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이학규는 본처 나주 정씨와 후처 진양 강씨, 금기 옥섬섬을 매개자로 삼아 김해 여성의 삶을 시 세계 속에 적극 담았다. 김해 여성들은 다채로운 풍속 구성의 주체가 되면서도 수탈의 희생자가 되었다. 두 형상은 부자연스럽게 연결되었는데 거기서 이학규의 시적 타자 정약용을 발견할 수 있다. 김해 여인들은 힘든 노동을 감당했으면서도 수탈의 피해를 직접적으로 입었다. 김해 여인들은 한탄하고 울부짖는 소극적 존재였지만 수탈을 직접 문제 삼으면서 수탈자에게 저항하기도 하였다. 이학규의 시는 '풍인지지'의 전통을 계승하여 최고수준의 사실주의를 성취하였다. 그는 정약용의 인식적 동선을 따라서 민중의 현실을 목격하고 민중 생활의 폐단을 직시하여 고발했지만, 더 나아가 민중과 여인의 현실 속으로 들어갔다. 그래서 절실한 동정과 연민을 이루었다. 이학규의 시에서는 청각적 상상력이 다른 요소들을 압도하였다. 그리고 이런 특징이 자연스럽게 여성 취향으로 연결되었다. 공간 경험이 제한되었던 여성들은 청각적 상상력을 확장하는 경향이 강했다. 이학규도 이런 김해 여성들과 비슷한 처지에서 살아가면서 소리에 더 민감해졌고 소리를 문학적으로 승화시켰다. 이학규의 많은 시들이 밤을 시간적 배경으로 한 것은 시각적 영역을 차단하고 청각적 상상력을 발현시키기 위한 시적 포석이라고도 할 수 있다. 자연의 소리를 향한 강한 지향성은 여인들이 일상에서 내는 소리에 대하여 민감하게 반응하는 쪽으로 나아갔다. 여인들이 일상에서 내는 소리에 대한 강렬한 관심은 여인이 부르는 노래 소리에 대한 관심으로 귀결되었다. 이학규는 어두운 곳으로부터 들려오는 여인의 노래를 듣고서 거기에 자기의 심정을 가탁하였다. 나아가 노래를 좀 더 적극적으로 듣는 단계에 이르렀다. 여인의 노래를 둘러싼 상황을 상상하고 그 노래의 가사를 그대로 옮겼다. 그래서 시적 대상이나 시적 화자를 여인으로 설정하였다. 이때 지배적인 정조는 일상의 힘겨움과 슬픔, 그리고 한이다. 시적 자아가 시적 대상 인물들이 가진 슬픔이나 한에 대하여 공감하고 또 일체감을 형성할 때 명실상부한 '우수시(憂愁詩)'가 된다. 이학규는 마음의 슬픔이야말로 우수시에서 가장 중요한 요소라 생각했다. 시인이 진정한 우수시를 지어 남을 울릴 수 있기 위해서는 우선 시인 자신의 마음이 슬퍼야 한다는 논리를 폈다. 이학규가 여성의 처지를 사실적으로 묘사하고 또 여성 화자를 등장시키며 마침내 여성들의 노래를 한시로 옮기기에 이른 것도 이런 생각을 바탕으로 하였다고 볼 수 있겠다. 여인들의 정조를 번역하지 않고 여인 자신의 목소리를 그대로 전하려 한 것이다. 여인의 슬픔에 다가간 시인은 그 슬픔이 깃든 그들의 노래를 듣고 그대로 옮겨서 진정한 '우수시(憂愁詩)'를 만들었다고 할 수 있다. 이들 노래는 자세한 사연을 진술하지 않고 서러운 감정만을 일방적으로 토해내었다. 시적 자아와 대상 인물인 여인 사이에 정서적 연대가 이루어져 일체가 되었다. 둘 사이에 타자가 개입할 수 없을 정도로 시적 화자와 시적 대상 인물 사이의 간극은 좁아졌다. 이학규는 이방인의 눈으로 김해 여성의 일상을 관찰하며 시비를 따지기보다는 귀를 열어놓고 소리로 들려오는 김해 여인들의 서러운 넋두리와 노래를 들었다. 이학규의 김해 시들은 청각에 의한 연대와 공감이 그 어떤 지각 작용에 의한 것보다 근원적이고 강력한 것이라는 진실을 보여준다. In this article, I analysed Lee, Hakgu's Kimhae poems from the perspective of feminism. In his poems, Lee, Hakgu represented the lives of Kimhae women. Kimhae women were portrayed as active participants of various kinds of folk culture. They also became the victims of labor exploitation by the oppressing rulers of the region. Facing these exploitations, Kimhae women only lamented and cried passively. But in some cases, for example at <Seoksinmakjibuhaeng (析薪莫持斧行)>, they attempted to resist against the exploiter. His poems achieved the highest level of realism by accepting the tradition of 'Punginzizi(風人之旨)' Following the worldview of Jeong, Yakyong, Lee, Hakgu paid greate attention to the harsh reality of common people, which were actively incorporated in his poems. In addition to eyewitness account of common people and women of Kimhae, he identified himself with people and women of Kimhae. The distance between poetic subject and object disappeared and the sympathy and pity between them were established. The auditory imagination was the most outstanding feature in his poems. And this tendency betrayed feminine inclination of his poems. His status in Kimhae was very similar to that of women, in that he had to live in the restricted region and was not allowed to go out of Kimhae. As the confinement of space in the life of most women led them to the expansion of their auditory imagination, Lee's confinement to Kimhae area made him extremely sensitive to sound. His particular interest in natural sound made him acutely respond to the sound of women's everyday lives and then to the songs of women. Listening to women's songs from unseen dark places, he wrote his poems to express his feelings triggered by those songs. He then advanced to make efforts to listen to women's songs more actively. He imagined the circumstances related to the particular songs and created lyrics best suited to the situation. Therefore women always became both object and subject of his poems. In these poems, the dominant mood was hardship of everyday life, grief, and sorrow. When the poetic subject sympathizes with the sorrow of poetic object, the poet can write the sincere 'Usoosi(憂愁詩)' Lee, Hakgu insisted that the most important element of 'Usoosi' was the sorrow of mind. He also stressed that the poet should have sorrow in his mind first in order to make the reader weep. So the poet has to not only sympathize with the poetic object, but also identify with poetic object. Instead of translating the sensibility of women, Lee, Hakgu's poems tried to incorporate the voice of women directly. Delivering the sad songs of Kimhae women, he made excellent ''Usoosi(憂愁詩)' Lee, Hakgu did not observe everyday lives of Kimhae women with a stranger's eyes, but heard the songs of sorrowful women with sympathizer's open ears. Lee, Hakgu's Kimhae poems attest that the bond and sympathy created by auditory imagination is more fundamental and powerful than those created by any other sensory imaginations.
I would argue that Dongyawhijip appropriated chinese Pilgi-novel, Iwajeon and Haetak. This paper analysed the Dongyawhijip"s appropriation strategy.<BR> By appropriating Iwajeon, Dongyawhijip shows us the special experience in the geisha house of Peking, which extended the realistic space of Yadam. Lee Wonmeong, the editor of Dongyawhijip, appropriated Haetak by using much more diverse methods. It became possible in the condition that Lee Wonmeong thought the recording of Yadam as a kind of Sadaebu"s writing.<BR> Two distinctive methods were employed by Lee Wonmeong in his appropriation of Chinese Pilgi-novels. Firstly, Lee inserted the whole or part of Chinese Pilgi-novels into the parts of Chosun Yadam in order to make its theme and characters more impressive. Secondly, Lee Wonmeong appropriated the forms of Chinese Pilgi-novels. By parodying the forms of Chinese Pilgi-novels, Lee Wonmeong widened the appropriation scope of Dongyawhijip.<BR> Metaphors were hard to find in Chosun Yadam, which presented serious problems to the writers of realistic Yadam. Consequently Lee Wonmeong appropriated Chinese Pilgi-novels to solve this problem.<BR> Lee Wonmeong attempted to bring serious ideas to the soft and enjoyable Yadam. Yadam was narrated by a realistic rhetoric, because Yadam was rooted in the real experiences of people. However, as public recitation of Yadam grew more and more popular, its realistic rhetoric sounded dull to the people. So Lee Wonmeong tried to find a way to renew Yadam, which made him tum to Chinese Pilgi-novels. In the earlier time, Yadam tended to construct the moralistic themes based on the realistic or historic experiences in rather serious ways. With Lee Wonmeong"s appropriation of Iwajeon and Haetak into Dongyawhijip, satire and allegory became the most important rhetoric of Yadam, which, I would argue, is the greatest achievement of Lee"s appropriation of Chinese Philgi-novel.
본고는 야담과 야담집의 전개라는 차원에 초점을 맞추어, 야담과 야담집이 이경류 이야기들을 선별하고 조합하는 양상을 정리한 뒤 그런 양상이 어떤 야담사적 의미를 가지는지를 살펴보았다. 유몽인의 『어우야담』은 우애와 효가 조화를 이루게 하였다. 이재의 〈종사이공묘갈〉은 이경류의 행적을 ‘충효’로 갈무리하고 표창하였다. 노명흠의 『동패락송』은 이경류의 혼과 부인과의 사랑 관계를 집중적으로 보여주었다. 부부애가 중심에 있고 자애와 효도가 그를 따라가는 형국이다. 이규상의 『병세재 언록』은 환생을 보여주었으며 그런 점에서 서사적 호기심을 극대화하면서 이념적 검열을 최소화시켰다. 이희평의 『계서잡록』은 이희평이 생존하던 시기까지 한산이씨 가문 이야기판에서 전승된 이경류 관련 이야기들을 선택적으로 집대성한 것으로서 가족질서와 신분질서를 재구성하고 효행을 부각시켰다. 이런 분석을 바탕으로 하여 19세기 야담집에서 이경류 이야기가 어떻게 나타나며 그런 특징이 어떤 의미를 지향하는지를 살폈다. 먼저 19세기 야사집의 선택에 대해 살폈다. 이들은 1784년 경 편찬된 『조야집요』 소재 이경류 이야기를 근간으로 하였는데, 문헌들에서 산견되는 것들을 모으고 뒷부분은 『어우야담』의 것을 옮겼다. 환생을 간략히 언급한 것은 그것이 중국 사신과 관련되었기 때문이었고 부부애를 무시한 것 역시 야담 편찬자들이 가진 역사서술자로서의 자의식이 작동했기 때문으로 해석했다. 19세기 야담집은 19세기 야사집의 선택과 뚜렷하게 변별된다. 19세기 주요 야담집들은 모두 『계서잡록』 이경류 이야기를 전재하고 있다. 여기에는 새로운 모티프의 추가나 창조적 변개는 없다. 19세기 이후의 주류 야담집들이 『계서잡록』 계통의 이경류 이야기를 주로 수용했다는 점은 조선후기 야담집의 귀추와 관련하여 의미심장한 암시를 준다. 그것은 부부간 사랑을 중시한 『동패락송』이나 이념적 검열을 거부하고 호기심어린 환생을 보여준 『병세재언록』 등의 지호노을 19세기 야담집이 수용하지 않았음을 뜻한다. 나아가 〈이생규장전〉에서 비롯한 전기(傳奇)소설의 지향으로부터 19세기 야담집이 더 분명한 선을 그은 것을 의미한다. 조선 후기 정신사의 굵은 흐름은 ‘이념의 구현’과는 반대쪽으로 나아갔다. 그런데 야담의 경우, 야담집 편찬자 개인의 성향에 따라 이념의 구현이 극단적으로 강조되기도 하였다. 나아가 야담은 달라진 현실에 대한 일종의 대안으로서 이념성을 강조하기도 했다. 더 이상 이념이 관철되지 않는 현실을 목도하던 야담 수용자들이 이념이 더욱 강조되는 야담을 선택하여 읽기를 원했을 수도 있다. 『계서잡록』 소재 이경류 이야기는 후자의 관점에서 19세기 야담집으로 들어와서 굳어졌다. 이는 19세기 후반 야담집이 창조력을 잃고 다만 서로를 모방하거나 전재하는 단계로 접어들었음을 뜻하면서 다른 한편, 야담집들이 전기소설이나 야사집 등 다른 성격의 장르 및 책들을 타자화하면서 야담집 자체의 고유한 속성을 명확하게 인지하고 더 단단하게 서로 결속되었음을 의미한다. 19세기 이전까지의 야담은 집안일에 대한 미련과 부인과 아들에 대한 애착 때문에 죽어서도 혼이 되어 되돌아온 이경류를 형상화하였다면, 19세기 야담은 그런 이경류 형상을 바탕으로 하면서 국가와 가문의 질서를 재구축하는 열사로, 효행 실천의 화신으로 이경류를 재형상화하였다고 하겠다. This paper examines various approaches to stories about Lee Kyoogryu in each historical reincarnation and their meanings in the history of Yadam. Yoo Mongin’s Uhwooyadam depicts Lee’s story as a harmonious reunion of friendship and filial piety. Lee Jae’s Jongsayigongmyogal describes and commends stories related to Lee Kyungryu as fidelity and filial piety. Noh Myunghum’s Dongpaeraksong foregrounds the love story between the ghost of Lee Kyungryu and his wife, marginalizing the story of grace and filial piety. Lee Kyusang’s Byeongsaejaeuonrok illustrates Lee Kyungryu’s reincarnation, which both intensifies narrative curiosity and minimizes ideological censorship. Lee Huipyung’s Gyeseojaprok stresses familial and hierarchical order, and filial piety, for it was a selective anthology of anecdotes that had been transmitted from the storytelling space of the Hansan Lee family. This paper also examines the stories of Lee Kyungryu found in the 19th century Yadam anthologies and their common characteristics and meanings. Lee’s stories included in the anthologies of informal history were based on those of Joyajipyo published in 1784 and selected a few stories from several other anthologies including Uhwooyadam. A brief description of Lee’s reincarnation is included due to its relationship to the envoys from China, while conjugal affection is ignored due to the editors’ self-consciousness as narrators of history. There exists distinctive difference between the 19th century Yadam anthologies and the 19th century Informal History anthologies in dealing with the stories of Lee Kyungryu. The major Yadam anthologies of the l9th century directly quoted the stories from Gyeseojaprok. No other creative transformation and additional motifs are found. The fact that the 19th century Yadam anthologies adopted Lee Kyungry anecdotes mostly from Gyeseojaprok suggests a significant implication regarding the eventual development of the late Yi Dynasty Yadam. The 19th century Yadam anthologies did not inherit the values of earlier Yadam anthologies that stressed conjugal affection as in Dongpaeraksong, and resisted ideological censorship and embrassed the curious reincarnation as in Byeongsaejaeuonrok. It also clearly demarcated itself from the Eccentric Novel, such as Yisaengkujangjeon. The zeitgeist of the late Yi Dynasty was the opposite of “implementation of ideology”. However, implementation of ideology was stressed in extremity in the Yadam anthologies of this period, depending on the editors’ personalities. Furthermore ideology was strongly emphasized and idealized, for Yadam was deemed as an alternative to the real world where implementing ideology was no longer possible. Lee Kyungryu stories in Gyeseojaprok represents such a view. This might suggest that the late 19th century Yadam went into a stage of creative stasis by merely imitating and adopting the pre-existing stories. On the other hand it suggest that Yadam recognized and established its own unique generic styles and characterizations as an opposite of Eccentric Novel and Informal History. Prior to the 19th century, Yadam focused on familial side of Lee’s story, portraying Lee’s eventual reincarnation as a direct result of Lee’s affection for his son and wife. Based on the earlier anthologies of Yadam, the 19th century Yadam recreated Lee Kyungryu as a paragon of filial piety, and a patriotic and familial martyr who successfully reconstructed the order of the state and family.
This paper proposes that a wide variety of modifications in each version of Oseam tales results from people’s own experience of enlightenment and Buddha and Bodhisattva’s miracles, and thus seeks people’s wisdom in them. This paper first explores the images and implications of by in Buddhist Scriptures and Buddhist discourse and their materialization in Oseam tales. Based on each version of Oseam tales, the basic form of Oseam tales is reconstituted. From characteristics of each version, search people’s thoughts and inclinations. The most prominent image of boy in Oseam tales is that of sympathy. By showing Oseam boy fulfilling his maternal deprivation, Oseam tales respond people’s worldly interests. Some versions of Oseam tales represent Bodhisattva’s eccentric miracles and people’s belief in his religious teachings. Other versions illustrate the practice of Buddhist prayer chanting and the process of enlightenment. Particularly each tale that foregrounds Buddhist prayer chanting and the process of enlightenment stresses the fact that belief is the corner stone of the ascetic practice. Similarities are abound between Oseam tales and the tales that depict “people who succeeded in going to heaven by faithfully chanting wrong prayers.” Protagonists of these tales are mainly grandmothers, dim-witted people, and boy. They full-heartedly accept and practice prayer chanting without any suspicion. They all are free from the discrimination by not discerning or not being able to. Particularly the five-year-old boy at the Oseam is so innocent as to listen to and believe no matter what other people say. Even when it is evident people are telling him lies, he would not judge them for not telling him truth. Oseam tales teach the great wisdom on the enlightenment practice by having the boy voluntarily or involuntarily pursue enlightenment practice and achieve enlightenment prior to everyone else. However, Oseam tales does not solely focus on the practice and acquirement of enlightenment. They also reflect ordinary people’s worldly expectations. The process of the five-year-old boy’s fulfillment of maternal depravation at his most desperate moment proves that Oseam tales satisfy ordinary people’s desire to pursue happiness in their every lives. These two different narrative inclinations either coexist in a varying degree in individual versions of Oseam tales. People are equally and sometimes lopsidedly interested in both fulfillment of maternal depravation and religious enlightenment through prayer chanting. Coexistence, sometimes lopsidedly, of these two inclinations help expand the empathy of Oseam tales and disseminate the wisdom of Buddhist enligthenment practice.
This paper attempts to interpret the view of the editor Lee Ki by analysing Songwajapseol. Lee Ki was a member of Hansan Lee family. Lee Saek, Lee Gaerin, Lee Gaejon, and Lee Gae were the ancestors of Hansan Lee family, but they showed opposite attitudes in King Sejo’s usurpation of the crown. Lee Ki was agonized by those conflicting attitudes of the ancestors of Hansan Lee family. His internal conflict and search were reflected in Songwajapseol. Lee Ki experienced power struggle between Parties and Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, which made him fall into deep despair. The feeling of hopelessness became the basis of the narrative representation of Songwajapseol. Lee Ki groped for four ways to overcome the despairing reality. First, heaccused and lampooned the problematic reality. Second, he searched for the ideal type of person. Third, he paid respect to the loyal subjects of the late Koryeo dynasty and the early Chosun dynasty. Fourth, he confirmed the way the destiny was realized and colored the world mysteriously. Lee Ki captured the Chosun reality of the time by incorporating the narrative principle of contrast. But he looked for an alternative way to overcome the exclusion and collapse. Lee ki emphasized and represented the paradoxical coexistence of Lee Saek and King Taejo, and Won Chonsuk and King Taejong. While Lee Ki criticized King Sejo’s usurpation of the crown and mourned the tragic end of King Danjon, he also excused Sin Sukjoo who turned against his friends and joined King Sejo’s rebellion. Lee Ki’s conflicting attitude was rooted in his hope to transcend the extreme dualism. Lee Ki’s desire to transcend dualism was successfully accomplished in the representation of the Whanghi anecdotes. By stressing the fact that Whanghi was educated by the subjects of the fallen Koryeo dynasty, he emphasized Koryeo as an ideal past. This Ideal past became an alternative time which could overcome dualism and glorious past shedding light of hope for present despair.
In this article I tried to interpretate the way in which languages in short narratives of Chosun dynasty exist so that the cultural meaning and function of speaking and listening in narratives could be explored. In the Japrok(雜錄) of early Chosun dynasty, language game prevailed. In those cases, the referents were not related to the character or experiences of the speakers. Humor arose from the deviation of behaviors of speakers. As the society became unstable, the deviations of behavior were not permitted. Instead, people enjoyed language deviations. Especially during the war time, people tried to play with the word deviations. In these cases, the words games enabled the people to relax from the anxieties and tensions from social situation. Language games were a kind of cultural actions to recover the vitalities of life. Sometimes, the referents were related to the character or experiences of the speakers tightly. Some persons were eager to state their thoughts clearly at the risk of losing their own life. In this case talking was not just a game but a manifesto staking their own lives. Sadaebu, culture accumulated profound introspections on the substances or functions of talking and listening. Especially, In Duggupjeon, Hwansaegyelsong, and Yorowonyawhagi, we can find the concrete results of those introspections. In Duggupjeon, Hwansaegyelsong, we can find the cynical criticisms on the degradations of talking. In Yorowonyawhagi, we can find the process where the prejudices and authoritarian attitude among people were being overcome. As the languages became related to social contexts closer, the light words were given heavier meanings. The words were understood to include the experiences of the speaker. In Yadam, the heroes talked about their own experience to other people. Here speakers and listeners expressed sympathy with each others. They could share the value, wisdom, stimulus and ethic which were contained in the experience. At last, speakers and listeners could communicate with each other. In the early Chosun dynasty, the words in narratives functioned as a means of education, information delivery, ethical teaching and trial. By these kinds of talking, Sadaebu could reproduce their own culture and retain established ruling orders. So talking produced moral lessons by transmitting their ideology. In this case, talking meant working. Sadaebu did work by talking. Sadaebu enjoyed the deviation of talking resulting from unintentional or unintentional experiences of their everyday lives. Those cases were recorded by other Sadaebu, who enjoyed repeating those word games. Serious word games began to emerge. In this case talking for Sadaebu meant playing. In the late Chosun dynasty, the cynical and critical talking functioned as means to change the established orders and relationships. The words contains the experiences of speakers and talking about life experiences brought laughter and empathy between classes, groups and individuals. Laughter played a significant role not just as an embellishment of language but in deconstructing authority and liberating people. Above all, the fact that language was able to contain the life experience of the speakers was the most significant development that allowed the real communication and solidarity between classes, groups, and individuals.
The purposes of this study were to investigate of the effective hip joint angle during quadriceps isometric exercise by electromyophic analysis. All participants performed quadriceps isometric exercise with knee flexion 60° by Cybex7000. The EMG activity of three knee extensor, vastus lateralis(VL), rectus femoris(RF), and vastus medialis(VM), in the subject' s isometric exercise(maximal voluntary isometric contraction, MVlC) was monitored using bipolar surlace electrodes. The magnitude of the average peak iEMG for each muscle monitored during the stactic motion is calculated as a percentage of the normalized peak iEMG during the MVIC. And the results were follows 1) Statistical analysis demonstrated significantly different maximal isometric force of quadriceps during changes of hip angle.(P<.05) 2) Between 100° and 130° at hip angles, isometric force of quadriceps increased. Between 130° and 160° at hip angles, isometric force of quadriceps decreased. 3) Maximal isometric force of quadriceps was significantly increasing rate between 100° and 110° at hip angle.(P<.05) 4) Maximal isometric force of quadriceps was significantly decreasing rate between 140° and 150° at hip angle.(P<.05) 5) The isometric force of rectus femoris during changes of hip angle was significantly different (P<.05) 6) The VL/RF, VL/VM, RF/VM iEMG ratios during changes of hip angle was significantly different(P<.05)
This article analyses Kukchangsheorok(菊窓?錄) edited by Whoweon Lee (李厚源). Kukchangsheorok(菊窓?錄) represents the image of ‘ideal king’, ‘ideal Sadaebu(士大夫)’, and ‘the desirable relationship between kings and Sadaebus. Ideal king is very strict in reflecting himself and generous in taking care of retainer and people. He practices filial piety towards his parents, and strictly disciplines his children. The most important virtue of ideal king is the ability to choose the wise men and to listen to their expostulation. Ideal Sadaebu holds fast to his principle and ideology. He leads a sincere and austere life. He willingly remonstrates with the king about his foolish conduct and behaviors. Keeping his belief and cause is the most important value, He would not confer with the vulgar people not to taint his principle. Promoting public interests and keeping justice are his priorities. Prerequisite to the desirable relationship between king and Sadaebu is king’s will and ability to find the talented subjects without being confined to the traditional measures of appointing officials. Once chosen, the subject would have king’s total support. The king would listen to the remonstrance of the retainer, reflecting on himself. In return, the retainer should demonstrate extraordinary ability in administration or scholarship, and remonstrate with the king without any reservation. Whoweon Lee(李厚源) tried to find a solution of the crisis in the relationship between king and retainer of his time by selecting those anecdotes which incorporated ideal relationship between king and his subjects. Kukchangsheorok(菊窓?錄) tried to give lesson not only to king but also to Sadaebu through the representation of the ideal cases. Rather than following the tradition of Japrok(雜錄), Kukchangsheorok(菊窓?錄) selected the episodes from didactic books. Kukchangsheorok(菊窓?錄) highlighted frugality, filial piety, expostulation and uprightness as the essential virtues of ideal king and his retainers, while avoiding adapting the negative anecdotes of unworthy kings. By foregrounding the positive parts of the past society, Whoweon Lee(李厚源) wanted to console his contemporary society and to give the model example which people could emulate. Kukchangsheorok(菊窓?錄) used epitaph as a significant source of anecdotes. Since epitaph aims to announce the owner of the tomb and to explain his life to the posterity, epitaph inclined to take the tone of praise and commemoration. The positive perspective and narrative method of Kukchangsheorok(菊窓?錄) came from those of epitaph. It can be concluded that Kukchangsheorok(菊窓?錄) is a kind of epitaph written on papers, enabling many model kings and Sadaebus’s virtuous personalities to shine. Future generations would try to emulate their virtuous personalities and principles, by reading Kukchangsheorok(菊窓?錄).