『오한집』 간행과 칠탄서원 건립의 역사적 의미

이남옥(Yi, Nam-ok) 한국사학사학회 2021 韓國史學史學報 Vol.- No.43

손기양은 1588년 문과에 급제하고 이듬해 성주의 주학교수에 임명되었다. 이때 성주에 살고 있던 정구를 찾아갔고 이후 빈번히 편지를 주고받으며 학문 을 강마했다. 손기양은 임진왜란이 일어나자 의병을 조직해 활동하기도 했고 지방관으로 왜군을 막는데 힘썼다. 이 과정에서 경상좌도의 퇴계학파 인물인 정경세·조호익·이윤우·이전·이준·성안의·신지제·여대로·조정·서사원·이후 경·손처눌 등과 긴밀한 관계를 맺게 되었다. 손기양은 조정의 당쟁이 심화되자 1609년 창원부사를 끝으로 관직을 내려놓 고 고향인 밀양으로 낙향해 점필서원을 중수하고 밀양향교를 재건하였으며, 밀 양사림을 대표해 이언적의 문묘 종사를 촉구하는 등 향촌사회 질서를 안정시키 고자 노력했다. 손기양 사후 그의 후손들은 유고를 정리하고 유허를 정비하였는데, 이 과정 에서 손기양의 퇴계학파 내 위상을 정립하고 학문적 권위를 형성하기 위해 노 력했다. ‘이황-정구-허목’으로 이어지는 근기 남인 계보의 핵심 인물인 이익에 게 손기양의 행장을, ‘이황-김성일-장흥효-이현일-이재’로 이어지는 영남 남 인의 핵심 인물인 이상정·이광정 형제에게 『오한집』 교정과 서문을 부탁했다. 한편, 칠탄서원을 건립하고 손기양을 향사하는 과정에서 이상정 이후 영남남인을 대표하는 학자인 류치명은 「칠탄서원봉안문」과 「상향축문」을 지었으며, 이황의 10세 종손인 이휘녕은 「칠탄서원청절사상량문」을 지었는데, 이들은 퇴 계학파 내에서 칠탄서원 건립의 정당성을 부여할 수 있는 인물이었다. 이러한 과정을 통해 손기양은 퇴계학파 그중에서도 한강 정구 문인이자 밀양 을 대표하는 학자로 자리매김하게 되었다. Son Gi-yang(孫起陽) passed the examination in 1588, and was appointed state school professor in Seongju the following year. At this time, he visited Jeong Gu, who was living in Seongju, and since then, he frequently exchanged letters and discussed scholarships. When the Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592, Son Gi-yang organized an army and fought, and became a regional officer and worked hard to defend the Japanese army. In this process, Son Gi-yang had a close relationship with Jeong Gyeong- se, Jo Ho-ik, Yi Yun-u, Yi Jeon, Yi Jun, Seong An-eui, Sin Ji-je, Yeo Dae-ro, Jo Jeong, Seo Sa-won, Yi Hu-geong, and Son Che-nul, the Toegye schools of Gyeongsang Jwado. As the political party of the court intensified, Son Gi-yang left his office in 1609 at the end of Changwon governor and returned to his hometown, Milyang(密陽). Afterwards, he rebuilt the Jeompil Seowon and Milyang Hyanggyo, and tried to stabilize the local order on behalf of Milyang scholors. After Son Gi-yang s death, his descendants organized his writings and rearranged the ruins. In this process, they tried to establish the status of Son Gi- yang within the Toegye School and to form academic authority. Son Sa-ik(孫思翼) asked Yi Ik, who was a key person in the genealogy of Nam-in in metropolitan area, which lead to ‘Yi Hwang→Jeong gu→Heo Mok’, to write Son Gi-yang s biography. Also he asked brothers Yi Sang-jeong and Yi Gwang-jeong, who are the key persons of Nam-in in Yeongnam, who lead ‘Yi Hwang→Kim Seong-il→Jang Heung-hyo→Yi Hyeon-il→Yi Jae’, to correct Son Gi-yang s writing and write the preface. Afterwards, his descendants built Chiltan Seowon and performed a ritual of Son Gi-yang. At this time, Ryu Chi-myeong, the scholar representing Nam-in in Yeongnam, wrote “Chiltan Seowon Bonganmun” and “Sanghyangchukmun”, while Yi Hwi-nyeong, tht descendant of Yi Hwang, wrote “Chiltan Seowon Cheongjeolsa Sangryangmun”. These were the figures who could give the legitimacy of the construction of Chiltan Seowon within the Toegye School. Through this process Son Gi-yang became a member of the Toegye school and a scholar representing Milyang by his descendants.

하곡 정제두의 인적네트워크

이남옥(Yi, Nam-ok) 한국양명학회 2018 陽明學 Vol.0 No.49

霞谷鄭齊斗(1649~1736)는 주자학이 주도하고 있던 조선후기 사회에 양명학이라는 새로운 학문을 연구하고 후학을 양성하였다는 점에서 주목되어 왔다. 그 결과 그의 가계를 비롯한 교유관계 조차도 양명학과 관련하여 설명하려는 경향성을 띄고 있다. 본 연구에서는 정제두의 인적 네트워크에 대해서 살펴보고 양명학적 계보가 형성되는지 검증해보고자 한다. 정제두 이전 가문은 정유성의 현달과 함께 서인 핵심 가문으로 성장하였다. 정제현이 효종의 부마가 된 것은 상징적인 모습이다. 정유성의 장인은 이구함이며, 정창징의 장인은 홍익한이며, 정상징의 장인은 이기조이다. 이때까지만 해도 이 가문은 서인·남인과 혼맥으로 모두 연결된다. 한편 정창징과 정상징의 사위는 대체로 서인-노론으로 분류할 수 있고, 사위들 가운데 이세백과 민진주가 정치적·학문적으로 명성이 높았다. 이때는 노소분당 이전이기 때문에 이 가문은 서인으로 분류할 수 있다. 묘도문자 찬자를 살펴보면 이러한 경향성이 분명히 드러난다. 정유성의 묘도문자는 송시열·정제두·이의현이 찬하였고, 정창징의 묘도 문자는 송시열·김수항이 찬하였으며, 정제현의 묘도문자는 서명응·정제두·이경석·김수항이 찬하였다. 이는 정유성 가문이 노론과 소론을 모두 아우르는 서인 핵심 가문으로 성장했기 때문에 가능한 일이라고 할 수 있다. 한편, 정제두 가계는 정제두의 학문적 위상이 높아지면서 소론 핵심 가문으로 성장하였다. 정제두의 장인은 윤홍거·서한주이며, 정후일의 장인은 이단상·유춘양이며, 정지윤의 장인은 이징성이다. 윤홍거·서한주는 서인이며, 이단상은 서인-노론으로 볼 수 있고, 이징성은 소론이다. 이를 통해 보면 정후일이 혼인할 때까지만 해도 정제두 가계는 노론과 소론을 모두 아우르는 서인 가계였고, 이후 소론화 경향성을 보인다고 할 수 있다. 이 가계에서 받아들인 사위를 보면 소론화 경향성을 분명히 알 수 있다. 정제두의 사위는 이징성이며, 정후일의 사위는 이광명·이경호·임달호·신대우·이영익이다. 이들은 모두 소론이다. 다만, 이광명·이영익은 이진유 가문의 인물로 준소계로 분류할 수 있으며, 이경호는 완소계로 분류할 수 있다. 정제두가 소론의 산림학자로 명성이 높았기 때문에 이후 정제두 가계가 준소계와 완소계를 모두 아우를 수 있는 소론 핵심 가문이 된 것이다. 묘도문자 찬자를 살펴보면 이러한 경향성이 확연히 드러난다. 정상징의 묘도문자는 윤증·정제두가 찬하였고, 정제두의 신도비명은 신대우가 찬하였으며, 정후일의 묘도문자는 윤동도·이충익이 찬하였다. 이 가계의 묘도문자 찬자 역시 모두 소론이며, 윤동도를 제외하고는 모두 인척관계에 있는 인물이다. 이상의 내용을 정리하면 정제두의 인적네트워크는 “서인+남인→서인(노론+소론)→소론(완소+준소)”의 경향성을 보인다고 할 수 있다. Hagok Jeong Jedu had been noted for his study of Yangming in the late Joseon Dynasty. As a result, his marriage relationship and communion relationship also tend to be explained in relation to the Joseon Yangming school. In this study, I will examine the Jeong Jedu’s human network and verify whether it is related to the Joseon Yangming school. The Jeong Jedu family grew into a Seoin(西人) core family with his grandfather, Jeong Yuseong, becoming the main bureaucrat. And his cousin, Jeong Jehyeon, is the son-in-law of Hyojong(孝宗) a symbolic figure representing the political growth of the family. Jeong Jedu’s big father, Jeong Changjing, was Hong Ikhan’s son in law and Jeong Jedu’s father, Jeong Sangjing, was Yi Gijo’s son in law. Therefore, untill this time, this family was connected to both Seoin and Namin(南人). Sons in law of Jeong Changjing and Jeong Sangjing were generally classified as Seoin-Noron(老論). Among them, Yi Sebaek and Min Jinju were highly reputed politically and acdemically. So, this time, this family can be classified as Seoin. Looking at cemetery writers, this tendecy is evident. Jeong Yuseong’s cemetery was written by Song Siyeol, Jeong Jedu and Yi Uihyeon. And Jeong Changjing’s cemetery was written by Song Siyeol and Kim Suhang. Furthermore Jeong Jehyeon’s cemetery was written by Seo Myeongung, Jeong Jedu, Yi Gryeonseok and Kim Suhang. This was possible because the family grew into a Seoin core family, including Noron and Soron(小論). On the other hand, as the academic status of Jeong Jedu increased, his family had grown up as a Soron core family. Jeong Jedu was a son-in-law of Yun Honggeo and Seo Hanju. And Jeong Huil, Jeong Jedu’s son, was a son-in-law of Yi Dansang and Yu Chunyang. Futhermore Jeong Jiyun, Jeong Jedu’s grandson, was a son-in-law of Yi Jingseong. Yun Honggeo and Seo Hanju were Seoin and Yi Dansang was Seoin-Noron and Yi Jingseon was Soron. Through this, it can be said that Jeong Jedu’s family was a Seoin family to include both Noron and Soron until Jeong Huil was married, but since then this family had become a Soron. This tendency can be seen from the son-in-law of this family. Jeong Jedu’s son-in-law is Yi Jingseong and Jeong Huil’s son-in-law is Yi Gwangmyeong, Yi Gyeongho, Im Dalho, Sin Daeu and Yi Yeongik. They were all Sorons. But Yi Gwangmyeong and Yi Yeongik were a Junso(峻少) and Yi Gyeongho was a Wanso(緩少). Since Jeong Jedu was highly reputed as a scholar of Soron, his family became the Soron core family that could include both Junso and Wanso. Looking at cemetery writers, this tendecy is evident. Jeong Sangjing’s cemetery was written by Yun Jueng, Jeong Jedu. And Jeong Jedu’s cemetery was written by Sin Daeu. Furthermore Jeong Huil’s cemetery was written by Yun Dongdo and Yi Chungik. This family’s cemetery was written by Soron. Except Yoon Dong-do, they were all relatives. To summarize, Jeong Jedu’s human network shows the tendency of “Seoin+Namin→Seoin(Noron+Soron)→Soron(Junso+Wanso)”.

16세기 퇴계학파의 서당 경영

이남옥(Yi Nam Ok) 영남대학교 민족문화연구소 2018 민족문화논총 Vol.69 No.-

18세기 그려진 김홍도의 풍속화 속 이미지처럼 일반적으로 서당은 훈장에 의한 초등교육 공간으로 알려져 있다. 훈장이 어린아이들을 가르치는 동몽서당이 없었던 것은 아니지만 조선후기 서당은 이보다 다양한 존재 양상을 보인다. 이황이 계상서당과 도산서당을 건립하여 강학한 이래로 16세기 안동 지역에서는 그의 서당관에 영향을 받은 서당이 건립되었다. 퇴계학파는 기본적으로 세속으로부터 떨어져 조용하고 풍광 좋은 곳에 서당을 세워 藏修講學處로 활용하였다. 관직 생활을 한 이황ㆍ김성일ㆍ류성룡은 모두 조정에서 물러나 강학처로 서당을 활용하였는데, 이황과 김성일이 문인에게 학문을 전수하는 공간으로 서당을 활용한 반면, 류성룡은 자신의 수양을 주요 목적으로 서당을 건립하였다. 이에 따라 김성일은 석문정사와 옥병서재를, 류성룡은 원지정사와 옥연서당을 경영하였다. 한편, 조목은 기존의 가숙서당인 월천서당을 확장하여 문인들에게 학문의 기본을 다지는 공간으로 활용하였다. 이들은 기본적으로 도학형 서당을 경영하였으나, 각자의 상황과 학문적 성향 및 개인적 취향에 따라 다양한 형태로 서당을 경영하였다. Like the image in Kim Hongdo s paintings drawn in the 18th century, the Seodang is generally known as an elementary education space. It was not that there was not a Dongmong Seodang(童蒙書堂) which teacher teaches young children. However, in the late Joseon Dynasty, the Seodang showed various forms of existence. In the 16th century Andong(安東) area, the Seodang, which was influenced by Yi Hwang(李滉) s aspect of Seodang, was erected since he built the Gyesang Seodong(溪上書堂) and Dosan Seodang(陶山書堂). The Toegye school basically settled in a quiet and scenic place, away from the world, and used it as space for self-discipline and education. Yi Hwang, Kim Seongil(金誠一), and Ryu Seongryong(柳成龍), who had been in office, withdrew from the mediation and used the Seodang as for self-discipline and education. By the way, while Yi Hwang and Kim Seongil used the Seodang as a place to teach their disciples, Ryu Seongryong built the Seodang as the main purpose of his discipline. Accordingly, Kim Seongil erected the Seokmun Jeongsa(石門精舍) and the Okbyeong Seojae(玉屛書齋), and Ryu Seongryong ran the Wonji Jeongsa(遠志精舍) and the Okyeon Seodang(玉淵書堂). On the other hand, Jo Mok(趙穆) expanded the Wolcheon Seodang(月川書堂), which was the traditional Jo s family school, and used it as a space for students to learn the basics of their studies. They basically managed the Seodang for self-discipline and education. However, they managed to run in various forms according to their situation, academic tendency and personal preference.

『箕田攷』와 조선후기 箕子 遺田에 대한 논의

이남옥 ( Yi Nam-ok ) 조선시대사학회 2024 朝鮮時代史學報 Vol.0 No.109

This article examines the discussions on Gijeongo and the land system of Gija in the late Chosŏn Dynasty. In 1790, during a diplomatic mission, Seo Ho-su recommended a book on the historical records of Gija’s land system to Qing officials who requested a book representing Chosŏn’s scholarly theories. He immediately reported this to the court upon returning home, leading to the creation of Gijeongo, which was then sent to Qing China. Gijeongo was compiled and edited mainly based on Han Baek-gyeom’s theory of Gijeon, including writings by Yu Geun, Heo Seong, and Yi Ik. Han Baek-gyeom had proposed that the land in Pyeongyang was not in the shape of a well[井] but rather in the shape of a field[田], suggesting that the ancient system of the Yin Dynasty which Mencius or Zhu Xi could not figure out, had transformed according to the times, a theory that gained acceptance among scholars of both the Namin[南人] and Seoin[西人] factions. However, Seo Myeong-eung, after being appointed as the Governor of Pyeongan Province, refurbished the relics of Gija in Pyeongyang, especially those related to the Jeongjeon, and compiled relevant theories into the book Gija Oegi[箕子外記]. During this process, he advocated for the theory of Jeongjeon. His son, Seo Hosu, was well aware of these circumstances, which allowed him to recommend books on the historical records of Gija’s land system to the officials of Qing China. In fact, the publication of Gijeongo was motivated by the anticipation of its inclusion in the Sagojeonseo[四庫全書], but ultimately, it aimed to provide evidence that the Chosŏn Dynasty was a civilized nation influenced by Gija.

霞谷『大學說』의 經學史的의미

李南沃(Yi Nam-Ok) 역사실학회 2011 역사와실학 Vol.45 No.-

This paper reviews Hagok Jeong Je-du's(1649~1736) Daehakseol(the thoughts of Great Learning) and the historical meaning of Confucian classics. As one of the leading scholars during the Joseon Dynasty Jeong Je-du elicited a new trend called the'philosophy of Wang Yang-ming' from an academic atmosphere focused only on the philosophy of Zhu Xi. His position in Joseon Dynasty's history of thought is significant. In previous studies the systematic structure and philosophical concept of Daehakseol were analyzed. However researches on their influential relationships inside the Joseon Dynasty were insufficiently made. Thus this paper aims to reveal the changing trend of ideas which influenced each other during the 17th and 18th century. When analyzing Daxue(the Great learning) Jeong Je-du considered Daxue in the ancient version as the canon and organized his analysis into six chapters. Chapter 1 was the Chapter of'Correcting the wrong things in the out of mind' and'Extension of the innate good nature,' which included details on the three principles the eight items,'Abiding in the highest good' and'Extension of the innate good nature'. Chapter 2 was the Chapter of'Sincerity of willing' which included details on manifesting illustrious virtue loving people and abiding in the highest good. Chapter 3 4 5 and 6 was each the Chapter of'Rectification of mind' &'Cultivation of person','Cultivation of person' &'Regulation of family','Regulation of family' &'Ordering of state' and'Ordering of state' &'Peace throughout the world.' Especially Jeong Je-du's analysis was unique as it considered Chapter 1 of Daxueas the Chapter of'Correcting the wrong things in the out of mind' and'Extension of the innate good nature' placing the two elements as the key of Daxue. Jeong Je-du criticized'Theory of fell the chapter 5','Theory of wrong letters','Theory of upside down for bamboo slips' emphasized by Zhu Xi at Daxue in the modern version. Instead he grasped Daxue based on its ancient version. Most of the meanings and theories claimed in Daehakseol are based on the viewpoint of the philosophy of Wang Yang-ming. However some parts were influenced by the theories of Yun Hue and Park Se-Dang who had the stand of anti philosophy of Zhu Xi. Through the argument inside Soron (Young doctrine faction) he seemed to have made his opinion more precise and then wrote Daehakseol. Although Jeong Je-du's analysis of Daxue didn't have great social influence on the latter part of the Joseon Dynasty it helped people inside Soron better understand the philosophy of Wang Yang-ming and gave an opportunity of a theoretical basis through a Zhu Xi-style analysis. Jeong Je-du's idea later connects with Ganghwa School after his death.

매계 조위의 피화ㆍ복권과 역사적 평가

이남옥 ( Yi¸ Nam-ok ) 경북대학교 영남문화연구원 2021 嶺南學 Vol.- No.78

본고는 사화에 희생된 조위의 피화와 복권 과정 그리고 그에 대한 역사적 평가에 대해서 살펴보기 위해 작성되었다. 어려서부터 매부인 김종직과 당백부인 조계문에게 수학한 조위는 1472년에 생원시와 진사시에 모두 입격하고, 1472년에 문과에 급제했다. 이후 사헌부 지평ㆍ홍문관 교리ㆍ충청도 관찰사ㆍ도승지 등을 역임하였고, 시문에 능해 성종의 총애를 받았다. 연산군 즉위 후에도 한성부 우윤ㆍ성균관 대사성ㆍ오위도 총부 부총관 등에 제수되고, 1498년에는 성절사로 명나라를 다녀오기도 했다. 하지만 조위가 명나라에 성절사로 간 그때 조선에서는 무오사화가 일어났고, 그는 귀국과 함께 잡혀와 국문을 받고 유배가게 되었다. 그가 김종직의 처남이자 문인이며 김종직의 문집을 편집했다는 이유에서였다. 그리고 1503년 유배지에서 세상을 떠나게 되었다. 그는 성종 대를 대표하는 문장가로 인정받았으며, 어버이를 봉양하기 위해 외직을 청한 일로 忠孝兼全의 인물로 평가 받았다. 또한 연산군 대폭정에 항거한 명현으로 추앙받았다. 이러한 평가로 인하여 김천의 경렴서원과 황간의 송계서원에 배향되었으며, 文莊이란 시호를 받게 되었다. 그리고 그의 5세손 조유, 6세손 조세붕, 8세손 조문검은 명현의 후손이란 이유로 증직되거나 관직을 제수받았다. 이는 조위를 충효겸전한 인물로 조정에서 현창했기 때문에 가능한 일이었다. This article was written to explore historical evaluation of Jo Wi(曺偉) who was victimized by the massacres of Confucian scholars. From an early age, Jo Wi took lectures from Kim Jongjik and Jo Gyemun. He passed the entrance exam in 1472 and the bureaucratic exam in 1472. After that, he served as the Saheonbu Jipyeong, Hongmungwan Gyori, Chungcheong Province, and the chief of the king’s secretary. He was also good at writing and was favored by Seongjong(成宗). Even after the enthronement of Yeonsangun(燕山君), he served as Hanseongbu Wooyun, Sungkyunkwan Daesaseong, and Owidochongbu Buchonggwan. In 1498, he also visited the Ming Dynasty as a representative of the envoys. But then, the massacres of Confucian scholars happened. Upon returning Josoen(朝鮮), he was arrested, interrogated, and sent to exile. It was because he was Kim Jongjik's brother-in-law and disciple, and he edited the collection of Kim Jongjik's works. And then He died in exile in 1503. He was recognized as the representative writer of Seongjong's generation, and was evaluated as A person who was good at both loyalty and filial piety for requesting to work as a local official to provide for his parents. He was also revered as a great person who resisted the tyranny of Yeonsangun. Due to these evaluations, after his death, he held ancestral rites at the Gyeongryeom Seowon in Gimcheon and Songgye Seowon in Hwanggan, and was given the title of Munjang(文莊) by the Dynasty. And Jo wi’s 5th-generation grandson Jo Yu(曺逾), 6th-generation grandson Jo Syebung(曺世鵬), and 8th-generation grandson Jo Mungeom(曺文檢) became officials or promoted because they were descendants of great person. This was possible because Jo wi was highly regarded by the dynasty as A person who was good at both loyalty and filial piety.

하곡 정제두의 준론탕평론

이남옥(Yi, Nam-ok) 한국양명학회 2017 陽明學 Vol.0 No.47

본고는 정제두가 주장한 탕평론에 대해서 살펴보기 위해 작성되었다. 鄭齊斗가 생존했던 17~18세기 조선은 당쟁이 가장 심한 시기였다. 그는 스승 朴世采의 皇極蕩平論을 계승하여, 1728년 경연 석상에서 戊申亂을 수습하는 방편으로 中과 平을 강조하는 峻論蕩平論을 주장하였다. 그는 丙申處分이후 당론이 심해졌지만, 국왕 영조가 탕평을 시급하게 생각하므로 다행이라 여겼다. 그리고 임금이 極을 바로 세운다면[建極] 탕평이 가능할 것이라고 말하였다. 나아가 제갈량이 『출사표』에서 제기한 ‘宮中府中一體’를 통해 임금과 대신이 한 몸임을 역설하였는데, 임금이 마음을 바로 하고 이 바른 마음으로 대신을 임명하여 임금의 마음을 대변케한다면 백성에게까지 혜택이 갈 것이라고 하였다. 다만, 임금이 지극히 공평하고 사사로움이 없는 마음을 지니고 상벌을 공평히 하여[平] 죄진 사람은 죄주고 현자는 등용하여 시비와 곡직에서 中을 얻어야 한다고 하였다. 이는 피차를 구분하지 않고 화평한 정치를 목적으로하는 조제보합적 탕평을 반대한 것으로 이전의 탕평론과는 차이를 둔 것이다. In the 17-18th century of Joseon(朝鮮) when Jeong Je-du(鄭齊斗, 1649~1736) lived, party strife was the most severe. He inherited Park Se-chae‘s theory of impartiality and claimed the Stern political harmony(峻論蕩平) that emphasizes harmony(平) and equilibrium(中). In the Royal Lecture(經筵) of 1728, when Yi In-jwa’s rebellion took place, Jeong Je-du insisted on his theory of impartiality. After the political decision of King Sukjong in 1719, Jeong Je-du thought that political disputes had become more serious. However, he felt lucky that King Youngjo considered political harmony as an urgent problem. His agument is as follows. First, If the King establishes the principle, the political harmony will be possible. Secondly, Through Zhuge Liang(諸葛亮)’s theory that the royal clan and the government are one can prove that the King and King’s servant are one. Therefore, if the king has the right mind and appoints his servant with the right mind, if he represents the king’s heart, the political benefits will come to the people. Third, The King must fairly grant punishment with a fair heart, and the wise shall rise up and the sinner to sin. This is against the theory of impartiality in the previous era aimed at peaceful politics without discrimination.

지천 최명길의 사상적 배경과 주화론

이남옥(Yi Namok) 백산학회 2018 白山學報 Vol.0 No.111

최명길은 정묘 병자호란 때 주화론을 주장하고 제도 개혁에 앞장선 인물이며, 양명학과 상수 학을 연구한 학자이다. 현재 그의 주화론은 병자호란 때 국난을 극복할 수 있었던 원동력으로 긍정적 평가를 받고 있다. 그의 주화론은 權道論, 外藩論, 宗國保存論에 논리적으로 근거하고 있다. 첫째, 조선은 현실적 상황 변화[時]에 따라 후금(청)과의 관계를 재설정할 수 있다. 둘째, 조선은 명나라의 外藩이기 때문에 內服臣과는 다르다. 셋째, 나라를 보존해야 한다. 최명길의 주화론은 기본적으로 유가 철학 전반에 근거하고 있다. 최명길이 양명학을 연구하였 다고 하여 주화론 역시 양명학의 영향으로 보기도 하지만 상대주의적 관점은 스승 신흠을 통해 전해 받은 소옹 상수학에서 계발된 것이다. 그는 상수학을 통해 세상을 음과 양이 서로 의지하는 관계로 인식하였고, 夷狄과 小人의 존재도 현실로 인정할 수 있게 되었다. 이러한 관점에서 최명길은 정묘 병자호란 때 후금(청)과 강화를 주장할 수 있었다. 다만, 척화론자들의 비난을 받으면서도 후금(청)과의 강화를 주장해 나가는 과정은 양명학의 치양지에서 영향 받았다고 할 수 있다. 비난이라는 외물에 영향 받지 않고 자신의 진실된 마음을 발현 시켜 나갔기 때문이다. Choi Myeonggil(崔鳴吉) was a person who advocates a Juhwaron(主和論) and leads the system reform. And he studied the Yangming and Sangsuhak(象數學). His Juhwaron is currently being evaluated as a driving force to overcome the crisis in Jeongmyohoran(丁卯 胡亂) and Byeongjahoran(丙子胡亂). His argument was logically based on the following three points. First, Joseon could re-establish the relationship with Hugeum(Cheong) according to the actual situation change. Second, Joseon was an outer clan of the Ming Dynasty, so it was different from inner clan of the Ming Dynasty. Third, the country must be preserved. He claimed the Juhwaron basically based on Confucianism. Since he studied Yangming, it was also influenced by Yangming. His relativistic viewpoint, however, was developed in the Sangsuhak(象數學), which was passed through the teacher Sin Heum(申欽). Through Sangsuhak, he recognized the world as a relationship in which Yin and Yang rely on each other. Furthermore, the existence of the barbarians and the humble people could be recognized as reality. From this point of view, he was able to assert a peace treaty with Hugeum(Cheong) in Jeongmyohoran and Byeongjahoran. However, it was influenced by Yangming to claim the peace treaty under the criticism of the opponents. It was because it expressed the true heart of oneself without being influenced by the outline of blame.

하곡 예론(霞谷禮論)의 변화 양상

이남옥(Yi, Nam-Ok) 포은학회 2016 포은학연구 Vol.18 No.-

In the 17-18th century of Joseon (朝鮮) when Jeong Je-du (鄭齊斗, 1649~1736) lived, the study of rituals (禮學) was carried out as it was taught and there were frequent controversing to solve the problem of unfixed rituals (變禮). At that time, Noron (老論) reveres the Zhuzi Jiali (朱子家禮, A book written by Zhuzi about family rituals) and Namin (南人) adheres to Gorye (古禮, Rituals of the old such as Liji) as theory of rituals. However Jeong Je-du, insisted on the timely institutions (時制), makes a different argument than fashion of the time. This study is written to examine the process of establishing his argument. In the beginning, he reveres the Zhuzi Jiali like Noron, but after the mid-Sukjong period, he escaped this tendency. At that time, he learned from Park Se-chae (朴世采) and discussed with Min I-seung (閔以升) and Choi Seok-jeong (崔錫鼎). Since then, he interpreted the Yili (儀禮) actively and began to refer to Joseon’s rituals such as the Uirye munhae (儀禮問解). On the other hand, from the late Sukjong period, having intervened actively in the national ritual problems, he succeeded the results of the 1659 controversy over propriety (己亥禮訟) and of the 1674 controversy over propriety (甲寅禮訟) as belonging to timely institutions (時制) and revered the Gyeongguk daejeon (經國大典, Grand Code for Statecraft) and Gukjo oryeui (國朝五禮儀, Manual of the Five Rites of State) as national institutions (國制). His reverence toward the national institutions is also based on two controversies over propriety, so his theory of rituals can be said the characteristics of timely institutions.

정인보의 학문 연원과 조선학 인식

이남옥 ( Yi Namok ) 충남대학교 유학연구소 2017 유학연구 Vol.38 No.-

This study is written to examine Jeong Inbo`s academic background and perception of Koreanology. The study of Jeong Inbo can be called a fusion of modern scholarship, was influenced by Jang Byeongrin, on the traditional academic disciplines of late Joseon Dynasty, is represented by Hagokhak. At that time, the flow of the National Studies Movement of Korea, China, and Japan was the same. He was recognized as an authority on Joseon dynasty during the Japanese colonial period. This is because in the process of succession of traditional scholarship, it is the successor of the Hagok School along with the background of the Soron(小論) scholars` family. In 1913, he was directly or indirectly influenced by Jang Byeongrin`s National Studies Movement in Shanghai through Moon Ilpyeong. So during the Japanese colonial period he recognized the importance of the National Studies Movement and explained it as a modern academic system. After that, he presented the theory of Joseon Studies Movement during the Japanese colonial period and after liberation he was involved in the establishment of Gukhak University. The following is the main thrust of the Joseon Studies Movement Jeong Inbo claimed. He saw the situation in the late Joseon period as negative in general, but found a positive side. It is a new academic style that is expressed as `Gusijihak(求是之學)`. The core of the `Gusijihak` claimed by Jeong Inbo is `Yeoksan(曆算)`. He said that Kim Yuk, Jeong Jedu, Choi Myeonggil and Hwang Undae were well aware of the `Yeoksan`, and what they claim is not different. They were different from faction and times were different. However, the reality that they insist is not different. Furthermore, in the late Joseon Dynasty, three kinds of scholarship were handed down as Yangmyeong(陽明), economy(經濟), and management(經世) with `Yeoksan` as common denominator. Also, `Yeoksan` are related to astronomy, geography, and mathematics, and they are closely related to science. This view of Jeong Inbo will have a great influence on the researchers of `Silhak(實學)` as a precedent study.