고려 후기 얼자(孽子)의 지위 향상과 그 역사적 배경

이종서(Lee, Jong-seo) 한국역사연구회 2015 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.97

Examined in this article are the Seo’eol figures of the Goryeo period, who were also the former version of the Joseon Seo’eol figures. They were called as a whole as ‘Seo/Eol’ in Joseon, but in Goryeo there was a strict distinction between ‘Seo(庶)’ and ‘Eol(孼).’ In the early half of the Goryeo period, the latter(“Eolja” figures) were not allowed to be appointed to governmental positions, and the former(“Seoja” figures) were in some cases restricted from applying for the dynastic competitive examination and was not allowed to rise above certain level of posts inside the government. But coming into the second half of the Goryeo period, not only cases of Seoja figures but also those of Eolja figures, in which they were able to apply for the dynastic exam and rise to the highest level of posts inside the government, started to emerge. We can see such changes inside the royal family as well, as the Eolja sons of the king, who were formerly without any right to claim succession to the throne and were forced to become Buddhist priests, were now entitled to become governmental officials or receive honorary entitlements. We can see that from the case of King Gongmin-wang’s Eolja son Wang Wu, who was enthroned in 1374 as Gongmin-wang’s successor. Elevation in the Eolja figures’ status in the second half of the Goryeo period was enabled in the wake of the Yuan imperial government’s strong and steady influences and interventions into Goryeo internal affairs. At first, the Eolja figures mounted individual attempts and efforts to use the situation to their advantage. And when they grew sufficiently accustomed to the Yuan imperial order, their acknowledgement of the Yuan order, its law codes which were not without Chinese elements, and the Chinese nature of such behavioral protocols, all enabled them to accept the notion that Eolja figures deserve new chances and especially avenues of career advancement which were not available for them before. The Yuan law code which dictated and defined the status and rights of the ‘Seo(庶)’ figures literally granted the Seo and Eol figures in Goryeo the right to claim fiscal properties and career opportunities. The Goryeo leadership, including all the Confucian intellectuals, positively responded to the situation and recognized the Eolja figures’ political and social rights. Their status elevation did not involve anything abnormal or illegal, and even after Yuan lost its influences, they maintained such elevated status, which explain how the social status of the Seo/Eol figures in the early half of the Joseon period came to be established.

안동 "임청각(臨淸閣)"의 건축 이력과 원형 가구(架構) 추정 -사랑채와 안채를 중심으로-

이종서,Lee, Jong-Seo 한국건축역사학회 2016 건축역사연구 Vol.25 No.2

Imcheong-gak[臨淸閣] was a familial residence constructed in the early half of the Joseon dynasty period. It was partially destroyed by a fire during the 1590s war[壬辰倭亂] with the Japanese, and another fire that was caused between 1631 and 1634. The inner chamber[An-chae] and the Sarang section[Sarang-chae] today is the result of a partial reconstruction that took place back in 1626 and again around 1634. The residence also went through some changes because the new Ondol[溫突] heating system had to be applied to the structure. Based upon sections that remain in their original forms, we can presume that the Imcheong-gak residence originally had an inner chamber which was composed of the following elements: A main structure which was built upon a foundation featuring a Matbae[맞배] roof, two "Ik'rang[翼廊, flank]" sections on the East and West sides of the inner chamber, and a "Haeng'rang[行廊, passage]" structure on the opposite side of the main structure. Unlike the main structure, other portions of the inner chamber were all built directly upon the ground, and showed multiple stories, with Matbae roofs of their own. We can also assume that the Sarang section in the south would have been a pre-Ondol[溫突] bedroom, with a Board platform[板房] and a Gomi-ceiling[Gomi-banza] fashion.

흥해배씨 종가 금역당(琴易堂)의 건축과 조선후기의 구조 변화 -건축이념 및 실용성과 관련하여-

이종서,Lee, Jong-Seo 한국건축역사학회 2016 건축역사연구 Vol.25 No.4

Geum'yeok-dang house in Andong was originally constructed in 1558. The original floor plan of the upper base featured a 90-degree tilted '日' shape, and had inner court(內庭) on each side of 'Jungdang(中堂, center hall)' building that was placed on the south-north axis. When designing the building, the Neo-Confucian client of Geum'yeok-dang applied his understanding of how Ga'rye("家禮") defined the structure of ritual space. Consequently, 'Daecheong(大廳)', the place where guests were greeted and ancestral rites and coming of age ceremonies for male were held, was built in a protruding fashion. 'Jungdang'[otherwise known as 'Jeongchim(正寢)'], where coming of age ceremonies for females were held, the master of the house faced death, and memorials for close ancestors were held, was placed at the center of the residence on the south-north axis. The Geum'yeok-dang today was greatly renovated in the early and mid 18th century, due to the spread of 'Ondol' heating system. As the Ondol heating system became popular, the pre-existing drawbacks and the inconvenience of the house stood out clearly. As a result, the house was renovated into today's structure consisting of '口' shape 'Anchae' and 'Daecheongchae' in separate building.

홍성 "노은리 고택"의 건축 시기와 가구(架構)의 원형 고찰

이종서,Lee, Jong-Seo 한국건축역사학회 2016 건축역사연구 Vol.25 No.1

The old house at No'eun-ri, located in Hongseong-gun Hongbuk-myeon of the Chungcheong Nam-do province, really seems like the old house of late Seong Sam-mun who died in 1456. The original structure of the house seems to have been symmetrical, in terms of its left and right sides, and the females' chamber(Anchae) as well as the guest quarters(Haeng'rang-chae) would have featured a Matbae(맞배) fashion. The flank chamber and corridor would have displayed a multi-storied shape, and people would have been able to traverse the inside of the house all the way to the second story of the residence. We can see such shapes and dispositions from other 'ㅁ'-shaped houses - found in Chungnam and Gyeongbuk regions - which are now considered as distinct characteristics of certain residences constructed before the war with the Japanese in the 1590s, confirmed from extant vestiges and historical records of that time period. It can be concluded that the old house at No'eun-ri does harbor the traits and elements that resembled the upper class residences of the Joseon dynasty's early half period.

1777년(정조 1) 이후 창덕궁 성정각의 편전(便殿) 구조

이종서,Lee, Jong-Seo 한국건축역사학회 2020 건축역사연구 Vol.29 No.6

The king of Joseon Dynasty Jeong-jo commanded the renovation of Seongjeong-gak, once a study for crown prince, to serve as Pyeonjeon(便殿), a main office for kings. The renovated building strictly separated the routes designated for the king and the other officers, respectively. The interior space consisted of Youngnae, reserved for the king and his senior aides, and Youngwae, for lower ranking officers. Youngnae(楹內) and Youngwae(楹外) corresponded to the two blocks (the space between two columns) on the east and west side, respectively. Such structure of Pyeonjeon was heavily transformed over several occasions beginning from the late nineteenth century. Youngwae was subdivided into separate spaces, and the routes for the king and the officers became indistinguishable.

고려~조선전기 鶴城李氏의 지역 내 위상과 역할

이종서(Lee Jong-Seo) 한일관계사학회 2007 한일관계사연구 Vol.28 No.-

학성이씨는 울산의 토성(土姓)이다. 토성은 고려시기 향리에서 연원하였다. 고려의 향리는 국가의 관료체제에 편입되었으며 상급 향리인 장리층(長吏層)은 중앙 양반과 신분이 동등했다. 그러나 고려후기에 실질적 위상이 하락하였고, 조선전기에는 제도적으로 격하되었다. 장리층은 이러한 변화에 대응하여 고려말에 대거 중앙관직을 얻어 향리를 벗어났고, 국가에서는 이탈을 억제하는 제도를 마련하였다. 그 결과 조선전기에는 고려의 장리 가문이 계속 향리를 담당하는 이족(吏族)과 양반이 되어 좌수와 별감을 담당하는 사족(士族)으로 분화하여 각자의 역할을 하였다. 학성이씨도 이족과 사족으로 분화하였다. 이예(李藝)의 아들 중 이종근의 후손은 향리직을 담당했고, 이종실의 후손은 사족이 되었다. 호장 등 상급 향리직을 담당하던 이종근의 후손들은 임진왜란을 계기로 향리 신분을 면하게 되었다. 그러나 이후에도 계속 향리를 담당하여 일부 가문은 1700년대 중반까지 이어졌다. 조선후기에 더 이상 향리가 존중받지 못하고 중인으로 천시되자 이종근의 후손들은 향리를 그만두었다. The Hakseong Lee House has been a renowned Toseong(土姓) entity in the Ulsan region for a long time. Toseong designations originated from the Hyangri entities of the Goryeo dynasty period. The Hyangri entities of Goryeo were part of the national ruling system overseen by the government, and the Jangri figures(the Jangri-class(長吏層), who were the senior Hyangri figures) occupied the social status equivalent to those of the Yangban figures living in the capital or other central regions. Yet their status deteriorated in the latter half period of the Goryeo dynasty, and in the early half of the Joseon period, their status was officially demoted. Responding to such changes in their own statuses, many of the Jangri figures managed to obtain positions inside the central government during the ending days of the Goryeo dynasty and escape the Hyangri status, while the government began to implement protocols discouraging the breaking from their original statuses. As a result, the Jangri houses of the Goryeo dynasty diverged into two groups, the Ijok(吏族) figures who kept managing Hyangri tasks, and the Sajok(士族) figures who became Yangban figures and were appointed to Jwasu and Byeolgam posts, in the early half period of Joseon. The Hakseong Lee house diverged as well. Among the sons of Lee Yae(李藝), Lee Jong Geun’s descendants continued to assume the roles of Hyangri, and Lee Jong Shil’s descendants became Sajok figures. Lee Jong Geun’s descendants, who were senior Hyangri figures(such as Hojang figures), escaped that status around the time of the Imjin-year war with the Japanese. Yet other house members maintained such existence through the mid-1700s. In the latter half period of the Joseon dynasty, the Hyangri figures were no longer respected as they had been in the past, and were rather disdained as middle class citizens(中人). So the Lee House members discontinued their service as Hyangri figures.

위암환자 900예의 임상분석 및 생존율의 변화

이종서(Jong Seo Lee),조원일(Won Il Cho),유승진(Seung Jin You),김응국(Eung Kook Kim),장석균(Suk Kyun Chang),김승남(Seung Nam Kim),송영택(Young Tack Song),이재학(Jai Hak Lee),주상용(Sang Yong Choo) 대한외과학회 1993 Annals of Surgical Treatment and Research Vol.45 No.6

출혈부 불명의 하부위장관 출혈에서 진단방법의 임상적 고찰

이종서(Jong Seo Lee),임석원(Suk Won Lim),송경섭(Kyung Sup Song),김응국(Eung Kook Kim),주상용(Sang Yong Choo) 대한외과학회 1992 Annals of Surgical Treatment and Research Vol.42 No.2

하인리히 하이네의 몇 가지 모티브에 관하여: 19세기 파리의 역사가와 유물론의 인간학적 전환

이종서 ( Jong-seo Lee ) 한국미학예술학회 2021 美學·藝術學硏究 Vol.64 No.-

1830년대 파리의 역사가로서 하이네는 괴테 예술 시대의 유기체 이념과 랑케의 객관적 역사의 이념에 대한 중요한 비판자였다. 그는 또한 독일의 종교와 철학의 역사에서 보편사의 진보에 대한 목적론적 견해에 지배적이었던 신적 섭리의 이념을 주의 깊게 탐구했다. 특히 그가 주목했던 기독교의 이념은 인간의 도덕적 행위를 순수한 정신과 엄격하게 동일시함으로써 육체의 권리를 억압했던 정신주의를 기반으로 지탱되었다. 기독교 정신주의의 지배가 가져온 당대의 정치적 퇴보에 맞서 하이네는 생기론적 범신론에 가까운 감각주의를 옹호했다. 이 감각주의에 따르면, 육체는 악하고 오직 정신만이 신성하다는 요구를 철회할 때, 비로소 역사 속 모든 것에 각기 상이하게 출현하고 표명하며 발전하는 범신론적 신이 가능해지기 때문이다. 특정한 이념들과 시대적 욕구의 관계, 그리고 그것들 사이의 투쟁에 주목하는 생시몽주의 역사관에 공감하면서부터 하이네는 보편사의 이념에 대해 비판적으로 접근할 수 있게 되었고, 그럼으로써 그는 억압된 물질의 복권 문제와 더불어 신을 대하는 역사가의 감각 문제를 인간학적 화두로 전환할 수 있었다. 하이네의 유물론적 감각주의에 따르면, ‘현재’라는 관심과 ‘살아있음’의 권리는 바람직한 미래에 부속되어야만 하는 수단이 결코 아니며, 미래의 구호를 예민하게 감지하는 역사가에게 오히려 이는 신적 필연성에 따른 혁명의 생명력 있는 이미지로 응축된다. 하이네의 역사철학은 무엇보다도 물질과 육체의 권리를 구제하여 생생한 살아있음의 감각을 다시 일깨우기 위한 인간학적 시도였다. By the 1830s, Heinrich Heine, a Parisian historian, became an important critic of Goethe’s organicism and Ranke’s ideal of objective history by rejecting the application of eternal laws of organs and reason to history. Heine’s view on history is not a progressive evolution, such as the gradual development of reason, but a throughgoing kind of vital pantheism according to which God would be manifested to a different degree in all things had we no demand that spirit only be divine, not body. Although these two anthropological concepts, body (Fleisch) and spirit (Geist), are interdependent, Christian spiritualism said the enjoyment of the senses should be suppressed, so that it demands of their followers moral conduct by denouncing matter and insisting on pure spirit. Heine’s pantheistic sensualism made him skeptical of certain teleological views of history that were also essential to the Christian idea of providence and to the historical development of this idea. In Heine’s polemic against spiritualism, the rehabilitation of the body has Saint-Simonian evidence that there has been some sort of struggle for existence between each specific idea in history. As an advocate of a materialistic (sensualistic) view of the history, Heine’s philosophy of history was foremost an anthropological attempt to reinstate the vital rights of body and matter.

11세기 이후 금혼 범위의 변동과 그 의미

이종서 ( Jong-seo Lee ) 한국사회사학회 2003 사회와 역사 Vol.0 No.64

In the 11th century, Koryo Dynasty enforced regulations that forbade marriage between near relatives. The regulations were based on the Chinese norm of kinship morality. However, such marriage regulations in Korean society were previously absent. Although the regulations in Korea were analogous to those of the Chinese, they were different from the Chinese and displayed their independent evolution. In the Koryo dynasty, at first, marriage between relatives within three degrees of kinship was forbidden but was extended to paternal relatives within six degrees of kinship in the 12th century. Yet new proposals for extending the scope for maternal relatives within six degrees of kinship were raised late during the Koryo dynasty, which became an established law in 1471 early during the Chosun Dynasty. Moreover, the scope of prohibition on marriage between maternal relatives was continuously extended to the degree that, in the 18th century, marriage was allowed to maternal relatives within eight degrees of kinship. However, since the late 18th century, Chinese norms of marriage morality became pervasive again. 1bis change represents the complicated process of evolution from a relatively independent system of the kinship order to a new one that was more analogous to the Chinese system. The general tendency implies that norms governing the notion of kinship in Korea were based on a rather bilateral blood-consciousness. However, the scope of prohibition shrank down and so did the notion of bilateral blood-consciousness. As a result, patriarchal notion of family and kinship gained momentum as patrilineal descent became a dominant tradition.