화를 소재로 한 75題 106首의 시를 남겼으며, 그 중 62제 91수를 選拔하여 「梅花詩帖」이라는 단행본 시집으로 만들었다. 이와 같은 이황의 행위는 일관된 의미망 형성을 위한 의도적인 것으로 짐작되며, 따라서 결코 예사롭게 여길 바가 아니라고 하겠다. 매화는 분명 이황의 意識의 指向을 가늠할 수 있는 바로미터일 터인데, 그 의식지향이라는 것이 과연 무엇일까?<BR> 그 해답의 모색에 있어서 우선 매화에 대한 이황의 特異한 態度를 확인할 필요가 있어 보인다. 그 태도는 한 마디로 酷愛라고 하겠다. 이황 스스로 자신이 매화를 혹애한다고 明言했거니와, 예컨대 매화의 寒傷에 대해 절절히 가슴 아파하며, 매화와 오랜 知己인 것처럼 서로의 胸襟을 贈答하는 등 그의 매화에 대한 行爲는 혹애라 아니할 수 없을 터이다.<BR> 이황의 그와 같은 매화에 대한 혹애의 이유는 매화가 자신과 同一視되었기 때문이고, 그 동일시의 媒介는 淸淨이라고 생각된다. 벼슬살이에서 무수히 엿보이는 이황의 고뇌의 바탕으로 여겨지는 그의 廉直性 내지 介潔性은 청정성에 다름 아니라 하겠으며, 由來上 매화는 청정의 表象이고 이황의 매화시들 역시 맑고 차가운 이미지 내지 배경, 仙界의 詩想, 隱士의 삶, 節槪 등으로 보아 그 모티브는 청정이라고 해야 할 터이다.<BR> 청정을 매개로 하는 이황의 매화 同一視는 贈答詩, 寒傷詩, 物我一體的交融의 詩라는 세 가지 측면으로 논의가 가능할 듯하다. 증답시는 말 그대로 이황과 매화 간에 주고받은 形式의 시인데, 그 形式은 이황의 매화 동일시의 극한적 內容을 담아낼 수 있는 가장 적합한 것이라고 하겠다. 한상시는 이황이 매화가 추위로 인해 손상된 모습을 마치 자신의 손상인양 애달파하면서 지은 시들에 붙이는 이름인데, 이 역시 이황의 극한적인 매화 동일시가 만들어낸, 매화시의 특이한 內容的 양상이라고 해야 할 것이다. 그리고 이황의 매화시는 주로 자아와 매화 간의 個我的 경계가 허물어진, 물아일체적 교융을 詩化한 것이라고 할 터이다.<BR> 결론적으로, 매화시에 나타난 이황의 의식지향은 內面的 淸淨이다. 내면적 청정은 人慾이 蕩滌된 상태이므로 天人合一의 境界이며, 精神의 絶對自由의 境地라고도 표현되는 意識의 自由이다. 따라서 매화시에 나타나는 이황의 의식지향이란 종국적으로는 自由에의 指向이라고 할 것이다. Lee Hwang left 106 poems under 75 subjects on a theme of Ume blossom and among these, he selected 91 poems under 62 subjects to produce the independent volume of poetry titled 「Maehwasicheob」. It is expected that this Lee Hwang"s behavior was intended to form the consistent semantic network, Therefore, we should not overlook this point. Ume blossom might have been a barometer that can judge his aim for consciousness. If so, what is the aim for consciousness?<BR> To explore the answer, we need to make sure of Lee Hwang"s unique attitude towards Ume blossom. The attitude might be called ‘tremendous love" in brief. Lee Hwang claimed himself that he possessed the tremendous love for Ume blossom. And for example, he expressed a deep pain on damage of Ume blossom due to a cold weather and he spoke his bosom as if he and Ume blossom were old friends. Nobody would deny that these behaviors originated from his tremendous love for Ume blossom.<BR> The reason for Lee Hwang"s tremendous love for Ume blossom was because Ume blossom was identified with himself and the medium of this identification was considered to be cleanness. His integrity and pure character which were considered as the basis of Lee Hwang"s agony during his official life did not much differ from cleanness. According to history, Ume blossom was a representative of cleanness and in consideration of its pure/cold image or background, poetical imagination of God"s world, hermit"s life, fidelity, motive of Lee Hwang"s poems of Ume blossom may be cleanness.<BR> Lee Hwang"s identification with Ume blossom by the medium of cleanness can be discussed in three aspects―poem of exchange talks, poem of damage due to cold weather and poem of union between material and ego. Poem of exchange talks means type of poetry in which Lee Hwang and Ume blossom exchanged the talks and the type is the most adequate to get an extreme content of Lee Hwang"s identification with Ume blossom. Poems of damage due to cold weather means that Lee Hwang produced this sort of poems when he confessed a heartrending sorrow to see the damaged Ume blossom due to cold weather as if he had been damaged. This also could be unique contents trend on poems of Ume blossom that Lee Hwang"s extreme identification with Ume blossom produced. Poem of exchange talks and poem of damage due to cold weather were the representative types, Lee Hwang"s poems of Ume blossom mainly could be said that addressed the union between material and ego without individual barrier.<BR> In conclusion, Lee Hwang"s aim for consciousness in his poems of Ume blossom is internal cleanness. Internal cleanness means the completely cleared off state of human greediness. Therefore this is a state of union between God and man and freedom of consciousness can be demonstrated as absolute freedom state of mentality. Therefore, Lee Hwang"s aim for consciousness in his poems of Ume blossom can ultimately mean the aim for freedom.
Lee Am (1507-1566) was a celebrated royal descent literati painter of Joseon in the 16th century. His paintings became better known to the Korean public, in recent years, following the unveiling of a series of his surviving works, located in Japan. The extant paintings of Lee Am include Blossoms, Birds, and Puppies in the collection of the Samsung Museum of Art Leeum, which was designated by the Korean government as Treasure No. 1392. In this paper, I establish that this painting and his Blossoms, Birds, and Puppies in the collection of the Joseon Museum of Art in North Korea are not works in duo, as has been assumed thus far, but two of several panels of a folding screen. With his works surviving in Japan becoming unveiled to the public one-by-one, we now understand the style of Lee Am's paintings better, and his style appears to have had a lasting influence on Japanese paintings, as a matter of fact, more than it did on Korean paintings. Within the Chinese-influenced cultural sphere of Asia, Korean paintings distinctly stand out from the rest of painting traditions. The works of Lee Am convey a massive feeling which is unique to early Joseon paintings. Meanwhile, there is a mood in his paintings that is characteristically optimistic and good-natured, yet desolate at times. Lee Am's paintings, even when they are decorative paintings in the taste of the royal palace, still remain natural and unaffected with a nonchalant note about them. They display the combination of great observation skills and execution skills, and their subjects are accurately depicted into fine details. Further more importantly, his paintings have an unmistakable warmth pervading them. Lee Am's paintings influenced, for example, the paintings of dogs by Japan's leading artists of the 17th century to the 18th century, of the likes of Tawaraya Sotatsu, Yosa Buson and Ito Jakuchu. Influencing art scenes beyond the borders of his native land, Lee Am indeed was an international artist of undoubted caliber. In the genre of yeongmo (animal paintings), Lee Am drew on international trends of the Five Dynasties period of China to the Song and Yuan Dynasties, but forged his own style from these various sources of inspiration. While being great examples of animal paintings with 16th-century royal palace flavor, Lee Am's works set themselves apart from others by his contemporaries through a signature relaxed quality in composition and spatial arrangement. Lee Am indeed was a towering genius on Joseon's art scene of the 17th century with a unique stylistic stamp. Unfortunately, however, it is difficult to determine how precisely Lee Am's paintings influenced his contemporary Joseon artists and later generations of artists based on the meager body of works surviving today. That being said, one finds echoes of Lee Am's childlike, nonchalant sunniness and humor in mid-Joseon paintings of slightly different subjects, like horses and oxen by Kim Si and Lee Gyeong-yun, and members of their families. Lee Am's works, therefore, are likely to have influenced later generations of painters, even if indirectly, by serving as a larger aesthetic backdrop, for instance, to such works as paintings of hawks by the late Joseon court painter Jeong Hong-rae. Only nine works have been identified within the Korean peninsula, including three in the collection of the Joseon Museum of Art in Pyeongyang, North Korea, three in the collection of the National Museum of Korea, of which two are attributed to him, and three others in the collection of the Samsung Museum of Art Leeum and private collections. However, compared to other painters of his time, this is actually not a small number. In addition, in recent years, a handful of other paintings of his have been unveiled in Japan and in the US, which indeed correspond to the titles of Lee Am's works mentioned in historical writings. Thanks to this, we now understand Lee Am better as a painter, both in terms of style and artistic bent and taste. As for subjects, his favorites were dogs and cats, hawks and geese. He treated these subjects at times using outlines, at other times without outlines. In his expressive techniques, he coupled the liberal and rough brushstrokes of literati paintings with a soft tone. Some of his works are in ink and light color, producing a limpid and serene effect, while others are highly realistic and provide minute details of the subject treated. These elements are at times found together side-by-side in one work, forming a subtle harmony. While there is undeniably a degree of decorative quality in his paintings, his subjects seem never stilted and are always full of life. The warmth and humor characterizing Lee Am's paintings, meanwhile, are also shared characteristics of Korean paintings as a whole, which set apart the latter from paintings of neighboring countries, and part of the national aesthetic temperament of Korean people. 이암(1507-1566)은 16세기 조선화단에서 종실(宗室)출신 문인화가로 영모에 명성이 높았다. 국내보다는 일본에 전해진 유작들이 공개됨으로 본격적인 조명이 가능해졌다. 그의 유작 중 일찍부터 잘 알려진 현 북한 조선미술박물관 소장〈화조묘구(花鳥猫狗)〉 쌍폭과 보물 제1392호로 지정된 삼성미술관 리움 소장 〈화조구자(花鳥狗子)〉는 함께 그려진 일괄품이 본 논문을 통해 확인되었다. 국내 전해진 유작은 북한까지 포함해 10점으로 한 두 예를 빼곤 일본에 전해진 것을 20세기 일본에서 구입한 것이다. 국외는 전칭작을 포함해 미국에 1점과 일본의 8점으로, 모두 9점의 존재가 확인된다. 그는 동물 그림을 지칭하는 영모화의 영역에 있어 오대(五代) 이후 송·원에 이르는 국제적인 흐름을 적극, 능동적으로 취사선택해 자기 나름의 골격을 형성했다. 16세기 궁정취향의 동물 그림을 잘 보여준다. 짜임새나 화면 구성 측면에서 느슨한 면 등 그들과 구별되는 자신의 그림 세계를 선명하게 구축하여 17세기 조선화단에서 우뚝 솟은 준봉이 아닐 수 없다. 그가 즐겨 그린 소재로는 개와 고양이·매·기러기 등이다. 표현 기법에선 몰골(沒骨)과 구륵(鉤勒)의 혼용, 문인화가로서의 활달·분방함과 거침, 공필(工筆)에 필적하는 극사실주의의 섬세함의 공존, 수묵담채가 주는 담백한 분위기, 이들 요인들이 함께 빚은 절묘한 조화도 읽을 수 있다. 장식적인 면이 없지 않으나 소재를 앞에 놓고 사생을 통해 획득한 생동감과 생명력이 감지된다. 그림 전체 분위기가 주는 따뜻함과 익살은 타국과 구별되는 우리 민족 나름대로 형성된, 우리 옛 그림에 내재된 공통적인 미의식의 구현이기도 하다. 그의 화풍이 조선화단에서 동시대나 후배들에게 구체적으로 어떤 영향을 끼쳤는지는 살피기 어려운 실정이다. 하지만 그림 소재는 다르나 조선 중기화단에서 전개된 김시(1524-1593)며 이경윤(1545-1611) 집안의 말과 소 그림에서 역시 동화적이며 익살과 통하는 크게 다르지 않는 미적 정서를 감지하게 된다. 조선후기 화원 정홍래(1720-1791 이후)의 매 그림의 정형성립에 선구적인 면모를 보인다. 무엇보다도 중시될 사항은 이암의 일본 그림에 끼친 영향이다. 일본 린파(淋派)의 양식을 창시한 다와라야 소타쓰(俵屋宗達, 17세기), 린파의 대가인 오가타 코린(尾形光琳, 1658-1716)의 부친 오가타 소켄(尾形光琳, 1621-1687)은 그의 그림을 모방했다. 18세기로 접어들어 요사 부손(与謝蕪村, 1716-1783), 이토 자쿠추(伊藤若沖, 1716-1800) 등 일본의 일급화가들의 그림에서 이암의 영향을 읽을 수 있다. 특히 표현기법에서 다와라야 소타쓰의 수묵화에 보이는 타라시코미 기법은 〈화조구자〉에 서 보이듯 이암이 선구의 위치를 점한다.
Lee, Haksoon is a patriot who committed suicide for the country, and denied to receive so-called ‘Kirogum' in 1910. His suicide for the country influenced his son, Lee, Naesoo, and served a momentum for the independence movement of Lee, Naesoo. This became the classic example of two generations' independence movement. Lee, Haksoon was born at Kongju, Chungnam in 1843 and succeeded the scholastic mantle of Kim, Jangsang and Song, Siyual's Kiho Confucians. Lee, Haksoon maintained Wijungchucksa which was the main logic of late Chosun's Confucians, and treated Donghak and the Enlightenment as heretical. His rejection on the Chanmyung School which was established by Doon-am memorial hall for Confucianist shows his ideological peculiarity. He was a deep-dyed Confucian scholar who emphasized Jon-wha-chuck-ee and fidelity. For Lee, Haksoon, establishment of the Chanmyung School could not be allowed. And in the same context, he rejected a royal bounty from the Japanese empire and committed suicide. In 1910, after Japanese annexation of Korea, he choose a life in seclusion, but the Japanese empire forced to receive a royal bounty and he committed suicide by taking poison in Dec. 7, 1910. He choose suicide to be faithful to his principles and fidelity. Lee, Naesoo was the eldest son of Lee, Haksoon and succeeded his father's ideology and anti-Japanese thought. When imprisoned due to burning the census registration in July, 1913, he met Kwak, Hanil. Kwak, Hanil was a key figure of the Donglipeegunbu and enlisted him in the Donglipeegunbu. In 1916, he planned to raise an army in the cause of justice with Lee, Yongkyu, Lee, Manjik, Youn, Byungil and Jeon, Yongkyu. At that time, Lee, Naesoo was actively engaged in the Donglipeegunbu to raise an army. After 3.1 Movement, Lee, Naesoo submitted a letter for restoration of the emperor, SoonJong and was inducted into a representative of 13 Province for the Confucians. Also, he was nominated for one of 33 racial representative as a result of activity in the Donglipeegunbu. At that time, Lee, Naesoo signed the Pari-Jang-seo which was initiated by Kim, Bokhan. After his father's patriotic martyrs for the country, he solidified his friendship with Kim, Bokhan, Lim, Hanju and You, Hokeun who were participated in the Heungju army in the cause of justice. Lee, Naesoo led the Chosundongnimdan which was organized in 1919 for support the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea, and collected funds in Jeolla, Gyeongsang and Chungcheong Provinces as a leader of the Chosundongnimdan in May, 1921. Lee, Naesoo participated in the Chosundongnimdan to save the country from the Japanese empire, however, he did not acknowledge the Provisional Government.
이 논문은 ‘한국 양명학 연구의 초석을 마련한 인물'로서 이능화(李能和)에 대한 탐구이다. 먼저, 이능화가 양명학이 어떤 측면에서 “주자학에 대항할 수 있는 가장 서구적인(=서구화할 수 있는) 사상 유형”으로 자리매김할 수 있다고 생각했는지에 대해 탐색하였다. 그 연장선에서 ‘주자학을 서구근대화의 장애물'로 판단하게 된 이유를 검토하였다. 다음으로 이능화의 조선유계지양명학파 에서 나타난 한국 양명학의 연구 관점이나 자료수집의 폭이 어떤 것이며, 그것이 이후 한국 양명학 연구자들에게 어떠한 영향을 끼쳤는지를 구체적으로 검토해보았다. 이능화는 조선을 ‘사상속박시대'라고 비난할 정도로 오직 주자학만을 유일무이한 학문으로 존숭하였던 조선 유교에 대해 비판적 입장을 지녔다. 그에 따르면, 조선의 교조주의는 근본적으로 사대주의(事大主義)에 기인한 것이었다. 또한 그러한 교조주의는 당파의 분열을 발생시켜 유교의 특장점인 정치적 · 윤리적인 사회철학적 성격을 상실케 되었다고 파악한다. 반면 이능화는 양명학을 시대변혁의 방향에 새로운 가능성을 지닌 사상으로 파악한 듯 하다. ‘전근대적인 주자학'을 탈피하여 당시의 역사적 사명인 ‘서구근대화를 이룰 수 있는 사상'으로 양명학을 바라보았던 것으로 유추된다. 이는 일본의 서구 근대화가 양명학이라는 이념적 기반에 이루어졌다는 사실에 기인한다. 이능화는 『조선유계지양명학파(朝鮮儒界之陽明學派)』에서 조선 양명학파를 학문적인 측면이 아니라 정치적인 측면에서 정리하였다. 그리고 그는 한국 양명학파를 성립시킨 인물로서 정제두로 제시하였으며, 남언경(南彦經)을 조선 최초의 양명학자로서 규정하였다. 다음으로 한국의 양명학 전래시기를 1567년 전후로 추정하였다. 이와 같은 그의 견해는 이후의 한국 양명학 연구자들에게도 고스란히 이어졌다. 특히 이능화는 조선의 양명학 배척을 역사적 사실을 통해 논증하였다. 이후 그의 한국 양명학 연구는 다카하시 도오루(高橋亨)에게 이어져 식민사관으로 재생산된다. 하지만 윤남한(尹南漢)과 유명종(劉明種)에 이르면 다카하시 도오루가 보여준 식민사관을 넘어서게 되고, 이능화가 마련한 인물 · 시각 · 자료 · 사건들을 그들의 한국 양명학 연구에서 근간으로 사용되고 있었다. 그 점에서 이능화는 ‘한국 양명학 연구의 초석을 마련한 인물'이라고 지칭해도 무리가 되지 않을 것이라 사료된다. This paper is aimed to study on Lee Nung-Hwa as ‘the drafter for research on Korean Yangmyeonghak(陽明學)'. First, we examined that why Lee considered Yangmyeonghak as most modern thought. In addition to this, We investigated that why he thought JuJahak(朱子學) as the obstacle of making Josun modern westernization. Second, we investigated Lee's Josunyukyejiyangmyeonghakpa(朝鮮儒界之陽明學派) for seeking his research perspective and scope of data collection about Korean Yangmyeonghak. And, we examined in particular that what Lee had influenced on researchers on Korean Yangmyeonghak since he published this Josunyukyejiyangmyeonghakpa . Lee described Josun(朝鮮) as ‘the spirit bondage era.' He had a very critical stance on the Josun Confucianism, because it only acknowledged JuJahak. At that time, any other thoughts except JuJahak were regarded as unorthodox. According to him, Jujahak dogmatism was due to toadyism basically. Jujahak dogmatism had generated multitudinous partisan brawls from the earliest days of Josun. So, the confucianim lost its advantages of ethical and political philosophy. But, Lee looked at Yangmyeonghak positively. He considered Yangmyeonghak as most modern thought. Because Yangmyeonghak was the ideological foundation of the Meiji Restoration. Lee organized the Korean Yangmyeonghak school at the political side, not the academic side in 『Josunyukyejiyangmyeonghakpa』. Lee described Jeongjedu(鄭齊斗) as the feature of establish Korean Yangmyeonghak school, and identified Namunkyung(南彦經) as the first Yangmyeonghak scholar inf Josun. And, Lee estimated the Yangmyeonghak transmission time as around 1567. Many researchers followed these his views. But, Lee analyzed the Korean Yangmyeonghak school from the perspective of colonial history. His perspective of colonial history was continued to Takahasi torou(高橋亨), but that perstpective had been refused by Yunnahan(尹南漢) and Yumyeongjong(劉明宗). However, people, data, and events selected by Lee had been accepted by almost all researchers. In that point, we identify Lee as the drafter for research on Korean Yangmyeonghak.
In this paper, Lim, Young and Lee, Manbu analyze the unorthodox view of Daehak by comparing it with the Zhu, Xi school of Neo-Confucianism in the earlier Lee dynasty. Through this comparison, I examine an aspect of the change in the study of Neo-Confucian classics in the later Lee dynasty. First, I examine some distinctions in the study of Neo-Confucian classics in the light of a few scholars' interpretation about Daehak in the earlier Lee dynasty. These scholars include Park, Young, Lee, Hwang and Jo, Ik. The principal distinction is the emphasis on abstractive mentality and inner practice. The scholars of Zhu, Xi attempted to get rid of the inclination for focusing solely on abstractive mentality and inner practice. Their belief was expressed by emphasizing the practical benefits of Daehak's theories through the analysis of the annotated scriptures by scholars of orthodox Neo-Confucianism in the later Lee dynasty. In the case of Lee, Manbu, he discovers the practical benefits by looking outward and recommends that approach for others. And also Lim, Young put more emphasis on concrete objects rather than abstract ideas. Second, the viewpoint of the school of orthodox Neo-Confucianism was very critical and stern about the unorthodox. Lee, Hwang popularized the use of Yukwanghak's critical analysis in academics. This analytical style is similar to that used by Zen Buddhists. Song, Siyeol, Park, Saeche and Han, WonJin developed Lee, Hwang's critical analysis in academics. Later in the Lee dynasty, scholars in the school of orthodox Neo-Confucianism interpreted the unorthodox differently. Lee, Manbu studied and emphasized the individual interpretations of Daehak. Lim, Young was the strongest supporter of unorthodox. He supported the values of a Buddhist's invocation and the doctrines of Wang, Yangming and had a impartial attitude towards the philosophy of Ki and Taoism. In this transformation of the study of Neo-Confucian classics, to some extent there was an academic attitude to response under the historical change as the foundation And it was revealed that the distinctions of the study of Neo-Confucian classics in the later Lee dynasty were not so different from the ones of a realistic study of Confucian classics.
李他仁은 高句麗 말기 柵城 褥薩이었다. 그동안 그의 族源에 대해서는 다양한 견해들이 제시되었다. 본고에서는 이타인의 족원을 고찰하고자, 고구려의 李氏姓 존재여부에 대해 검토하였다. 그 과정에서 600년 ?陽王의 명령으로 『新集』을 편찬한 李文眞의 존재와 渤海의 李氏들에 주목하여 고구려에 이씨성이 존재하였음을 입증하였다. 그리고 唐의 `賜姓李氏` 사례와 唐에서 활동한 李氏姓 고구려 遺民들의 특징을 비교한 결과 고구려에서 독자적인 `賜姓李氏`가 있던 것으로 파악하였다. 이를 기반으로 「李他仁墓誌銘」에 기재된 문구 및 고구려와 말갈의 관계를 분석하여 이타인은 고구려로부터 `사성이씨` 된 고구려인임을 확인하였다. 마지막으로 이타인이 책성 욕살에 수여된 배경에 대해 642년에 발발했던 淵蓋蘇文의 정변에 주목하였다. 여기에 高質 一家와의 비교를 통해 이타인 일가가 연개소문의 정변에 공적을 세운 까닭에 柵城 褥薩이 될 수 있던 것으로 추론하였다. Lee Ta-in was the Chaek Castle castellan at the end of the Goguryeo. In the meantime, various opinions have been raised about his ethnic origin. In this article I examine the existence of the Lee family in the Goguryeo to investigate the ethnic origin of the Lee Ta-in. In the process, I prove that there existed last name Lee in Goguryeo by paying attention to the existence of Lee Moon-jin who made a 『Sinjip』 by the King Yeongyang order in the 600th year and last name Lee in Balhae. And a comparison of the characteristics of Tang`s "give last name Lee" and displaced people of Goguryeo of last name Lee who were active in the Tang proved that there existed a unique "give last name Lee" in Goguryeo. Based on this analysis, I analyzed the phrases written in 「Lee Ta-in`s Epitaph」 and analyzed the relationship between Goguryeo and Malgal, and confirmed that Lee Ta-inwas an Goguryeon who was "give last name Lee" from Goguryeo Finally it paid attention to revolution of Yeon Gaesomun which originated in 642 about the Background awarded to Chaek Castle castellan of Lee Ta-in. In comparison with the Go Jil family, I could deduce that Lee Ta-in family was able to receive the last name Lee because the Lee Ta-in family established considerable achievements in the revolution of the Yeon Gaesomun. (Researcher Of ELEVEN R&D Institute / email@example.com)
驪州李氏 密陽 退老家門은 시련이 많았던 우리 민족의 근대화 과정에서 전통적인 儒學을 기반으로 하면서도 새로운 학문을 수용 하는 ‘新舊竝進'의 학풍을 실천함으로써 가문적 성취와 사회적 공헌을 이루었다. 驪州李氏 密陽派는 15세기 후반에 서울에서 밀양으로 이주하여 현재의 삼랑진 용성리, 단장면 무릉리, 단장리,사연리 등지에 散居 하면서 이곳 유력 양반들과 혼인으로 연결되고 경제적 토대를 갖추 어 지방 사족으로 정착하였다. 이 가문은 16세기 중엽 月淵 李迨와 今是堂 李光轸이 문과에 급제하여 관직에 나간 외에는 대체로 재야에서 학문에 종사하였지만, 밀양의 유림 사회에서 상당한 명망을 유지해 왔다. 약 4W여년 후 桃源 李鍾極의 아들인 恒齋 李翊九(1838 ~1912), 靜存軒 李能九, 庸齋 李命九 삼 형제가 1890년(고종 27)에 世居地인 단장면 무릉리에서 부북면 퇴로리로 이주한 후에 경제적으로 크게 성장하였고, 이를 바탕으로 신교육과 각종 사회활동에 나서게 되었다. 이들은 성리학적인 전통이 철저하였던 밀양 士族 사회에서 드물게 星湖의 實學을 계승하여 신학문에 종사하였고, ‘新舊竝進'이라는 근대적인 정신을 실천하였다. 이는 恒齋가 성호학파 性齋 許傳의 문인이 되어 實學에 심취한 것이 하나의 계기가 되었다. 그는 성리학의 고정 관념을 벗어나 역사를 통한 성찰을 중시하였고,국가 존망의 시대에 사는 선비의 자세로 “服田力穡”과 “通商惠工”도 마다하지 않았다. 이러한 恒齋의 학문과 정신은 그의 아들인 省軒 李炳熹와 조카 退修齋 李炳鲲 등에게 큰 영향을 주었다. 1907년에 恒齋는 향리에 華山義塾을 설립하고 日人 교사들을 초빙하여 자손들에게 신학문과 측량기술 등을 가르치다가 1910년 亡國으로 폐지하였다. 李炳喜는 뒤를 이어 1921년에 사립 보통학교인 正進義塾(후에 正進學校로 개칭)을 설립하였고,그의 조카인 李周衡 은 1946년 밀양중학교를 설립하여 신교육 보급에 기여하였다. 그들은 자제들에게 家塾에서 漢文을 익히도록 하였지만, 자신들이 설립한 신식 學校에 보내기도 하고 서울로 유학을 시키기도 하였다. 그 결과 制憲國會議員 李周衡 등 많은 학자ㆍ교육자, 관료ㆍ정치가들을 배출하였고 지역 사회의 근대화에도 기여하게 되었다. 이 가문에서는 1909년에 신식 활자를 사용하는 인쇄소(同文社)를 설치하여 『星湖集』50권 27책 등 많은 서적을 간행하였다. 또한 역사에도 관심이 많아 恒齋는 『讀史箚記』8권 4책을 저술하였고, 省軒 李炳憙는 『朝鮮史綱目』14책을 저술하였으며, 退修齋 李炳鲲은 朝鮮 時代의 각종 사료를 수집하여 『李家墨莊史料叢編』40책을 편집하였다. 퇴로의 이씨들은 문중 社倉을 설립하여 빈민들을 구제하였고, 藥鋪와 정미소도 운영하였다. 그리고 자손들 중에는 商業(退老商店)과 蠶業(蠶種製造所)에 종사한 사람도 있었다. 이러한 가풍은 성리학을 신봉하던 밀양의 전통적인 양반 사회에서 보기 드문 홍미 있는 사례라고 하겠다. 19세기 후반의 급격한 사회 변동 속에서 驪州李氏 退老家門은 전통적인 유학의 가치를 고수하면서도 實學的인 기반 위에서 새로운 세계에 적응할 신학문을 수용하여 교육하였고, 각종 사회 공헌 활동을 하기도 하였다. 이러한 일들은 모두 상당한 경제력 때문에 가능하였지만, 그들은 일정한 규모 이외에 농장을 더 이상 확대하지 않고 그富를 사회에 환원하였다. 이는 유학을 중심으로 한 전통적 가치와 근대적 의식이 결합되어 이룩한 ‘新舊竝進'의 드문 사례라 할 것이다. The ancestors of Yeoju Lee Family in Milyang originally lived in Yeoju of Gyeonggi province. Some sub-lineages of them moved to Gaeseong, the capital of Goryeo dynasty, and then to Seoul, the capital of Joseon dynasty, to obtain posts in the government, in which they were very successful to be bureaucrats. A sub-lineage of them moved to Milyang in Gyeongsang province in late 15th century, which we call Yeoju Yi Family in Milyang. The family founder LEE Sapil(李師弼) married a daughter of Ryu Jagong(柳子恭) who was a leader of a powerful local family. He could fall heir to the landowner and his descendants became a famous family in Milyang area with their wealth and scholarly attainments. A few of them obtained high posts in the government, but the others carried on their lives of local landed gentry. In late 19th century LEE Ik-gu(李翔九) with his brother LEE Neung-gu(李能九) and Lee Myeong-Gu(李命九) moved to a new town called Toero(退老) to extend their lands, which was very successful. We sometimes call them Toero Lee Family(退老李氏) on behalf of Yeoju Lee Family in Milyang. The family was so rich, learned and respected as to lead the local gentry society. As the western impact and the invasion of Japanese imperialism threatened Korea, it was hard times for Korean people to live in late 19th century. The Japanese invasion was just beginning in 1880s. Though LEE Ik-gu was a traditional Confucian scholar, he was trained under the influence of Silhak(實學) school and studied history profoundly, so he could see the reality of the epochal crisis and shaped his thoughts. He declared the principle of a scholar's learning should be what to practice both the old and the new(親斤舊拉進), which means Confucianism and the western studies. And he emphasized the works of a scholar in hard times should not be limited to Confucian studies and literary works but granted to do farming, manufacturing and even commerce and technology(服田力穡通商惠工). His open-minded thoughts influenced much to his son LEE Byeong-hee(李炳熹) and nephew LEE Byeong-gon(李炳鲲). LEE Byeong-hee was a Confucian scholar and historian who wrote the History of Joseon Dy航펴y(朝鮮史綱目). He as the leader of the family did many business, establishing a modem elementary school and running a printing house. LEE Byeong-gon also was a Confucian historian, though not finished the History of late Joseon Dynasty, left many good historical materials. He kept diaiy through out his life named Toesujae Ilgi(Diary of Toesujae, his pen name), which was published by the National Institute of Korean History in 2007. It tells the history of the family and many interesting informations of the gentry society at that time in Milyang area, though lots of it's volume were lost. They ran a traditional Confucian academy for their children in the town, which was called family academy(家塾). But they took the initiative in modem education in Milyang area. LEE Ik-gu opened a small academy in which modem sciences and technology were educated by the Japanese teachers in 1907. But it was abolished when Korea was forced to merge to Japan illegally in 1910. But his son LEE Byeong-hee and nephew LEE Byeong-gon established a modem private elementary school in the town Toero in 1921, which was named Jeongjin school(正進學校). They educated their children and others in this school or the Confucian family academy. Though they preferred to educate them in their Confucian academy, they also granted their descendants to be educated in higher schools in Seoul. In 1946 the Milyang Highschool was established by one of their grandson LEE Ju-hyeong who became the principal himself and then a member of the first National Congress of Republic of Korea in 1948. The family ran a foundation named Sachang(社倉) for a long time to help the poor people in the town area. That kind of foundation Sachang was originally created by Zhu-hsi, the brilliant Neo-Confucian scholar of Sung(宋) dynasty in 12th century. So we can say the family's Sachang was a traditional method of the Neo-Confucian social ideology. The family founded a modem printing factory in 1909 and printed lots of books and documents, most of them were their books. They also constructed a modem mill in 1927 to grind their rice and those of other's. One of the family member open a shop of general goods in the downtown of Milyang in 1920s, which became the gathering post of the family members and all kind of informations. And two of the members began the sericultural industry in 1940s, which was not so successful. These businesses were not so expectative for a gentry class at that time in Milyang society. But they didn't mind at all, which was proved to be right and successful. The studies and social activities of Yeoju Lee Family in Milyang who lived through the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century shows a good example of the Korean Confucian scholars and landlord gentry class confronting the epochal crisis of modernization. Many families and scholars were failed to survive but Yeoju Lee was successful because of their open mind to practice both the old and the new(親斤舊拉進), and the active attitude for farming, manufacturing and even commerce and technology business.
'스콜라' 이용 시 소속기관이 구독 중이 아닌 경우, 오후 4시부터 익일 오전 7시까지 원문보기가 가능합니다.
The purpose of this study is to elucidate Jung-Hwan Lee's life and the process of completing book, Taekriji(擇里志, A classical cultural geography of the Korean settlement). The conclusion of the study is summarized as follows. 1. Jung-Hwan Lee's career can be divided into two periods, before and after the time when he was involved in Sinimoksa)(辛壬獄事, party strife in Sinchuk year( 1721) and Imin year(1722)) and banished to a distant island. Coming of the Lees of Yeoju, one of noble families, he had talent for poetry and prose in his childhood. At the early age of 24, he passed Kwago(科擧, the highest-level state examination to recruit ranking officials during Josun Dynasty) and began government service. During the service, he formed and led a circle of literary men. With In-Bok Lee and Kwang-un O, he played an important role in a progressive group in Namin, one of political parties in the Josun Dynasty. Meanwhile, Jung-Hwan Lee had an interest in geomancy from his twenties and explored the mountains in Gyeonggi-do, Hwanghae-do, and Chungcheong-do to find a good graveyard for several months with a geomancer, Ho-Ryong Mok. His friendship with Ho-Ryong Mok, which was considered as conspiracy against the king, caused him to be arrested and tried as suspect. His survey expenence of various places with Ho-Ryong Mok as well as excellent talent for poetry and prose can be said to be an important basis of his writing Taekriji later. The latter half of Jung-Hwan Lee's life was the time of frustration and adversity, for about 30 years when he lost his government position, retired from the world, and led a wandering life. Although struggling with adversity, he left a masterpiece of Taekriji through exploring the whole country. He explored 6 Provinces in Josun personally except Jeonra-do. His personal exploration made him "have a sharp eye for geographical phenomena". Through his exploring the whole country, Jung-Hwan Lee found a new Taekriji. 2. Ik Lee, Seong-Kwan Mok, Hoe-Kyeong Mok, Bong-Hwan Lee, and Eon-Yu Jeong who wrote prefaces and epilogues to Taekrij were Jung-Hwan Lee's contemporaries. Closely related by mamage, they had a similar appreciative eye for things, and in addition, all of them suffered from a party strife directly or indirectly except Eon-Yu Jeong. That's why they understood each other and had the consciousness of kind. Ik Lee, a cousin of jung-Hwan Lee's grandfather, was his senior in the family and academic stay. Jung-Hwan Lee frequently corresponded with him. Seong-Kwan Mok was a nephew of jung-Hwan Lee's wife, and Hoe- Kyeong Mok was the person who wrote down the achievements of Cheon-Im Mok, jung-Hwan's brother-in-law and Seong-Kwan Mok's life history. Bong-Hwan Lee could have been jung-I-Iwan Lee's cousin, but became his distant relative since his father, Yeon-Hyu had been adopted. jung-I-Iwan Lee's grandmother was a daughter of Man-I-Iwa jeong, one of the jeongs of Dongrae, who came from the same family as Eon-Yu Jeong. Those who wrote prefaces and epilogues to Taekriji were jung-Hwan Lee's relatives as above. 3. Five persons who wrote prefaces and epilogues helped Taeknji be known to the world, but Ik Lee played a distinguished part. It is considered that writing Taekriji began at least after April of the 25th year of king Y oungjo (1749). Taekriji is believed to have been completed in a relatively short time and at the last phase of jung-Hwan Lee's life. Prefaces and epilogues to Taekriji were written sometime between the 28th year of king Youngjo (1752) and the 29th year of king Youngjo (1753). Accordingly, we may say Taekriji is had been completed by that time. However, there are two views of what year "the beginning of early summer in Baekyang year" in the epilogue written by jung-Hwan Lee himself means: some believe it is Sinmi year and others Gapsul year. Sinmi year is the 27th year of king Youngjo (1751) and Gapsul year is the 30th year of king Youngjo (1754). If jung-Hwan Lee l
이 글은 가람과 조운, 노산의 시조론에 대한 이야기를 시작으로 오늘에 이르는 영·호남 시조문학의 지형도를 그려보고자 하였다. 시조의 근대화 길목에서 우리는 호남을 대표하는 가람과 조운, 영남을 대표하는 노산과 이영도, 이호우를 먼저 이야기하지 않을 수 없다. 외래문학의 범람으로 인해 민족문학의 말살 위기에 직면해 있던, 우리의 근대는 그야말로 전통적 장르를 유지하기 어려운 시기였다. 이 시기, 시조부흥운동을 통해 시조의 혁신을 주장하였던 인물들이 이들이기 때문이다. 현대시조는 1925년 최남선, 이광수, 정인보, 이은상, 이병기 등에 의해 주도된 시조부흥운동으로 이어진다. 이는 시어에 대한 새로운 인식과 연작시도입, 다양한 현대적 감각 등의 실험을 통해 시조를 현대화하는 운동으로 확산된다. 이어 1920년대 후반에는 가람, 노산, 조운 등에 의해 시조가 혁신되어 시조 문학의 새로운 영역이 개척되었다. 노산 이은상은 역사의식을 강하게 드러냈고, 가람 이병기는 감각적 언어의 조탁으로 새로움을 꾀했으며, 조운은 서정적 이미지를 구현하는 방식으로 시조의 현대화에 부응하였다. 이러한 현대적 혁신은 오늘날 시조문학의 발전과 계승에 중요한 밑거름이 되었다. 현대시조로의 이행에는 앵·연 갈이의 변형과 같은 형식적 측면뿐만 아니라 문학 언어, 세계에 대한 인식적 측면에서도 현대적 요소들을 취할 수 있어야 한다. 노래하는 시조에서 읽는 시조로 변화된 시조가 시조부흥운동을 통해 신문 잡지의 적극적인 논의 대상으로 본격화되었던 시기, 현대적 감각, 연작시, 시어의 일상성, 음보의 변화 등을 선보이며 추구했던 현대성을 우리는 쇄신을 거듭하며 이어나가야 할 것이다. This study aims to see the development of Sijo, one kind of Korean poetic form, looking into the theory of Sijo suggested by Cho Un, Garam Lee Byeonggi, and Nosan Lee Eunsang who intended the modernization of Korean Sijo beyond its regionality in Yeongnam and Honam regions in Korea. And prior to discussion about modernization of Sijo, it would be essential to discuss about the representative Sijo poets - Garam Lee Byeonggi and Cho Un who represent Honam region and Nosan Lee Eun-sang, Lee Yeoungdo, and Lee Hou who represent Yeongnam region - first of all. It the modern period of Korea, it was really hard to carry on its traditional genres due to the increasing crisis in national literature with the flood of foreign literature, and these people above made great efforts to promote the innovation pivoting around Korean tradition, insisting the innovation of Sijo through Sijo Revivals. Modern Sijo was led to Sijo Revivals spearheaded by Choi Namseon, Lee Gwangsu, Jeong Inbo, Lee Eunsang, and Lee Byeonggi in 1925. And this was soon led to a movement to modernize Korean Sijo, through a number of different experimental attempts, including new awareness on poetic diction, introduction of serial poetry, and a wide range of modern sensibility. In the late 1920s, Sijo became innovated by Garam, Nosan, and Cho Un, and a new field of Sijo literature was pioneered accordingly. In order to keep up with this modernization trend, Nosan Lee Eunsang expressed his strong historical consciousness, Garam Lee Byeonggi attempted novelty by elaborating words in a more sensitive way, and Cho Un tried to bring lyrical images through his works. There is no doubt that there are definitely tangible and intangible boundary lines between different nations, civilizations, religions, regions, and even individuals. However, human, as a social being, makes efforts in order to move in and out of the boundary line and break it for each other`s interest. Discourse in modern literature is communication and interaction. And as literary persons, we are expected to keep our tradition through Sijo so that we could move towards the age of communication for modern Sijo of the 21th century.
Moonsan is Lee Jae-ui(1772~1839)'s pen name. He is born the eldest grandson of the Jeonju Lee's Dukchun family line. Jeonju Lee's family is a prince of the blood in Chosun dynasty.. His noble birth make him a proud person. His birthplace was Seoul, but he have lived in Yongin, Kyunggi province. Especially he is a great-grandson of chief general, Lee Ju-guk who loved by king Jungjoe. Lee Jae-ui should carry out a duty of descendant offering sacrifice to his ancestors. That is a devout and unavoidable fate for him. Because he has a strong consciousness of offering sacrifice to his ancestors. He didn't go into government service at all. Instead of it, he made an effort to cultivate his morals and manage the family. Lee Jae-ui was taught chinese literature by Nam, you-do and the confucian scriptures by Ryu, Jung-mo in early years. During adult ages, he was a disciple of Park, yoon-won and Song, hwan-ki who are prominent scholars of confucianism. And then he promoted a friendship with lung, Jaw-meun Ann, ho Kim, young Sim, Ryu Song, Myung-hee lung, Yak-yong etc., they are his senior scholars. Whang, Gi-chun and Hong, Jik-pil, Lee, Man-jung and Sim, Du-young are Lee Jae-ui's best friends, First of all, he was known by lung, Yak-yong's argument parter of human nature. We hope that Lee Jae-ui's literature and thought is studied deeply sooner or later.