(65)Pb(${Mg_{1/3}}{Nb_{2/3}}$)$O_3$-(35)$PbTiO_3$의 입자성장과 치밀화에 미치는 과량 PbO의 영향

이종봉,허태무,이호용,최균,김도연,Lee, Jong-Bong,Hur, Tae-Moo,Lee, Ho-Yong,Choi, Kyun,Kim, Doe-Yeon 한국세라믹학회 2000 한국세라믹학회지 Vol.37 No.7

The effect of excess PbO(0, 1, 2, 4, and 8 mol%) on grain growth and densification of (65)Pb(Mg1/3Nb2/3)O3-(35)PbTiO3 [mol%] ceramics has been investigaetd. With increasing the amount of excess PbO and sintering time, densities of sintered samples decreased gradually. The samples containing less than 1 mol% of PbO showed normal grain growth behavior, however abnormal grain growth was observed to occur in the samples with more than 2 mol% of PbO. In the samples with more than 2 mol% of PbO, the number of abnormal grains decreased and thus the average grain size became smaller with increasing the amount of excess PbO. These results demonstrated that the abnormal grain growth started to occur when a critical amount of excess PbO was added to a (65)Pb(Mg1/3Nb2/3)O3-(35)PbTiO3 sample. Since PMN-PT grains in a liquid matrix were angular, the observed abnormal grain growth was explained to proceed through the two dimensional nucleation process.

조선전기 제포(薺浦)의 왜인(倭人)과 활동

이종봉 ( Lee Jong-bong ) 부경역사연구소 2008 지역과 역사 Vol.- No.22

This paper examined the Japanese in Jepo(薺浦) in the early period of Joseon. To sum up, it is as follows. First, Joseon government permitted the Japanese people to stay in Jepo like Busanpo(釜山浦) which had officers(萬戶) of Keungsang Province in order to control them who visited the Korean Peninsula frequently. The delegated Japanese(使送倭人), Japanese merchants(興利倭人), and the resident Japanese(恒居倭人) were generally gathered in Jepo, where especially the resident Japanese entered a lot. Second, Japanese settlement(倭館) was established in Jepo where the Japanese people resided and Japanese merchants stayed. The most Japanese people had gathered in Jepo so there were about three thousand Japanese people from the late fifteenth-century to the early sixteenth-century. Jepo was the most developed port out of Japanese town in Joseon. Third, there were various facilities for the Japanese such as Japanese settlement and a temple, private houses, and a bridge in Jepo. Japanese settlement was expanded especially in the reign of King Sejong according to the expansion of population of Japanese people in Jepo. In comparison between the early fifteenth-century and the late fifteenth-century or the early sixteenth-century, it can be noticed that Japanese settlement had been changed a lot and was the main facility for the Japanese who was staying in Joseon in the fifteenth-century. Forth, the resident Japanese in Jepo were mainly engaged in commerce. Their scope of activity was around Japanese settlement in the early fifteenth-century but expanded into the coast of Kyeongsang Province and the Nakdong River in the middle and later fifteenth-century. Joseon government failed to control their activity because the Japanese who had a pass(路引) was allowed to trade. Fifth, the Japanese who were engaged in fishery around Jepo had expanded their activity to Okpo since the year 25 of King Sejong’s rule. The Japanese in Jepo had to possess a certificate(文引) for fishery in order to trade outside Jepo. Sixth, the Japanese in Jepo cultivated a developed land in the early fifteenth-century but had gradually owned their land through a usury and a dealing. Joseon government imposed a land tax upon them in the year 17 of King Sejong’s rule but didn’t keep on it. Joseon government had to collect a land tax in earnest when the Japanese land too increased in the year 20 of King Seungjong’s rule.

朝鮮後期 度量衡制 硏究

이종봉(Lee Jong-Bong) 부산경남사학회 2004 역사와 경계 Vol.53 No.-

The system of weights and measure in the late Choseon dynasty can be summarized as follows: There were Whangjongcheok, Jucheok, Yeongjocheok, Joryegicheok, Pobaekcheok, and so forth in the late Choseon dynasty. These names had already appeared and had been widely used since the early Choseon dynasty. The measure in the early Choseon dynasty was in common use after the Japanese invasion in 1592, but had some problems in the long and the short of measure. To solve these problems the measure was adjusted to the standard of Samcheokbu's Pobaekcheok corrected in 1446 and 1740. These problems were not easily solved after then. The length of measure in the late Choseon dynasty was linked with socio-economic conditions. Jucheok was used for Yangjeon, Yeongjocheok for architecture, and Pobaekcheok for the collections of Po. Yeongjocheok and Jucheok weren't directly related with collection of Po, with the result that these were a bit more reduced in the<br/> late Choseon dynasty than in the early; Pobaekcheok directly related with collection of Po, it became larger in the late Choseon dynasty, as we can see through analyzing the length of actual objects and drawings. We can understand this by the length of measure investigated in the period of opening the ports by imperialist Japan. The the system of quantity bowls, that is, Gok, Du, Seung and Hap was changed in the late Choseon dynasty. Hap had had an important function in the system of quantity in the early Choseon dynasty, but Sokdaejeon and Daejeonhoetong did not write down the bulk of Hap. This is because the government did not recognize that Hap was important as bulk. It result from the development of commercial monetary economy according to the increase of productivity by developing agricultural technology. As a result, Seung was used as a quantity bowl in the early Choseon dynasty, but Du in the late. The bulk of quantity bowl was increasing in the late Choseon dynasty. Central government regulated the bulk of quantity bowl strongly, but the bulk of quantity bowl made privately increased more. The bulk of Seung did not serve as fundamental quantity bowl of barter properly. People used quantity bowls twice or three times as much as established bowls. This was true of Du, but the degree of increase of its bulk was not greater than Seung. It was because Du was made an important unit of barter. Though the bulk of quantity bowl was increasing, it was uniform more or less centering on local important position. This meant that it had something to do with commercial power centering around important region.

고려시대대일교류(高麗時代對日交流)와 부산(釜山)

이종봉 ( Lee Jong Bong ) 부경역사연구소 2004 지역과 역사 Vol.- No.15

This study is to examine the development of relations between Koryo and Japan and the exchange towards Japan in the Koryo dynasty. It may be briefly summed up as follows. First, relations between Koryo and Japan may be broadly divided into four phases. In the first phase, the period from the 10th century to the early 11th century, Koryo attempted to establish official diplomatic relations with Japan by dispatching envoys in Japan, but failed to advance relations between two countries owing to the Japanese reluctance to open the door to foreign intercourse and fear of the Koryo’s aggression. However in the second phase from the early 11th century to the end of 11th century, the Yozin(女眞) Doi ethnic’s(刀伊族) invasion of Japan renewed relations between two countries. At this time, Koryo and Japan returned castaways to their home country and dispatched envoys to each country as well. Especially, the Japanese traders carried on commercial transactions under the order of Palkwanhoi(八關會) in the Koryo dynasty. Although diplomatic relations between two countries were strained, because the Koryo’s patrol seized ship included in the Japanese crews in Yunpyung island in the end of 11th century, in the third phase also, the Koryo-Japan traders still made contact with each other. In the fourth phase, from the late 13th century to the fall of the Koryo dynasty, two countries had not a normal foreign relation but a invading spoiled relation. Secondly, as the Koryo’s relation towards Japan took a turn for the better and the exchange with Japan advanced in the early 11th century, the Koryo-Japan trade became active. And trading post where exchanged goods with Japan was KuemJoo(金州). At that time, Koryo had trade relation with Japan in private as well as in public. The business named Jinbong trade(進奉貿易) was an official one. Jinbong trade means that Koryo carried on commercial transactions under the order of Palkwanhoi(八關會) rather than under the order of Jogong(朝貢)․Chaekbong system (冊封體制) in East Asia. Like this, Jinbon trade went into effect partly from about the mid 11th century to the middle 13th century, even in the maelstrom of the struggle against Mongol invasion. On the other side, here were also somewhat of private trade with Japan. At this time, the fact that were castaways and traders returned to their home country proves that they smuggled goods without permission or abnormally. Thirdly, Kuemjoo(金州) in which located Gaekkwan(客館) was a commercial center in the Koryo trade with Japan. Gaekkwan(客館) in Kuemjoo(金州) was established as the house of the Japanese envoys and traders in the early 11th century, and took exclusive charge of the Koryo-Japan trade, unlike other Gaekkwan(客館) which were established in Seoul. Gaekkwan was managed under the control of Dongnamhaedobuseo(東南海都府署) which took charge of southeast coast, not local official in Kuemjoo(金州). The quarter of Dongnamhaedobuseo had originally located in Kyungjoo in the 22th year of King Taejo(太祖) regime, but was transferred to Kuemjoo owing to conditions at the location of relations between Koryo and Japan in the 32th year of King Moonjong(文宗) regime(1079). It is at present Gurangdong, Noksandong, Gangseogu, Busan metropolitan-city the place where Gaekkwan in Kuemjoo located. In conclusion, I suggest that the present Busan was a base of foreign trade on and from the Koryo dynasty.

조선후기 機張縣의 面里制

이종봉(Lee, Jong-Bong) 효원사학회 2018 역사와 세계 Vol.- No.54

본고를 요약하면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 기장은 신라의 갑화양곡현에서 출발하여 통일신라 때 기장현으로 군현의 명칭이 변경된 이후 그 명칭이 오늘날 까지 유지되고 있다. 기장현의 人口와 田結은 조선후기인 18․19세기에 이르러 크게 증가하였다. 둘째, 기장현의 면리제는 『戶口總數』 · 『慶尙南道 機張郡 家戶案』 · 『機張縣邑誌』와 〈古地圖〉 등의 여러 자료를 통해 이해할 수 있다. 面은 『호구총수』와 〈고지도〉를 통해 18세기 중반에 7개읍(읍내면 · 동면 · 남면 · 상서면 · 하서면 · 중북면 · 하북면)으로 변화되었고, 19세기 중반에 8개(읍내면 · 동면 · 남면 · 상서면 · 하서면 · 상북면 · 중북면 · 하북면) 읍면으로 변화되었다. 셋째, 기장현의 洞里는 『호구총수』와 〈고지도〉, 그리고 『경상남도 기장군 가호안』 등을 통해 18세기 66개에서 19세기 말 · 20세기 초에 88개로 증가하였는데, 이러한 현상은 다른 지역과 인근의 동래 · 양산 · 울산과도 비슷한 양상을 보이고 있다. 조선후기 기장현도 다른 지역들처럼 사회경제적 변화 과정을 거치고 있었음을 알 수 있다. 그런데 18 ·19세기 중반 이전의 『기장현읍지』에 6면(읍내면 · 동면 · 남면 · 상서면 · 하서면 · 하미면)과 34동리는 잘못 작성된 자료임을 알 수 있다. This paper deals with the Myeon-Ri system in the later Joseon dynasty. Firstly, originated as Gapwayanggok-hyeon in Silla dynasty, Gijang has still maintained its own name up to this day after its name change as Gijang-hyeon in the Unified Silla dynasty. Its population and the tax revenue had greatly increased by the 18th and 19th century in the later Joseon dynasty. Secondly, the Myeon-Ri system of Gijang-hyeon could be found out through several sources such as The Total Population Register(『戶口總數』), The Household Registers of Gyeongsangnam-do Gijang-hyeon(『慶尙南道 機張郡 家戶案』), The Local Geographical Books of Gijang-hyeo(『機張縣邑誌』) and The Old Map(〈古地圖〉). According to The Total Population Register and The Old Map, in the mid-18th century, its Myeon(面) became divided to 7 Eup(邑): Eumnae-myeon, Dong-myeon, Nam-myeon, Sangseeo-myeon, Haseo-myeon, Jungbuk-myeon, Habuk-myeon. In the mid-19th century, however, they were increased to 8 Eup-Myeon by adding Sangbuk-myeon. Thirdly, according to The Total Population Register, The Old Map and The Household Registers of Gyeongsangnam-do Gijang-hyeon, the number of Dong-Ri(洞里) of Gijang-hyeon increased from 66 Dong-Ri in the 18th century to 88 Dong-Ri in the end of 19th century and the early 20th century. This increment happened similarly not only in other regions but also in its nearby towns, such as Dongnae, Yangsan, Ulsan. It is suggested that Gijang-hyeon also went through socio-economic changes in the later of Joseon Dynasty. Therefore, the record of 6 Myeon and 34 Dong-Ri was incorrect in The Local Geographical Books before the 18th and mid-19th century: Eumnaemyeon, Dong-myeon, Nam-myeon, Sangseeo-myeon, Haseo-myeon, Hamimyeon.

조선시대 울주지역 옹기의 생산과 의미

이종봉(Lee Jong Bong) 효원사학회 2011 역사와 세계 Vol.- No.40

This study examines the Onggi production in the Ulju area in the Joseon Dynasty period, and it may be briefly summed up as follows. Firstly, the Ulju area is the most suitable site on which to produce Onggi. It is abundant in water resources, in which the tributaries of the Taehwa river and the Hoeya river are interconnected. And it also has rich forest resources and plentiful clay because its central and southern parts are mountainous. Secondly, Ulju was the area to actively produce Onggi in the Joseon Dynasty period, considering the fact that the porcelain and pottery were designated as the local tributes in the early Joseon Dynasty, the documents about the pottery workshops in Jeyeodap-ri, Onggok-ri and Daeto-ri, and the pottery kilns to bake Onggi in the late Joseon Dynasty and the Hanmal. The kilns in the Ulju area are distributed over the two districts around the Taehwa river and the Hoeya river. Finally, the kilns had been located in the inland area, the upper region of Taehwa and Hoeya, in the 16th and 16th centuries, and they were moved to the middle and lower regions and increased in number greatly in the 18th and 19th centuries. It seems that their movements and increase were significantly associated with the transport and consumption of Onggi.

조선초기(朝鮮初期) 시비기술(施肥技術)의 연구(硏究)

이종봉 ( Lee Jong Bong ) 부경역사연구소 2001 지역과 역사 Vol.- No.9

The characteristics of fertilization technique in the early Chosun Dynasty were reviewed in comparison with China. First, the fertilization technique in China was compliled starting with “Beomseungjeeseo” and moving on to “Jeminyosul”, “Nongsangjypyo”, “Jinbunongseo”, and “Wangjungnongseo”. In the excrements and soil section of “Wangjungnongseo” 8 kinds of fertilization technique were described based upon the Dapbun Method, regardless of the conditions of land. Second, the fertilization materials for wet fields in “Nongsajikseol” are soil(soil, new soil, sand soil), excrements, human excrements, fermented excrements, cow/horse excrements, urine, weeds, Yeonjijeo leaves, and Youjujeo leaves. The materials for dry fields are fermented excrements, urine, ashes, excremental ashes(fermented excrements and urine), excrements, weeds, Doogyanokbi, hwagyung(burnt field), and cow/horse excrements. Therefore, cow/horse excrements, excremental ashes(fermented excrements and urine), and excrements are applied to both wet and dry fields according to “Nongsajikseol”. However, Dapbun, that is, stable excrement, which has been considered the most important fertilization material in all the agricultural literature, is introduced only in one case. As explained before, shredded willow leaves were placed and accumulated in the stable and later it was used for excrements in the barley field. Third, as for the fertilazation materials for dry fields according to “Nongsajilseol”, fermented excrements and urine are for millet and hulled millet fields, ashes, excrements and urine(fermented excrements and urine), and weeds for hulled millet fields, excremental ashes for large and small beans fields, ashes, excrements, and Dogyanokbi for large and small barley fields, excremental ashes for sesame fields, grass, excremental ashes and hwagyung for sagebrush barley fields, and cow/horse excrements for hemp fields. The excrements for large and small barley are more likely to be stable excrements rather than fermented excrement. Because, as briefly mentioned before, they are related to each other for the effective preparation of necessary excrements for barley fields. Thus, according to “Nongsajilseol”, as for the fertilization materials for dry fields soil and live grass excrements were hardly used but ahses and Gyadunokbi etc. were used, which proves that different fertilization materials were used based upon different classification of land.

三國時代의 量制

이종봉(Lee Jong-Bong) 부산경남사학회 2006 역사와 경계 Vol.61 No.-

This paper examined the measuring units in the period of the Three States. The conclusion is as follows. First, ‘Hab(合)’, ‘Seung(升)’, ‘Du(斗)’, ‘Seok(石)’ were in general use as measuring uints in the period of the Three States. ‘Seung’ among these units was most often used. ‘Do(刀)’ being equal to ‘Seung’ also was in general use. ‘Du’ was equal to ‘Mal(抹)’ and, ‘Seok’ to ‘Jeom(?)’ and ‘Gok(斛)’. A measuring unit which had been standardized in the course of the establishment of ancient states was a basis of tax collection and spot trading. The measuring instruments(vessels) were variously made to each unit such as 1 Seng and 5 Seng. Second, ‘Hab’, ‘Seung’, and ‘Du’ among the measuring units in the period of the Three States followed the denary scale. But, in Goguryeo, ‘Du’ and ‘Seok’ followed the system of 1 Seok and 10 Du according to Suseo( 수서 ). Shilla and Bakje might have been the same. The systems of 1 Seok and 15 Du, and 1 Seok and 20 Du mingled in the period of unified Shilla. Considering that, Shilla couldn't use the system of 1 Seok and 10 Du.. Third, 1 Seung was equal to 0.2ℓ, considering a day's provisions under the rule of King SeongDeok and bronze pot(銅鼎) excavated in YangDong tumulus of Kimhae. The measure of capacity was in use by the period of Gouryeo. The capacity of 1 Seung in the period of the Three States had been standardized in the course of the establishment of ancient states. In the latter half of Shilla, the bigger measuring vessel as earthenware excavated in Anabji(안압지) appeared in different regions. The measure of capacity in the period of Gouryeo could increase owing to these bigger vessels.

논문 / 통일신라시대의 척

이종봉(Jong Bong Lee) 한국중세사학회 2000 한국중세사연구 Vol.- No.8

姜成甲(1912~1950)의 생애와 지역사회 운동

이종봉(Lee, Jong-Bong) 부산경남사학회 2020 역사와 경계 Vol.117 No.-

본고는 강성갑의 생애와 사회운동에 대해 서술하였는데, 이를 정리하면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 강성갑이 사회주의적 사상을 가지고 있었다는 기록과 증언을 어디에도 확인할 수 없다. 그는 어린 시절부터 기독교를 기반으로 성장하였는데, 이후 延禧專門을 다니면서 민족주의적 성향의 인물들과 교류 혹은 교육적 영향을 받으면서 민족주의 사상을 수용하였던 것으로 유추된다. 그는 일제강점기 고등교육을 받으면서 식민지 조선과 일본의 농촌에서 추진된 그룬트비히의 三愛이념을 기반으로 전개된 농촌교육운동에 대해 큰 감화를 받았을 뿐만 아니라 케르센슈타이너의 勞作敎育의 이론도 수용하였을 것이다. 그는 이런 교육 이념을 1945년 이후 적극실천하였던 행동하는 지식인, 참 교육이론·개혁가였다. 둘째, 강성갑은 勞作敎育과 ‘三愛’주의 이념을 토대로 경상남도 진영에서 지역사회운동을 실천하였고, 그러한 운동의 일환으로 한얼중학교 등을 설립하였다. 강성갑은 당시의 교육의 문제점을 질타하였고, 이를 해결하기 위해 인문중심의 교육에서 기술교육과 전문기술을 통해 소위 ‘쟁이’를 양성하여 실업자의 문제, 즉 더 나아가 한국의 사회·교육적 문제를 해소할 수 있다고 주장하였다. The Study on the life and social movement of Kang Seong-Gab can be summarized as follows. Firstly, It is impossible to find the record and testimony that Kang Seong-Gab had socialist thought. From early years, his thought had been based on the Christianity. It is inferred that he later accepted the nationalist thought, interacting with or being influenced educationally from the figures who had the nationalist disposition while being in the union of Yonhi College. He would have been greatly influenced by the rural education movement based on Grundwig’s “three” in colonial Joseon and Japan while receiving higher education at Japanese colonial era, as well as accepting Kersensteiner theory of Arbeitserziehung. He was a true Education Theory and Reformer who had practiced actively this kind of thought after 1945. Secondly, Kang Seong-Gab practiced community movements in Jinyoung, Gyeongsangnam-do, based on the ideology of Arbeitserziehung(勞作敎育) and Three Loves(三愛) and established Hanul Middle School as part of such a movement. Kang Seong-Gab rebuked the problem of the contemporary education, and in order to remedy this, he thought that it was possible to resolve the unemployment problem, and by extension, social, educational problem of Korea by training so called, ‘Jaeng-i’ through the technical training and professional skills beyond the existing education centered on humanities.