제17대 총선 예측 조사의 문제 : 조사거절자와 응답불성실자 편향을 중심으로

이준웅(June Woong Rhee) 서울대학교 언론정보연구소 2004 언론정보연구 Vol.41 No.1

한국 신문위기의 원인

이준웅(June Woong Rhee),최영재(Young-Jae Choi) 한국언론학회 2005 한국언론학보 Vol.49 No.5

On the basis of the observations of the precipitous drops of newspapers readership, this study explores the causes of the decline of newspaper uses in Korea. Critics have attempted to provide the reasons for the decline of newspapers readership only to find disagreements in perspectives. They agree on one thing: the size of readership, the number of subscribers, and advertising revenue have been aggravatingly declining. Reviewing the critics's observations and suggestions, this study formulates three hypotheses: functional displacement in news use, provision of lower value, and trust crisis. Two data sets, one with 1200 nationally sampled adults and the other with 1120 Seoul metropolitan area adults, are employed to test the hypotheses. All three hypotheses receive some empirical supports. The implications of the results for the practical advice for overcoming the crisis are discussed.

언론사에 대한 신뢰와 안심

이준웅(June Woong Rhee),안송이(Songyi Ahn) 한국언론학회 2024 한국언론학보 Vol.68 No.6

한류의 커뮤니케이션 효과

이준웅(June Woong Rhee) 한국언론학회 2003 한국언론학보 Vol.47 No.5

This study examines the attitudinal and behavioral consequences of the consumption of Korean cultural products in two major Chinese cities, Beijing and Shanghai. A model of mass-mediated inter-cultural communication effects is suggested to explore the ways in which the Chinese's consumption of Korean dramas and music exert influences on the attitude towards Korea and the behavioral intention of subsequent consumption of Korean cultural products. In particular, emphasizing the role of interpretive processes in uses of cultural products, the model incorporates two mediating processes within it: the evaluation of the qualities of Korean dramas and music and the understanding of Korean people and the Korean ways of life. A total of 2017 respondents were interviewed in Beijing and Shanghai. The results turn out supportive of the research model. It is found that the Chinese's consumption of Korean dramas and music lead to positive evaluation of the dramas and music and favorable understanding of Korean people, which in turn produces positive attitude toward Korea and heightened behavioral intention to use Korean cultural products. The implications of the results are discussed in terms of mass-mediated cross-cultural experiences in the Asian region.

숙의 민주주의를 위한 커뮤니케이션의 구조적, 규제적 조건과 인터넷 토론의 양과 질

이준웅(June Woong Rhee),김은미(Eun-Mee Kim),문태준(Taejoon Moon) 한국언론학회 2005 한국언론학보 Vol.49 No.1

The emergence of the internet and the potentials it has for building up a new type of public sphere has sparked a renewed interest in the concept of deliberative democracy. This paper attempts to develop a comprehensive research model of deliberation on the internet and to empirically test it by conducting a field experiment. By manipulating the structural and regulative conditions of communication such as (1) display of social identity cues, (2) intervention of moderators, and (3) reinforcement of deliberation efficacy, this study examines whether the quantity and quality of deliberation on the internet is affected by the specific conditions provided while the effects of communicator characteristics are controlled for. Main effects of the three experimental stimuli as well as some interaction effects were found. In particular, it was found that moderation decreased the quantity of deliberation while social cues and moderation increased the quality. Effects of communicator-related variables on the deliberation behaviors are also corroborated. The implications of the experimental results for the deliberative democracy were discussed in terms of the strengthening and changing the structural and regulative conditions of communication in the internet deliberation process.

갈등적 이슈에 대한 뉴스 프레임 구성방식이 의견형성에 미치는 영향

이준웅(Rhee June-Woong) 한국언론학회 2001 한국언론학보 Vol.46 No.1

Despite the considerable amount of attention paid to framing effects, communication scholars agree that the stock of empirical findings of framing studies does not add up to a construction of an overarching theory of framing effects. Since Pan and Kosicki's initial formulation of framing effects. it has been emphasized that the interplay between news frame and the audience knowledge is the key process to determine the ways of interpreting news texts. However, questions still remain. What is the nature of the interplay? What is the cognitive mechanism by which the thematic or stylistic organizations of news stories influence the way the audience interprets news texts? This study attempted to answer the questions by providing a narrative interpretation model of news framing effects. Before laying out the theoretical propositions of the model, I reviewed two theoretical models of framing effects: the concept accessibility model and the concept applicability model. Then a narrative interpretation model was presented as an alternative account of the framing mechanism. Based on the narrative interpretation model, a set of hypotheses was formulated to test the influences of news frames on the audience's interpretation and opinion. In addition, this study explored the ways newspapers framed the controversy over the 2001 Korean Newspaper Directives and identified three news frames such as government control, autonomous market, and fair trade regulation. To test the hypotheses, a field experiment was conducted. A total of 403 participants were randomly assigned to three framing conditions and a control condition where they received the news stories with strong thematic structures (the framing conditions) and a straight news story (the control condition). A hypothesis was confirmed that the exposure to different news frames leads to different interpretation of the same news story. It was also found that the news frames influence the audience's opinion of the controversial issue even after controlling for the impacts of political ideology, media attention and newspaper subscription. The results were discussed in terms of the narrative interpretation model of framing effects.

후보 이미지의 정치적 영향력에 대한 사회인지론적 설명

이준웅(Rhee June Woong) 한국언론학회 1998 한국언론학보 Vol.43 No.2

모든 더러운 말들: 증오발언 규제론 및 규제반대론 검토

이준웅 ( Rhee June Woong ),박장희 ( Park Jang Hee ) 서울대학교 법학연구소 2018 서울대학교 법학 Vol.59 No.3

The article aims to examine arguments for and against hate speech regulation and to present a conceptual framework for hate speech regulation in line with theoretical understandings as examined. We argue against criminal punishment of hate speech not for the reason of ineffectiveness and inefficiency of the regulation. Rather, criminalization of hate speech is incongruent with the very democratic principle of self-governance. While a policy regulating hate speech can set rules of civility that members of a democratic society agree to live by, it cannot exist as a form of punitive measures that individuals or groups ask the government to enforce. Citizens can and should voluntarily adopt rules for regulating extreme speech at each sphere of civil society. We believe it is desirable for citizens in civil domains such as associations, work places, schools and religious organizations to adopt a set of rules to regulate their own extreme speech through voluntary initiatives and legitimate procedures. The government may enact comprehensive anti-discriminatory laws and introduce provisions of weighted penalty for hate crimes to guide these initiatives. The idea is that citizens should adopt regulations that protect the weak and social minorities not by restricting but by actively exercising freedom of speech to strengthen democracy. Citizens can thus regulate themselves; They can initiate campaigns to raise public awareness regarding human rights violations in the communities they belong to, strike back against those who express hatred against the weak and social minorities, and engage in public discourse to adopt a rule to regulate their own discourse. However, citizens should not ask the government to intervene in the process of public opinion formation. The nation we aspire to be is the one equipped with both democratic institutions and active democratic citizenship, that is, a nation of ‘strong democracy.’

법학전문대학원과 사법연수원 교육이 직장선택 고려사항과 법조현실 평가에 미치는 영향

이준웅 ( June Woong Rhee ),이재협 ( Jae Hyup Lee ),황현정 ( Hyun Jung Hwang ) 법과사회이론학회 2015 법과 사회 Vol.0 No.50

This study explores whether the dual legal educational system resulting from the introduction of the law school system in 2009 has led to differentiated socialization effects on lawyers who were educated at a law schools (‘law school lawyers’) and at the Judicial Research Training Institute (‘JRTI lawyers’). We investigated the differences, if any, in perceptions about the law and legal phenomena and in lawyers’ considerations in choosing legal employment. We also looked at whether these differences might have affected the law school lawyers’ and the JRTI lawyers’ evaluations of legal institutions (courts, prosecutor’s office, etc.) and views about the existence of jeongwanyeu (preferential treatment for former judges and prosecutors), as well as their opinions about legal reform. The data came from the survey conducted by Seoul National University Law Institute in 2014, titled “The Structure of the Legal Profession and the Legal Consciousness of Lawyers in Korea.” The results revealed the law school lawyers considered value-related aspects more in choosing their legal employment. However, there were no substantial differences in the recognition of the function of the law and legal phenomena. Moreover, even after controlling the effects of individual differences, lawyers’ evaluations of the realities of the legal profession differed according to where they are educated. The law school lawyers evaluated the jury trial more positively than the JRTI lawyers, while the JRTI lawyers assessed the impartiality of the prosecutors’ office more positively than the law school lawyers. The combined results support our hypothesis that young lawyers chose their legal employment differently and evaluate the legal realities differently depending on where were educated between at a law school and at the JRTI.

설득의 윤리적 문제

이준웅(Rhee June-Woong) 한국언론학회 2001 한국언론학보 Vol.45 No.2

Sophists considered rhetoric, the maker of persuasion (peithous demiourgos), an effective tool for manipulating the mass opinion. They exercised rhetoric to seize the power of handling the mass opinion in courts, agora, and theaters. This essay first reconstructed ethical problems of rhetoric in the Gorgias, the Phaedrus, and Gorgias' corpus. Three principal characteristics of sophistic rhetoric were identified: (1) the capacity to provide two-sided arguments on every topic (dissoi logoi); (2) its amoral hedonism regarding the purpose of persuasion; (3) the knowledge of the appropriate time (kairos) and content (to prepon) for maximum effectiveness of persuasion. These characteristics are partly dependent upon the sophist's claim that rhetoric can teach civic virtues even without true knowledge of it. In an attempt to contextualize the role of rhetoric within the conflicts between the sophists and the Socratic tradition, I first reviewed the ethical problems of the principles of rhetoric from both the perspectives. This study continued to examine the moral integrity of the sophist's arguments regarding the ethical indifference with the true knowledge in persuasion. In particular, the nature of the dialectic exchanges between the rhetors and Socrates illustrated in the Gorgias were compared with the one in the rhetorical texts by Gorgias. Based on the examination of the sophistic and the Socratic interpretations of the nature of rhetoric, I argued that (1) it is not possible for the sophists to defend themselves in any coherent way against the Socratic attacks on the ethical indifference with the true knowledge in persuasion; (2) it does not follow however that the rhetor has to accept the Socratic dialectics (including the Socratic elenchos) as the only possible means to communicate with others in a sincere way; and (3) the modern persuasion expert should actively seek an ethical foundation to defend one's way of communication against the Socratic and other lines of critiques of rhetoric. The questions thus remain to be answered: (I) Does rhetoric matter only to the means of communication without concerning to the purpose? (2) Does rhetoric have to do with the true knowledge of the subject matter? (3) Does rhetoric contribute to teaching political virtues in a democratic society? Depending on the answer to these questions, modern persuasion experts will have different ethical positions by which one can judge the ethical integrity of persuasive communication.