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      • KCI등재

        梅花詩에 나타난 李滉의 意識指向

        李在鎰(Jae-Il Lee) 동양한문학회(구 부산한문학회) 2008 동양한문학연구 Vol.27 No.-

        '스콜라' 이용 시 소속기관이 구독 중이 아닌 경우, 오후 4시부터 익일 오전 7시까지 원문보기가 가능합니다.

          이황은 매화를 소재로 한 75題 106首의 시를 남겼으며, 그 중 62제 91수를 選拔하여 「梅花詩帖」이라는 단행본 시집으로 만들었다. 이와 같은 이황의 행위는 일관된 의미망 형성을 위한 의도적인 것으로 짐작되며, 따라서 결코 예사롭게 여길 바가 아니라고 하겠다. 매화는 분명 이황의 意識의 指向을 가늠할 수 있는 바로미터일 터인데, 그 의식지향이라는 것이 과연 무엇일까?<BR>  그 해답의 모색에 있어서 우선 매화에 대한 이황의 特異한 態度를 확인할 필요가 있어 보인다. 그 태도는 한 마디로 酷愛라고 하겠다. 이황 스스로 자신이 매화를 혹애한다고 明言했거니와, 예컨대 매화의 寒傷에 대해 절절히 가슴 아파하며, 매화와 오랜 知己인 것처럼 서로의 胸襟을 贈答하는 등 그의 매화에 대한 行爲는 혹애라 아니할 수 없을 터이다.<BR>  이황의 그와 같은 매화에 대한 혹애의 이유는 매화가 자신과 同一視되었기 때문이고, 그 동일시의 媒介는 淸淨이라고 생각된다. 벼슬살이에서 무수히 엿보이는 이황의 고뇌의 바탕으로 여겨지는 그의 廉直性 내지 介潔性은 청정성에 다름 아니라 하겠으며, 由來上 매화는 청정의 表象이고 이황의 매화시들 역시 맑고 차가운 이미지 내지 배경, 仙界의 詩想, 隱士의 삶, 節槪 등으로 보아 그 모티브는 청정이라고 해야 할 터이다.<BR>  청정을 매개로 하는 이황의 매화 同一視는 贈答詩, 寒傷詩, 物我一體的交融의 詩라는 세 가지 측면으로 논의가 가능할 듯하다. 증답시는 말 그대로 이황과 매화 간에 주고받은 形式의 시인데, 그 形式은 이황의 매화 동일시의 극한적 內容을 담아낼 수 있는 가장 적합한 것이라고 하겠다. 한상시는 이황이 매화가 추위로 인해 손상된 모습을 마치 자신의 손상인양 애달파하면서 지은 시들에 붙이는 이름인데, 이 역시 이황의 극한적인 매화 동일시가 만들어낸, 매화시의 특이한 內容的 양상이라고 해야 할 것이다. 그리고 이황의 매화시는 주로 자아와 매화 간의 個我的 경계가 허물어진, 물아일체적 교융을 詩化한 것이라고 할 터이다.<BR>  결론적으로, 매화시에 나타난 이황의 의식지향은 內面的 淸淨이다. 내면적 청정은 人慾이 蕩滌된 상태이므로 天人合一의 境界이며, 精神의 絶對自由의 境地라고도 표현되는 意識의 自由이다. 따라서 매화시에 나타나는 이황의 의식지향이란 종국적으로는 自由에의 指向이라고 할 것이다.   Lee Hwang left 106 poems under 75 subjects on a theme of Ume blossom and among these, he selected 91 poems under 62 subjects to produce the independent volume of poetry titled 「Maehwasicheob」. It is expected that this Lee Hwang"s behavior was intended to form the consistent semantic network, Therefore, we should not overlook this point. Ume blossom might have been a barometer that can judge his aim for consciousness. If so, what is the aim for consciousness?<BR>  To explore the answer, we need to make sure of Lee Hwang"s unique attitude towards Ume blossom. The attitude might be called ‘tremendous love" in brief. Lee Hwang claimed himself that he possessed the tremendous love for Ume blossom. And for example, he expressed a deep pain on damage of Ume blossom due to a cold weather and he spoke his bosom as if he and Ume blossom were old friends. Nobody would deny that these behaviors originated from his tremendous love for Ume blossom.<BR>  The reason for Lee Hwang"s tremendous love for Ume blossom was because Ume blossom was identified with himself and the medium of this identification was considered to be cleanness. His integrity and pure character which were considered as the basis of Lee Hwang"s agony during his official life did not much differ from cleanness. According to history, Ume blossom was a representative of cleanness and in consideration of its pure/cold image or background, poetical imagination of God"s world, hermit"s life, fidelity, motive of Lee Hwang"s poems of Ume blossom may be cleanness.<BR>  Lee Hwang"s identification with Ume blossom by the medium of cleanness can be discussed in three aspects―poem of exchange talks, poem of damage due to cold weather and poem of union between material and ego. Poem of exchange talks means type of poetry in which Lee Hwang and Ume blossom exchanged the talks and the type is the most adequate to get an extreme content of Lee Hwang"s identification with Ume blossom. Poems of damage due to cold weather means that Lee Hwang produced this sort of poems when he confessed a heartrending sorrow to see the damaged Ume blossom due to cold weather as if he had been damaged. This also could be unique contents trend on poems of Ume blossom that Lee Hwang"s extreme identification with Ume blossom produced. Poem of exchange talks and poem of damage due to cold weather were the representative types, Lee Hwang"s poems of Ume blossom mainly could be said that addressed the union between material and ego without individual barrier.<BR>  In conclusion, Lee Hwang"s aim for consciousness in his poems of Ume blossom is internal cleanness. Internal cleanness means the completely cleared off state of human greediness. Therefore this is a state of union between God and man and freedom of consciousness can be demonstrated as absolute freedom state of mentality. Therefore, Lee Hwang"s aim for consciousness in his poems of Ume blossom can ultimately mean the aim for freedom.

      • KCI등재

        조선후기 주자학적 경학의 변모양상에 대한 일고찰 : 창계 임영과 식산 이만부의 『대학』 해석과 이단관을 중심으로 The view of Lim, Young and Lee, Manbu and their analysis of the unorthodox view of Daehak

        이영호 한국한문교육학회 2001 한문교육연구 Vol.17 No.-

        In this paper, Lim, Young and Lee, Manbu analyze the unorthodox view of Daehak by comparing it with the Zhu, Xi school of Neo-Confucianism in the earlier Lee dynasty. Through this comparison, I examine an aspect of the change in the study of Neo-Confucian classics in the later Lee dynasty. First, I examine some distinctions in the study of Neo-Confucian classics in the light of a few scholars' interpretation about Daehak in the earlier Lee dynasty. These scholars include Park, Young, Lee, Hwang and Jo, Ik. The principal distinction is the emphasis on abstractive mentality and inner practice. The scholars of Zhu, Xi attempted to get rid of the inclination for focusing solely on abstractive mentality and inner practice. Their belief was expressed by emphasizing the practical benefits of Daehak's theories through the analysis of the annotated scriptures by scholars of orthodox Neo-Confucianism in the later Lee dynasty. In the case of Lee, Manbu, he discovers the practical benefits by looking outward and recommends that approach for others. And also Lim, Young put more emphasis on concrete objects rather than abstract ideas. Second, the viewpoint of the school of orthodox Neo-Confucianism was very critical and stern about the unorthodox. Lee, Hwang popularized the use of Yukwanghak's critical analysis in academics. This analytical style is similar to that used by Zen Buddhists. Song, Siyeol, Park, Saeche and Han, WonJin developed Lee, Hwang's critical analysis in academics. Later in the Lee dynasty, scholars in the school of orthodox Neo-Confucianism interpreted the unorthodox differently. Lee, Manbu studied and emphasized the individual interpretations of Daehak. Lim, Young was the strongest supporter of unorthodox. He supported the values of a Buddhist's invocation and the doctrines of Wang, Yangming and had a impartial attitude towards the philosophy of Ki and Taoism. In this transformation of the study of Neo-Confucian classics, to some extent there was an academic attitude to response under the historical change as the foundation And it was revealed that the distinctions of the study of Neo-Confucian classics in the later Lee dynasty were not so different from the ones of a realistic study of Confucian classics.

      • 두성령 이암의 영모화 : 견도(犬圖)와 응도(鷹圖)를 중심으로

        이원복 한국고고미술연구소 2011 고고학지 Vol.17 No.-

        Lee Am (1507-1566) was a celebrated royal descent literati painter of Joseon in the 16th century. His paintings became better known to the Korean public, in recent years, following the unveiling of a series of his surviving works, located in Japan. The extant paintings of Lee Am include Blossoms, Birds, and Puppies in the collection of the Samsung Museum of Art Leeum, which was designated by the Korean government as Treasure No. 1392. In this paper, I establish that this painting and his Blossoms, Birds, and Puppies in the collection of the Joseon Museum of Art in North Korea are not works in duo, as has been assumed thus far, but two of several panels of a folding screen. With his works surviving in Japan becoming unveiled to the public one-by-one, we now understand the style of Lee Am's paintings better, and his style appears to have had a lasting influence on Japanese paintings, as a matter of fact, more than it did on Korean paintings. Within the Chinese-influenced cultural sphere of Asia, Korean paintings distinctly stand out from the rest of painting traditions. The works of Lee Am convey a massive feeling which is unique to early Joseon paintings. Meanwhile, there is a mood in his paintings that is characteristically optimistic and good-natured, yet desolate at times. Lee Am's paintings, even when they are decorative paintings in the taste of the royal palace, still remain natural and unaffected with a nonchalant note about them. They display the combination of great observation skills and execution skills, and their subjects are accurately depicted into fine details. Further more importantly, his paintings have an unmistakable warmth pervading them. Lee Am's paintings influenced, for example, the paintings of dogs by Japan's leading artists of the 17th century to the 18th century, of the likes of Tawaraya Sotatsu, Yosa Buson and Ito Jakuchu. Influencing art scenes beyond the borders of his native land, Lee Am indeed was an international artist of undoubted caliber. In the genre of yeongmo (animal paintings), Lee Am drew on international trends of the Five Dynasties period of China to the Song and Yuan Dynasties, but forged his own style from these various sources of inspiration. While being great examples of animal paintings with 16th-century royal palace flavor, Lee Am's works set themselves apart from others by his contemporaries through a signature relaxed quality in composition and spatial arrangement. Lee Am indeed was a towering genius on Joseon's art scene of the 17th century with a unique stylistic stamp. Unfortunately, however, it is difficult to determine how precisely Lee Am's paintings influenced his contemporary Joseon artists and later generations of artists based on the meager body of works surviving today. That being said, one finds echoes of Lee Am's childlike, nonchalant sunniness and humor in mid-Joseon paintings of slightly different subjects, like horses and oxen by Kim Si and Lee Gyeong-yun, and members of their families. Lee Am's works, therefore, are likely to have influenced later generations of painters, even if indirectly, by serving as a larger aesthetic backdrop, for instance, to such works as paintings of hawks by the late Joseon court painter Jeong Hong-rae. Only nine works have been identified within the Korean peninsula, including three in the collection of the Joseon Museum of Art in Pyeongyang, North Korea, three in the collection of the National Museum of Korea, of which two are attributed to him, and three others in the collection of the Samsung Museum of Art Leeum and private collections. However, compared to other painters of his time, this is actually not a small number. In addition, in recent years, a handful of other paintings of his have been unveiled in Japan and in the US, which indeed correspond to the titles of Lee Am's works mentioned in historical writings. Thanks to this, we now understand Lee Am better as a painter, both in terms of style and artistic bent and taste. As for subjects, his favorites were dogs and cats, hawks and geese. He treated these subjects at times using outlines, at other times without outlines. In his expressive techniques, he coupled the liberal and rough brushstrokes of literati paintings with a soft tone. Some of his works are in ink and light color, producing a limpid and serene effect, while others are highly realistic and provide minute details of the subject treated. These elements are at times found together side-by-side in one work, forming a subtle harmony. While there is undeniably a degree of decorative quality in his paintings, his subjects seem never stilted and are always full of life. The warmth and humor characterizing Lee Am's paintings, meanwhile, are also shared characteristics of Korean paintings as a whole, which set apart the latter from paintings of neighboring countries, and part of the national aesthetic temperament of Korean people. 이암(1507-1566)은 16세기 조선화단에서 종실(宗室)출신 문인화가로 영모에 명성이 높았다. 국내보다는 일본에 전해진 유작들이 공개됨으로 본격적인 조명이 가능해졌다. 그의 유작 중 일찍부터 잘 알려진 현 북한 조선미술박물관 소장〈화조묘구(花鳥猫狗)〉 쌍폭과 보물 제1392호로 지정된 삼성미술관 리움 소장 〈화조구자(花鳥狗子)〉는 함께 그려진 일괄품이 본 논문을 통해 확인되었다. 국내 전해진 유작은 북한까지 포함해 10점으로 한 두 예를 빼곤 일본에 전해진 것을 20세기 일본에서 구입한 것이다. 국외는 전칭작을 포함해 미국에 1점과 일본의 8점으로, 모두 9점의 존재가 확인된다. 그는 동물 그림을 지칭하는 영모화의 영역에 있어 오대(五代) 이후 송·원에 이르는 국제적인 흐름을 적극, 능동적으로 취사선택해 자기 나름의 골격을 형성했다. 16세기 궁정취향의 동물 그림을 잘 보여준다. 짜임새나 화면 구성 측면에서 느슨한 면 등 그들과 구별되는 자신의 그림 세계를 선명하게 구축하여 17세기 조선화단에서 우뚝 솟은 준봉이 아닐 수 없다. 그가 즐겨 그린 소재로는 개와 고양이·매·기러기 등이다. 표현 기법에선 몰골(沒骨)과 구륵(鉤勒)의 혼용, 문인화가로서의 활달·분방함과 거침, 공필(工筆)에 필적하는 극사실주의의 섬세함의 공존, 수묵담채가 주는 담백한 분위기, 이들 요인들이 함께 빚은 절묘한 조화도 읽을 수 있다. 장식적인 면이 없지 않으나 소재를 앞에 놓고 사생을 통해 획득한 생동감과 생명력이 감지된다. 그림 전체 분위기가 주는 따뜻함과 익살은 타국과 구별되는 우리 민족 나름대로 형성된, 우리 옛 그림에 내재된 공통적인 미의식의 구현이기도 하다. 그의 화풍이 조선화단에서 동시대나 후배들에게 구체적으로 어떤 영향을 끼쳤는지는 살피기 어려운 실정이다. 하지만 그림 소재는 다르나 조선 중기화단에서 전개된 김시(1524-1593)며 이경윤(1545-1611) 집안의 말과 소 그림에서 역시 동화적이며 익살과 통하는 크게 다르지 않는 미적 정서를 감지하게 된다. 조선후기 화원 정홍래(1720-1791 이후)의 매 그림의 정형성립에 선구적인 면모를 보인다. 무엇보다도 중시될 사항은 이암의 일본 그림에 끼친 영향이다. 일본 린파(淋派)의 양식을 창시한 다와라야 소타쓰(俵屋宗達, 17세기), 린파의 대가인 오가타 코린(尾形光琳, 1658-1716)의 부친 오가타 소켄(尾形光琳, 1621-1687)은 그의 그림을 모방했다. 18세기로 접어들어 요사 부손(与謝蕪村, 1716-1783), 이토 자쿠추(伊藤若沖, 1716-1800) 등 일본의 일급화가들의 그림에서 이암의 영향을 읽을 수 있다. 특히 표현기법에서 다와라야 소타쓰의 수묵화에 보이는 타라시코미 기법은 〈화조구자〉에 서 보이듯 이암이 선구의 위치를 점한다.

      • KCI우수등재

        李學純 · 李來修 父子의 민족운동

        李成雨(Lee, Sung woo) 한국사연구회 2014 한국사연구 Vol.- No.166

        Lee, Haksoon is a patriot who committed suicide for the country, and denied to receive so-called ‘Kirogum' in 1910. His suicide for the country influenced his son, Lee, Naesoo, and served a momentum for the independence movement of Lee, Naesoo. This became the classic example of two generations' independence movement. Lee, Haksoon was born at Kongju, Chungnam in 1843 and succeeded the scholastic mantle of Kim, Jangsang and Song, Siyual's Kiho Confucians. Lee, Haksoon maintained Wijungchucksa which was the main logic of late Chosun's Confucians, and treated Donghak and the Enlightenment as heretical. His rejection on the Chanmyung School which was established by Doon-am memorial hall for Confucianist shows his ideological peculiarity. He was a deep-dyed Confucian scholar who emphasized Jon-wha-chuck-ee and fidelity. For Lee, Haksoon, establishment of the Chanmyung School could not be allowed. And in the same context, he rejected a royal bounty from the Japanese empire and committed suicide. In 1910, after Japanese annexation of Korea, he choose a life in seclusion, but the Japanese empire forced to receive a royal bounty and he committed suicide by taking poison in Dec. 7, 1910. He choose suicide to be faithful to his principles and fidelity. Lee, Naesoo was the eldest son of Lee, Haksoon and succeeded his father's ideology and anti-Japanese thought. When imprisoned due to burning the census registration in July, 1913, he met Kwak, Hanil. Kwak, Hanil was a key figure of the Donglipeegunbu and enlisted him in the Donglipeegunbu. In 1916, he planned to raise an army in the cause of justice with Lee, Yongkyu, Lee, Manjik, Youn, Byungil and Jeon, Yongkyu. At that time, Lee, Naesoo was actively engaged in the Donglipeegunbu to raise an army. After 3.1 Movement, Lee, Naesoo submitted a letter for restoration of the emperor, SoonJong and was inducted into a representative of 13 Province for the Confucians. Also, he was nominated for one of 33 racial representative as a result of activity in the Donglipeegunbu. At that time, Lee, Naesoo signed the Pari-Jang-seo which was initiated by Kim, Bokhan. After his father's patriotic martyrs for the country, he solidified his friendship with Kim, Bokhan, Lim, Hanju and You, Hokeun who were participated in the Heungju army in the cause of justice. Lee, Naesoo led the Chosundongnimdan which was organized in 1919 for support the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea, and collected funds in Jeolla, Gyeongsang and Chungcheong Provinces as a leader of the Chosundongnimdan in May, 1921. Lee, Naesoo participated in the Chosundongnimdan to save the country from the Japanese empire, however, he did not acknowledge the Provisional Government.

      • KCI등재

        이능화의 한국 양명학 연구

        이우진(Lee, Woo-Jin), 최재목(Choi, Jae-Mok) 한국양명학회 2015 陽明學 Vol.0 No.42

        이 논문은 ‘한국 양명학 연구의 초석을 마련한 인물'로서 이능화(李能和)에 대한 탐구이다. 먼저, 이능화가 양명학이 어떤 측면에서 “주자학에 대항할 수 있는 가장 서구적인(=서구화할 수 있는) 사상 유형”으로 자리매김할 수 있다고 생각했는지에 대해 탐색하였다. 그 연장선에서 ‘주자학을 서구근대화의 장애물'로 판단하게 된 이유를 검토하였다. 다음으로 이능화의 조선유계지양명학파 에서 나타난 한국 양명학의 연구 관점이나 자료수집의 폭이 어떤 것이며, 그것이 이후 한국 양명학 연구자들에게 어떠한 영향을 끼쳤는지를 구체적으로 검토해보았다. 이능화는 조선을 ‘사상속박시대'라고 비난할 정도로 오직 주자학만을 유일무이한 학문으로 존숭하였던 조선 유교에 대해 비판적 입장을 지녔다. 그에 따르면, 조선의 교조주의는 근본적으로 사대주의(事大主義)에 기인한 것이었다. 또한 그러한 교조주의는 당파의 분열을 발생시켜 유교의 특장점인 정치적 · 윤리적인 사회철학적 성격을 상실케 되었다고 파악한다. 반면 이능화는 양명학을 시대변혁의 방향에 새로운 가능성을 지닌 사상으로 파악한 듯 하다. ‘전근대적인 주자학'을 탈피하여 당시의 역사적 사명인 ‘서구근대화를 이룰 수 있는 사상'으로 양명학을 바라보았던 것으로 유추된다. 이는 일본의 서구 근대화가 양명학이라는 이념적 기반에 이루어졌다는 사실에 기인한다. 이능화는 『조선유계지양명학파(朝鮮儒界之陽明學派)』에서 조선 양명학파를 학문적인 측면이 아니라 정치적인 측면에서 정리하였다. 그리고 그는 한국 양명학파를 성립시킨 인물로서 정제두로 제시하였으며, 남언경(南彦經)을 조선 최초의 양명학자로서 규정하였다. 다음으로 한국의 양명학 전래시기를 1567년 전후로 추정하였다. 이와 같은 그의 견해는 이후의 한국 양명학 연구자들에게도 고스란히 이어졌다. 특히 이능화는 조선의 양명학 배척을 역사적 사실을 통해 논증하였다. 이후 그의 한국 양명학 연구는 다카하시 도오루(高橋亨)에게 이어져 식민사관으로 재생산된다. 하지만 윤남한(尹南漢)과 유명종(劉明種)에 이르면 다카하시 도오루가 보여준 식민사관을 넘어서게 되고, 이능화가 마련한 인물 · 시각 · 자료 · 사건들을 그들의 한국 양명학 연구에서 근간으로 사용되고 있었다. 그 점에서 이능화는 ‘한국 양명학 연구의 초석을 마련한 인물'이라고 지칭해도 무리가 되지 않을 것이라 사료된다. This paper is aimed to study on Lee Nung-Hwa as ‘the drafter for research on Korean Yangmyeonghak(陽明學)'. First, we examined that why Lee considered Yangmyeonghak as most modern thought. In addition to this, We investigated that why he thought JuJahak(朱子學) as the obstacle of making Josun modern westernization. Second, we investigated Lee's Josunyukyejiyangmyeonghakpa(朝鮮儒界之陽明學派) for seeking his research perspective and scope of data collection about Korean Yangmyeonghak. And, we examined in particular that what Lee had influenced on researchers on Korean Yangmyeonghak since he published this Josunyukyejiyangmyeonghakpa . Lee described Josun(朝鮮) as ‘the spirit bondage era.' He had a very critical stance on the Josun Confucianism, because it only acknowledged JuJahak. At that time, any other thoughts except JuJahak were regarded as unorthodox. According to him, Jujahak dogmatism was due to toadyism basically. Jujahak dogmatism had generated multitudinous partisan brawls from the earliest days of Josun. So, the confucianim lost its advantages of ethical and political philosophy. But, Lee looked at Yangmyeonghak positively. He considered Yangmyeonghak as most modern thought. Because Yangmyeonghak was the ideological foundation of the Meiji Restoration. Lee organized the Korean Yangmyeonghak school at the political side, not the academic side in 『Josunyukyejiyangmyeonghakpa』. Lee described Jeongjedu(鄭齊斗) as the feature of establish Korean Yangmyeonghak school, and identified Namunkyung(南彦經) as the first Yangmyeonghak scholar inf Josun. And, Lee estimated the Yangmyeonghak transmission time as around 1567. Many researchers followed these his views. But, Lee analyzed the Korean Yangmyeonghak school from the perspective of colonial history. His perspective of colonial history was continued to Takahasi torou(高橋亨), but that perstpective had been refused by Yunnahan(尹南漢) and Yumyeongjong(劉明宗). However, people, data, and events selected by Lee had been accepted by almost all researchers. In that point, we identify Lee as the drafter for research on Korean Yangmyeonghak.

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        관북의 로컬리티와 이용악의 초기 시

        이경수(Lee, Kyung-Soo) 한국시학회 2014 한국시학연구 Vol.- No.41

        The purposes of this study were to examine Lee Yong-ak's poetry in connection to that of his contemporary fellow poets from Hamgyeong Province and understand his early poems and activities in the poetical circles in relation to the locality of the Gwanbuk region. The study reached the new following conclusions: Accepting the opinions from previous studies that raised a question as to whether one could see Lee Seong-ak, who published Before the Spirit of Deceased Father in the “Beginning” coterie magazine as one of its members and GalnimㅅGil in the “Romance” magazine, as Lee Yong-ak, the study demonstrated the possibility that the two were the same person. In the process, the investigator demonstrated that the two works of Lee Seong-ak contained the style characteristics of Lee Yong-ak and also similarities to his works in terms of poetic words and topics. In addition, the study added the fact that Shin Dong-cheol worked in the “Reality of Poetry” coterie along with Lee Su-hyeong and published works in Manseonilbo with him based on the possibility that “Oiwooshingun” in the subtitle of GalnimㅅGil could be Shin Dong-cheol, Lee Yong-ak's hometown friend and poet, thus raising the possibility that Lee Seong-ak and Lee Yong-ak were the same person. It was also demonstrated that there were many similarities in terms of poetic situations between Before the Spirit of Deceased Father and Lee Yong-ak's life and Full of the Sound of Grasshoppers. It was also mentioned that the hometown of Ban Sang-gyu, one of the “Beginning” coterie members, was Hamheung relatively close to that of Lee Yong-ak and that Ban's poems had affinity with those of Lee Yong-ak in some poetic characteristics including the depiction of wandering people. According to the “Roundtable Talk about ‘Folk Culture' of Authors from Gwanbuk and Manchuria” examined in the study, there was a perception that the culture and language of the Gwanbuk region were generally rough, tough, crude, and masculine due to the influence of its conditions. It seems that Lee Yong-ak sought after linguistic universalism rather than creating with a folk dialect, but the northern geographical environment, history, and resulting sentiment were working in the ethnic colors and sentiments in his works. He opened his eyes to the reality of wandering people early and developed a perception and awakening of the reality of colonized Joseon, which was a common feature among the poets from Gwanbuk. It is thus needed to conduct more researches on his poetry in relation to the locality of Gwanbuk. Previous studies that discussed his poetry as a northern poet did not pay attention to differences between Gwanseo and Gwanbuk. Researchers will be able to investigate the nature of his early poetry in the middle and late 1930s more clearly by carrying out full-blown inquiries into the locality of Gwanbuk distinguished from that of Seobuk under the influence of Dosan Ahn Chang-ho.

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        영·호남 시조문학의 전개 양상 - 현대시조를 중심으로 -

        이송희 ( Lee Song-hee ) 경북대학교 영남문화연구원 2017 嶺南學 Vol.0 No.60

        이 글은 가람과 조운, 노산의 시조론에 대한 이야기를 시작으로 오늘에 이르는 영·호남 시조문학의 지형도를 그려보고자 하였다. 시조의 근대화 길목에서 우리는 호남을 대표하는 가람과 조운, 영남을 대표하는 노산과 이영도, 이호우를 먼저 이야기하지 않을 수 없다. 외래문학의 범람으로 인해 민족문학의 말살 위기에 직면해 있던, 우리의 근대는 그야말로 전통적 장르를 유지하기 어려운 시기였다. 이 시기, 시조부흥운동을 통해 시조의 혁신을 주장하였던 인물들이 이들이기 때문이다. 현대시조는 1925년 최남선, 이광수, 정인보, 이은상, 이병기 등에 의해 주도된 시조부흥운동으로 이어진다. 이는 시어에 대한 새로운 인식과 연작시도입, 다양한 현대적 감각 등의 실험을 통해 시조를 현대화하는 운동으로 확산된다. 이어 1920년대 후반에는 가람, 노산, 조운 등에 의해 시조가 혁신되어 시조 문학의 새로운 영역이 개척되었다. 노산 이은상은 역사의식을 강하게 드러냈고, 가람 이병기는 감각적 언어의 조탁으로 새로움을 꾀했으며, 조운은 서정적 이미지를 구현하는 방식으로 시조의 현대화에 부응하였다. 이러한 현대적 혁신은 오늘날 시조문학의 발전과 계승에 중요한 밑거름이 되었다. 현대시조로의 이행에는 앵·연 갈이의 변형과 같은 형식적 측면뿐만 아니라 문학 언어, 세계에 대한 인식적 측면에서도 현대적 요소들을 취할 수 있어야 한다. 노래하는 시조에서 읽는 시조로 변화된 시조가 시조부흥운동을 통해 신문 잡지의 적극적인 논의 대상으로 본격화되었던 시기, 현대적 감각, 연작시, 시어의 일상성, 음보의 변화 등을 선보이며 추구했던 현대성을 우리는 쇄신을 거듭하며 이어나가야 할 것이다. This study aims to see the development of Sijo, one kind of Korean poetic form, looking into the theory of Sijo suggested by Cho Un, Garam Lee Byeonggi, and Nosan Lee Eunsang who intended the modernization of Korean Sijo beyond its regionality in Yeongnam and Honam regions in Korea. And prior to discussion about modernization of Sijo, it would be essential to discuss about the representative Sijo poets - Garam Lee Byeonggi and Cho Un who represent Honam region and Nosan Lee Eun-sang, Lee Yeoungdo, and Lee Hou who represent Yeongnam region - first of all. It the modern period of Korea, it was really hard to carry on its traditional genres due to the increasing crisis in national literature with the flood of foreign literature, and these people above made great efforts to promote the innovation pivoting around Korean tradition, insisting the innovation of Sijo through Sijo Revivals. Modern Sijo was led to Sijo Revivals spearheaded by Choi Namseon, Lee Gwangsu, Jeong Inbo, Lee Eunsang, and Lee Byeonggi in 1925. And this was soon led to a movement to modernize Korean Sijo, through a number of different experimental attempts, including new awareness on poetic diction, introduction of serial poetry, and a wide range of modern sensibility. In the late 1920s, Sijo became innovated by Garam, Nosan, and Cho Un, and a new field of Sijo literature was pioneered accordingly. In order to keep up with this modernization trend, Nosan Lee Eunsang expressed his strong historical consciousness, Garam Lee Byeonggi attempted novelty by elaborating words in a more sensitive way, and Cho Un tried to bring lyrical images through his works. There is no doubt that there are definitely tangible and intangible boundary lines between different nations, civilizations, religions, regions, and even individuals. However, human, as a social being, makes efforts in order to move in and out of the boundary line and break it for each other`s interest. Discourse in modern literature is communication and interaction. And as literary persons, we are expected to keep our tradition through Sijo so that we could move towards the age of communication for modern Sijo of the 21th century.

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        전투력 요소로 본 이순신의 전투준비태세와 초기전투 승리요인

        이경식(Lee, Gyeong-sig) 국방부 군사편찬연구소 2016 군사 Vol.- No.98

        This study focuses on how General Lee achieved continuous victories in the beginning of Japanese invasion. Unlike previous studies that focused on the victory factors on the water, this study focuses on analyses of General Lee's combat preparation and emphasized combat capability during initial stages of battles, which defeated Japanese forces. The background of General Lee's substantial war preparation came from the battle of Japanese invasion led by Hong-Yang in the Year of Jeong-Hae (1587). By developing the foundation for discipline and commanding system based on the past experience, Lee focused on creative, yet stuck to the basic war-preparation. One of Lee's creative works was that he collected information of Japanese combat style to create his battle strategies: to deny enemy"s climbing up the warship, but to be close enough to target enemy ships with turtle ships, and to inspect the war preparations. For the war preparations, Lee inspected ships, various weapons, and defense system on the field. But most importantly, Lee's victorious background originated from his nationally scaled propulsion for increasing the number of war-ships, development of cannons specially designed for battles against Japanese forces. When the actual Lim-Gin Japanese invasion occurred, Lee was fully prepared to go to the war against Japan by utilizing the effective reporting system, which reached to Right naval HQ located in Jeon-Ra provinces, observatory posts, and central government in a very short time. Lee also prepared for all possible routes of Japanese incomings and settled his navy on sea of Gyeong-Sang waiting for the imminent battle command from the government. In order to execute Command & Control system in the battle at the sea of Gyeong-Sang, Lee required strict command system, and hierarchy with Won-Gyun and Uk-Gi Lee's fleet, which allowed well-coordinated strategic system. Also, strategy integrated intelligence, maneuver, fires, and force protections against Japanese Force. First, spot the enemy, approach with fleets during earl dawn when security is assured, then charge with turtle ships and full-on assailment of cannons with Pan-Ok ships to defeat Japanese Navy. After such strategy, Lee quickly ran away from the battle scene in order to prepare for the possible ambush attacks and buy some maintenance time for his navy. In summary, Lee achieved the victory via analyzing Japanese Navy's current status, geography, water current, surround and attack strategy, ambush attacks, and effective maneuvers, which integrated with turtle ships and navy's fire power. He also inspected his forces, fleets, and other weapons to sustain his combat capabilities. He distributed loots from the battles to his soldiers to alleviate their fear and fatigue. The most important victory factor would be Lee's victory oriented leadership. His leadership highlighted field focused operations, principles, executions, and keen discernment, which contributed to flexible strategies, all with courage, fairness, people and his navy. In order to win the war, combat capability had to be performed at its best, and Lee's victories at the initial battles exemplify preparation for the war and successful coordination of combat capability with his leadership in the naval battles.

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        石田 廣州李氏 家門과 近畿 南人의 提携

        이근호(Lee Geun-Ho) 계명대학교 한국학연구원 2014 한국학논집 Vol.0 No.57

        이 연구는 17세기 중반 이후 영남 남인과 근기 남인의 제휴 관계를 추적한 것으로, 칠곡 석전의 광주이씨 가문을 중심으로 고찰하였다. 석전 광주이씨의 사회적, 정치적 활동의 배경에는 한강 정구의 적전이라는 이윤우와 관계, 한강의 학맥을 잇는 허목과의 관계 및 안동김씨 김시양 가계, 전주이씨 이수광 가계, 사천목씨 목내선 가계를 비롯해 허적이나 윤휴 등 당대 남인계의 대표적인 가문들과 혼인 등이 주요한 배경이 되었다. 이원정 등은 이를 배경으로 출사 이전부터 사림 사회에서 신망이 있었고 출사 이후에는 영남의 사론을 주도하며, 현종 15년 갑인예송에서 서인 세력에게 결정적인 타격을 가한 도신징의 의례 관련 상소나 숙종 즉위 직후 송시열을 전면적으로 공격한 곽세건의 상소 제출 과정에 개입했던 것으로 보인다. 이원정은 또한 조정의 여론을 움직이는데도 중요한 위치에서 활동하였는데, 윤휴는 이 점을 의식해 남인이 정치적 위기 상황에 처했을 때 이원정에게 자파의 입장을 대변해 주기를 권고하기도 하였다. 당대 실록 기사에 나타나는 각종 비판 기사는 반대로 이들의 정치적 비중을 입증하는 사례이다. 이원정의 정치적 역할은 이후 아들인 이담명에게로 이어져, 이담명 역시 남인 정권하에서 조정의 주론자 역할을 담당하기도 하였다. 이원정이나 이담명 등은 집권 세력인 남인의 정국 운영의 방향성을 설정하는 데 주도적인 역할을 한 것으로 판단된다. 광주이씨와 근기 남인의 제휴 관계는 비단 정치권력의 획득이나 운영에 그치지 않고 국정 운영 방향성에 대한 공감대를 바탕으로 서 신 교환 등을 통해 각종 정책 결정과 집행 등을 공유하였다. 광주이씨의 경우 효종조 이래 숙종 전반기까지 남인 세력 내 중심적인 위치에서 활약하였다. 이는 구심점을 찾지 못하던 한강 학맥이 안동권에 대신해서 퇴계 학맥의 중심적인 위치로 부상하게 되는 것과 일맥상통한다. 물론 학파 내부의 문제 등이 종합적으로 고려되어야 하겠으나 일단 한강 학맥의 부상에는 광주이씨 이원정 가문의 역할이 중요한 배경이 되었다고 하겠다. 이원정 등은 중앙 정치에서 정쟁의 최전선에서 활동했다. 이런 이유로 환국 뒤에는 반대 세력으로부터 철저하게 응징이 이루어져 피해가 막심하였다. 더 이상의 정치적 재기가 쉽지 않았다. 광주이씨 이원정가문의 정치적 위축은 점차 영남 사림 내에서 한강 학맥의 위상이 약화되는 것과도 맥락을 같이하는 것이 아닐까? 이런 점에서 이원정 가문의 활동은 가문적인 차원에서 그치는 것이 아니고 일시적이나마 한강 학맥 전체를 확산시키는데 역할을 했다고 하겠다. This study was conducted to trace the political alliance between Seokjeon Gwangju Lee's family and Geungi namin, focusing on Seokjeon Gwangju Lee's family. Relationships with many people and marriage with main family of Geungi Namin were based on political and social activity of Seokjeon Gwangju Lee. For example, Lee Youn Yoo(李潤雨) who was the main disciple of Hangang(寒岡) Jeong-Gu(鄭逑), Heo Mok(許穆) who inherited Hangang's academy line, An dong Kim's family Kim Si Yang(金時讓) pedigree, Sa cheon mok's family Mok Nae Seon(睦來善) pedigree and Heo Jeok(許積), Yoon Hu(尹?). Lee Won Jeong(李元禎) was early trustworthy before going into government service owing to these based relationship. After going into governmental activity, he took lead Sa non(士論) of Young-nam(嶺南) and intervened appeal related to ritual of Do Sin Jing(都愼徵) which crucially struck Seoin(西人). He was also involved in Gwak Sae Gun(郭世楗)'s appeal submission which attacked Song Si Yeol(宋時烈) right after the accession of SukJong(肅宗). In addition, he served a important role in treating the public opinion at court. Recognizing this point, Yoon Hu encouraged him to represent opinion of party on his own when Namin was in a political crisis. Lots of critical article revealed at Sillok(實錄) paper were cases to demonstrate their political importance at that time. Lee Won Jeong's political role was passed down to his son Lee Dam Myung(李聃命), he also took lead discussion in Namin government. Their role was crucial to setting the direction of government management. Political alliance between Gwangju Lee's family and Geungi Namin went beyond the acquisition of political power and management. Based on agreement on direction of administration, they share various excution and decision through letter exchange. Lee Won Jeong's activity could be shown same line with the rise of Hangang in Thaegae(退溪) academy line instead of Andong(安東).

      • 옥산서원과 여주이씨

        이수환 ( Lee Soo-hwan ) 한국계보연구회 2014 한국계보연구 Vol.5 No.-

        본고는 조선시대 영남의 대표적인 서원인 옥산서원과 그 제향자인 이언적 가문에 대해 검토하였다. 경주의 驪州(驪江)李氏는 본래 경기도 驪州牧 土姓으로 고려후기까지 여주의 戶長職을 세습하다가, 고려 말에 본관을 떠나 영남으로 내려온 것 같다. 영남에 정착한 초기에는 迎日에 살다가 이언적의 조부 李壽會가 경주인 生員 李點의 사위가 되어 경주로 온 것이다. 이 가문이 경주 지방에서 확고한 재지적 기반을 갖게 된 계기는 이수회의 아들 李蕃이 손소의 사위가 되면서부터이며, 이로 인해 그의 처가 소재지인 양좌동은 마침내 손·이 양 성의 세거촌이 되었다. 경주 여강이씨 가문은 17세기 이후 급격히 족세가 번창하면서 경주권의 어느 가문보다 대·소과 합격자를 많이 배출하여 대표적인 명문으로 자리 잡았다. 특히 名祖 이언적이 사후에 ‘宗廟配享'[明宗]과 ‘文廟從祀'라는 人臣으로서 또는 학자로서 최고의 영예를 향유한 데서 이후 이 가문은 영남의 대표적인 명문으로 자리 잡았다. 옥산서원은 이언적 사후 경주 지역 사림들이 이언적의 학통을 계승하기 위해 1572년(선조 5)에 건립하였다. 옥산서원은 당시 慶州府尹 李齊閔이 權德麟(이언적 門人) 등 鄕中士林 13명의 건의를 받아들여 이를 監司에게 보고하자, 감사 任說이 禮曹에 狀請하여 창건하였다. 옥산서원은 설립 후 당시 조선왕조의 서원진흥책에 힘입어 급속한 발전을 보게 되었으며, 특히 제향자인 이언적이 1610년(광해군 2)에 ‘동방 5현'의 한 분으로 文廟에 종사되자 그 영향력은 더욱 크게 증대되었다. 이후 옥산서원은 막대한 경제적 기반을 토대로 경주부의 유림사회를 실질적으로 대표하면서 지역 유림들의 교육 및 정치·사회적 활동의 중심지로 역할하였으며, 나아가 당시 중앙 정계의 치열한 정쟁 속에 도산서원과 함께 영남 남인의 대표적인 서원으로서 남인의 정치적 명분 제공과 이들의 상호결집을 위한 기지로서의 역할을 수행하였다. 한편 옥산서원은 인조반정·갑술환국 등 중앙 정계의 정쟁에서 남인 세력이 점차 실세함에 따라 院勢가 상당히 위축되었지만, 영·정조 대에 와서 다시 중앙 정계로부터 주목받았다. 영·정조 두 왕은 『대학』에 대해 특별한 관심을 가지고 있었고, 따라서 이때 주자의 『大學章句』의 결유된 부분을 보완하여 『大學章句補遺』를 다시 편한 이언적의 학문이 주목되면서 그를 봉양하는 옥산서원도 중앙으로부터 특별한 대우를 받았다. 이러한 분위기 속에서 옥산서원은 경주권을 넘어 영남의 대표적인 서원으로서의 위치를 확고히 하였으며, 대원군의 전면적인 원사훼철 때에도 文廟從祀諸賢의 서원으로서 남게 되었다. This study is to examine Oksanseowon, a representative academy in Youngnam region during the Joseon dynasty and the Lee clan who were responsible for Confucian ritual at the academy. The Yeoju Lee clan in Gyeongju came from Yeoju-mok, Gyeonggi-do where their ancestors lived until the late Goryeo dynasty, some of them served as Hojang in Yeoju. The clan is believed to have left Yeoju and moved to the Youngnam region around the end of the Goryeo dynasty. Early in their settlement in the Youngnam region, they lived in Youngil until Lee Su Hee, grandfather of Lee Eon Jeok married to a daughter of Lee Jeom, a saengwon in Gyeongju and the entire clan moved to Gyeongju. The clan came to power in academic aspects in Gyeongju when Lee Beon, a son of Lee Su Hee, became a son-in-law of Son Soh. Finally, Yangja-dong, home to his wife's household, became a village of residence for generations of both Son and Lee clans. The Yeogang Lee clan in Gyeongju enjoyed prosperity all of sudden since the 17th century, produced more successful examinees in national civil service exams than any other clan in the Gyeongju area, making the clan establish itself as a representative noble family. In particular, after his death during the reign of Myeongjo, Lee Eon Jeok enjoyed the highest honor as a subject to the king and as a scholar such as Jongmyobaehyang [Myeongjong] and Munmyojongsa, which was a key influence to make this clan a leading noble family in the region. Oksanseowon was built in the 5th year of King Seonjo in 1572 by Confucian scholars in the area after his death with the aim of inheriting academic tradition of Lee Eon Jeok. The academy was established as the then Gyeongju mayor Lee Jae Min accepted a suggestion of 13 Confucian scholars in the village including Gwon Deok Lin, a pupil of Lee Eon Jeok and reported it to Governor Im Seol E, who recommended to the Ministry of Rites. Since its foundation, Oksanseowon witnessed a rapid growth with the help of academy promotion policy of the then king of the Joseon dynasty, and especially, when its former ritual manager Lee Eon Jeok was enshrined as one of the five sages in the Orient in the 2nd year of King Gwanghae in 1610, its influence grew stronger than ever before. Afterwards, with enormous economic resources, Oksanseowon became a symbol of Confucianism in Gyeongju, playing a center of education, politics and social activities of the local Confucian scholars. Beyond that, as a representative academy of the Namin camp in the Youngnam region together with Dosanseowon, Oksanseowon played a role in providing a political cause for the entire Namin camp and uniting them amid fierce political struggles in the then central government. While the academy's influence considerably decreased, as the Namin camp began to lose power in political struggles in the central government such as Injobanjeong and Gapsulwhanguk, it drew attention again of the central government during the reign of Youngjo and Jeongjo. The two kings had special interest in Daehak. Accordingly, while the two kings ruled, much attention was paid to the academic achievements of Lee Eon Jeok who supplemented missing parts of Daehakjanggu of Chu Hsi and re-complied Daehakjangguboyou, and therefore, the academy which enshrined him was treated specially from the central government. In this situation, the academy established its firm status as a representative academy in Gyeonggju and Youngnam region and survived Daewongun's full-scale destruction of academies and temples as an academy of sage enshrined in a Confucian shrine.

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