開發途上國家의 近代化와 社會主義模型 : 개발도상국가의 근대화와 사회주의모형

이상식 부산대학교 1982 統一論叢 Vol.3 No.-

日本 自民黨의 政權復歸와 韓日關係展望 : 일본 자민당의 정권복귀와 한일관계전망

이상식 釜山大學校 아시아문제연구소 1997 아시아硏究 Vol.15 No.1

韓國의 産業化와 政治參與의 制度化

李相軾 釜山敎育大學 1986 부산교육대학 논문집 Vol.22 No.1

The most required things in politics are stability, integration and development. But this requirement can not be fulfilled without an conduit of political participation. Here it is needed to contrive some certain political devices that can accomodate the sound desire for political participation, and on the other hand, that can make it possible to prevent the structure-destructive activities such as vehement demonstrations, violences, assassinations and revolutions that might be caused by the reason of political unrest. Viewing from the fact that the history of Koran politics has been on a vicious circle of many blustered events, there is no doubt that the true change of political power can come on the foundation of the matured political participation. Many problems lis in many aspects. In the Korean power structure in which the Administration has had superiority, the National Assembly was doomed to be no more than a supporting organization that acted mostly to beautify the power exercise of the Administration. And the elections in the past in Korea in many cases, were accepted as being nothing but the political ceremonies or formalities required to provide the nominal legitimacy for the ruling powers, and therefore, in the consequence of which there have been always fairly lots of aftermath conflicts over the fairness. the political parties in kores, on the other side, were still not properly institutionalized; The ruling party has been customarilly too much solidified, lacking its self-control. And the opposition parties, in turn, have been more openly exposing the partisanship in the midst of their too many split fractions. Further to the above situation, Korea interest groups have been in the position hardly to speak positively for their constituent members, and so thus failed to accomodate the ir members' aspiration, because they were organized not spontaneously but under the auspices of government. To add to this, since 1960's most of the modernization programs have been designed and propelled under the initiative of the Administration, therefore, those interest groups were consequently influenced much more by the factors of political power rather than by those of industrialization. So quite inevitably there have been conflicts and confrontations between the growing deisre for political participation and the regulative nature of political power. However, Korea is now making efforts to seek a prescription for the political problem, Discussions about reforming the political structure are going on. But, to be sure, the stability of Korean politics can be obtained when the new structure can properly correspond to the politically advanced desire of Korean people.

민중정치론의 도전과 한국자유민주주의의 반성

이상식 한국국민윤리학회 1986 倫理硏究 Vol.23 No.2

소련 政治體制에 있어서의 與論形成의 特徵

李相軾 釜山敎育大學 1982 부산교육대학 논문집 Vol.18 No.1

The Soviet Union is totalitarian ideological state. The principal characteristics of totalitarian ideology are as follows; (1) it embraces all phases of human though, feeling, and action (2) it allows no rivel set beliefs or values (3) it oversimplifies human problems and their solution by reducing them to accord with a single, monolithic principle-that of "class" in the case of Communism. Totalitarian ideology goes well beyond politics and economics and seeks to achieve an authority over all of man's life and rhought. Thus the doctrine of Maxism-Leninism, as put forth by the current "party line". extends into all areas of human activity and understanding. Communist permits only one dominant party. That is Communist party. One of the chief instruments of the one-party system is propaganda. Whether the Soviet Citizen opens a newspaper, listens to the radio, or watches television, he sees and hears only what the Communist party wants him to hear. In the Soviet union, the mass media have continued to be carefully controlled by the state, in order to ensure that publicity is not used to mobilize a public Constituency against the fundamentals of regime policy. The government office has the right to exercise Consorship before and after publication and forbid the publication or dissemination of writings, photographs, radio scrps, and so forth, and so, mass media is not only a collective propagandist and collective agitator, but also a collective organizer. Consequently we can not find out public opinion but only mass persuasion in the Soviet Union.

賃金隔差問題와 그 解消方案

李相植 圓光大學校 經營學會 1986 經營論叢 Vol.10 No.-

南北韓 統一弘報政策比較硏究 : 媒體體系를 中心으로

李祥植 韓國外國語大學校附設 韓國地域問題硏究所 1982 南北韓 統一政策의 比較와 '80年代의 統一展望 Vol.1 No.1

山出苗 取扱上의 몇가지 問題點

李相植 東國大學校 學徒護國團 農林大學大隊 1970 東國農林 Vol.8 No.-

統一論議의 多樣化와 그 問題點

李相軾 釜山敎育大學 1988 부산교육대학 논문집 Vol.24 No.1

In the midst of loudly spoken government pledges for democratization nowdays, however, it is publicly admitted that our policy-makers have largely liberalized their stand on inter-Korea affairs, being ready to widen the scope of and participation in discussions on unification matters by the people in such a way as to reflect their opinions in the policy formulated toward issues recently sprang up Pyongyang. As debate on national unification on campuses, on churches. Collegians in South Korea call for the "south-north student meeting" so that they may discuss matters concerning territorial unification. Some politicians as well as students appear to charge the government with failure in their endeavor to achieve territorial unification. Their assertions have an element of truth considering that the unification issues has been at times untilized for the prolongation of its hold on political power. Nevertheless, what needs to be clarified is that the main obstacle to unification is Communists in north Korea who are still bent on the communization of the whole of Korea by force and have shown little interest in inter-Korean talks for peaceful unification. Even if there are no immediate reciprocal moves from Pyongyang, Seoul will have to go its own way toward easing tension in Korean peninsula and Northest Asia. In this age of rapid changes, North Korea alone cannot remain unchanged. As conclusion, the way eventual reunification of Korea may depend on that political democratization in each society, south and north Korea, above all.

日本政治에 있어서 野黨의 執權展望

李相軾 釜山敎育大學 1983 부산교육대학 논문집 Vol.19 No.1

It is easy to dismiss the forces of Opposition in postwar Japanese politics as something of a political irrelevance. They have failed to win a majority of seats in any election, and have never come close to doing so. The JSP had one spell in offiee as part of a coalition government during the confused and difficult years 1947 and 1948, but the party in government achieved little, and discredited itself in the eyes of the voters. Internal cohesion has been a constant problem: the JSP split five times between 1947 and 1960, and although it has maintained a precarious unity since 1960 it has come under increasingly effective challenge from other parties contesting the anti LDP vote. Now the purpose in this study is to examine the probability of opposition parties to obtain the governing power in Japanese politics. Therefore, it should be passible to attempt an analysis of modern japanese political parties. especially, the factors of the governing conservative party and the politics of opposittion. Although opposition parties as a whole have gradually become stronger, indeed, the forces of the LDP ought not be underestimated. They have presided over a major transformation of japanese Society and of japan's world status in a long period in postwar. The fragmentation of the opposition began in 1960 with the defection of right-wing factions from the JSP and the formation of the Demoecratic Socialist Party(DSP). Despite its moderate appeal, the DSP has never succeeded in making a major political impact, and it now appears to be in decline. The troubles of the socialist parties during the 1960s left the field open for new political forces to emerge. The first of these was Komeito, the political arm of the n대-Buddhist sect the Soka Gakkai and the seeond new force was the japan Communist party. However, the effect of these trends upon the opposition as a whole was highly confusing, the grossly overweighted rural and semi-rural electorates remained solidly conservative. And so, the LDP(Liberal Democratic Party) was rather unlikely to lose its majority of seats under the existing system.