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      • 두성령 이암의 영모화 : 견도(犬圖)와 응도(鷹圖)를 중심으로

        이원복 한국고고미술연구소 2011 고고학지 Vol.17 No.-

        Lee Am (1507-1566) was a celebrated royal descent literati painter of Joseon in the 16th century. His paintings became better known to the Korean public, in recent years, following the unveiling of a series of his surviving works, located in Japan. The extant paintings of Lee Am include Blossoms, Birds, and Puppies in the collection of the Samsung Museum of Art Leeum, which was designated by the Korean government as Treasure No. 1392. In this paper, I establish that this painting and his Blossoms, Birds, and Puppies in the collection of the Joseon Museum of Art in North Korea are not works in duo, as has been assumed thus far, but two of several panels of a folding screen. With his works surviving in Japan becoming unveiled to the public one-by-one, we now understand the style of Lee Am's paintings better, and his style appears to have had a lasting influence on Japanese paintings, as a matter of fact, more than it did on Korean paintings. Within the Chinese-influenced cultural sphere of Asia, Korean paintings distinctly stand out from the rest of painting traditions. The works of Lee Am convey a massive feeling which is unique to early Joseon paintings. Meanwhile, there is a mood in his paintings that is characteristically optimistic and good-natured, yet desolate at times. Lee Am's paintings, even when they are decorative paintings in the taste of the royal palace, still remain natural and unaffected with a nonchalant note about them. They display the combination of great observation skills and execution skills, and their subjects are accurately depicted into fine details. Further more importantly, his paintings have an unmistakable warmth pervading them. Lee Am's paintings influenced, for example, the paintings of dogs by Japan's leading artists of the 17th century to the 18th century, of the likes of Tawaraya Sotatsu, Yosa Buson and Ito Jakuchu. Influencing art scenes beyond the borders of his native land, Lee Am indeed was an international artist of undoubted caliber. In the genre of yeongmo (animal paintings), Lee Am drew on international trends of the Five Dynasties period of China to the Song and Yuan Dynasties, but forged his own style from these various sources of inspiration. While being great examples of animal paintings with 16th-century royal palace flavor, Lee Am's works set themselves apart from others by his contemporaries through a signature relaxed quality in composition and spatial arrangement. Lee Am indeed was a towering genius on Joseon's art scene of the 17th century with a unique stylistic stamp. Unfortunately, however, it is difficult to determine how precisely Lee Am's paintings influenced his contemporary Joseon artists and later generations of artists based on the meager body of works surviving today. That being said, one finds echoes of Lee Am's childlike, nonchalant sunniness and humor in mid-Joseon paintings of slightly different subjects, like horses and oxen by Kim Si and Lee Gyeong-yun, and members of their families. Lee Am's works, therefore, are likely to have influenced later generations of painters, even if indirectly, by serving as a larger aesthetic backdrop, for instance, to such works as paintings of hawks by the late Joseon court painter Jeong Hong-rae. Only nine works have been identified within the Korean peninsula, including three in the collection of the Joseon Museum of Art in Pyeongyang, North Korea, three in the collection of the National Museum of Korea, of which two are attributed to him, and three others in the collection of the Samsung Museum of Art Leeum and private collections. However, compared to other painters of his time, this is actually not a small number. In addition, in recent years, a handful of other paintings of his have been unveiled in Japan and in the US, which indeed correspond to the titles of Lee Am's works mentioned in historical writings. Thanks to this, we now understand Lee Am better as a painter, both in terms of style and artistic bent and taste. As for subjects, his favorites were dogs and cats, hawks and geese. He treated these subjects at times using outlines, at other times without outlines. In his expressive techniques, he coupled the liberal and rough brushstrokes of literati paintings with a soft tone. Some of his works are in ink and light color, producing a limpid and serene effect, while others are highly realistic and provide minute details of the subject treated. These elements are at times found together side-by-side in one work, forming a subtle harmony. While there is undeniably a degree of decorative quality in his paintings, his subjects seem never stilted and are always full of life. The warmth and humor characterizing Lee Am's paintings, meanwhile, are also shared characteristics of Korean paintings as a whole, which set apart the latter from paintings of neighboring countries, and part of the national aesthetic temperament of Korean people. 이암(1507-1566)은 16세기 조선화단에서 종실(宗室)출신 문인화가로 영모에 명성이 높았다. 국내보다는 일본에 전해진 유작들이 공개됨으로 본격적인 조명이 가능해졌다. 그의 유작 중 일찍부터 잘 알려진 현 북한 조선미술박물관 소장〈화조묘구(花鳥猫狗)〉 쌍폭과 보물 제1392호로 지정된 삼성미술관 리움 소장 〈화조구자(花鳥狗子)〉는 함께 그려진 일괄품이 본 논문을 통해 확인되었다. 국내 전해진 유작은 북한까지 포함해 10점으로 한 두 예를 빼곤 일본에 전해진 것을 20세기 일본에서 구입한 것이다. 국외는 전칭작을 포함해 미국에 1점과 일본의 8점으로, 모두 9점의 존재가 확인된다. 그는 동물 그림을 지칭하는 영모화의 영역에 있어 오대(五代) 이후 송·원에 이르는 국제적인 흐름을 적극, 능동적으로 취사선택해 자기 나름의 골격을 형성했다. 16세기 궁정취향의 동물 그림을 잘 보여준다. 짜임새나 화면 구성 측면에서 느슨한 면 등 그들과 구별되는 자신의 그림 세계를 선명하게 구축하여 17세기 조선화단에서 우뚝 솟은 준봉이 아닐 수 없다. 그가 즐겨 그린 소재로는 개와 고양이·매·기러기 등이다. 표현 기법에선 몰골(沒骨)과 구륵(鉤勒)의 혼용, 문인화가로서의 활달·분방함과 거침, 공필(工筆)에 필적하는 극사실주의의 섬세함의 공존, 수묵담채가 주는 담백한 분위기, 이들 요인들이 함께 빚은 절묘한 조화도 읽을 수 있다. 장식적인 면이 없지 않으나 소재를 앞에 놓고 사생을 통해 획득한 생동감과 생명력이 감지된다. 그림 전체 분위기가 주는 따뜻함과 익살은 타국과 구별되는 우리 민족 나름대로 형성된, 우리 옛 그림에 내재된 공통적인 미의식의 구현이기도 하다. 그의 화풍이 조선화단에서 동시대나 후배들에게 구체적으로 어떤 영향을 끼쳤는지는 살피기 어려운 실정이다. 하지만 그림 소재는 다르나 조선 중기화단에서 전개된 김시(1524-1593)며 이경윤(1545-1611) 집안의 말과 소 그림에서 역시 동화적이며 익살과 통하는 크게 다르지 않는 미적 정서를 감지하게 된다. 조선후기 화원 정홍래(1720-1791 이후)의 매 그림의 정형성립에 선구적인 면모를 보인다. 무엇보다도 중시될 사항은 이암의 일본 그림에 끼친 영향이다. 일본 린파(淋派)의 양식을 창시한 다와라야 소타쓰(俵屋宗達, 17세기), 린파의 대가인 오가타 코린(尾形光琳, 1658-1716)의 부친 오가타 소켄(尾形光琳, 1621-1687)은 그의 그림을 모방했다. 18세기로 접어들어 요사 부손(与謝蕪村, 1716-1783), 이토 자쿠추(伊藤若沖, 1716-1800) 등 일본의 일급화가들의 그림에서 이암의 영향을 읽을 수 있다. 특히 표현기법에서 다와라야 소타쓰의 수묵화에 보이는 타라시코미 기법은 〈화조구자〉에 서 보이듯 이암이 선구의 위치를 점한다.

      • KCI등재

        梅花詩에 나타난 李滉의 意識指向

        李在鎰(Jae-Il Lee) 동양한문학회(구 부산한문학회) 2008 동양한문학연구 Vol.27 No.-

        '스콜라' 이용 시 소속기관이 구독 중이 아닌 경우, 오후 4시부터 익일 오전 7시까지 원문보기가 가능합니다.

          이황은 매화를 소재로 한 75題 106首의 시를 남겼으며, 그 중 62제 91수를 選拔하여 「梅花詩帖」이라는 단행본 시집으로 만들었다. 이와 같은 이황의 행위는 일관된 의미망 형성을 위한 의도적인 것으로 짐작되며, 따라서 결코 예사롭게 여길 바가 아니라고 하겠다. 매화는 분명 이황의 意識의 指向을 가늠할 수 있는 바로미터일 터인데, 그 의식지향이라는 것이 과연 무엇일까?<BR>  그 해답의 모색에 있어서 우선 매화에 대한 이황의 特異한 態度를 확인할 필요가 있어 보인다. 그 태도는 한 마디로 酷愛라고 하겠다. 이황 스스로 자신이 매화를 혹애한다고 明言했거니와, 예컨대 매화의 寒傷에 대해 절절히 가슴 아파하며, 매화와 오랜 知己인 것처럼 서로의 胸襟을 贈答하는 등 그의 매화에 대한 行爲는 혹애라 아니할 수 없을 터이다.<BR>  이황의 그와 같은 매화에 대한 혹애의 이유는 매화가 자신과 同一視되었기 때문이고, 그 동일시의 媒介는 淸淨이라고 생각된다. 벼슬살이에서 무수히 엿보이는 이황의 고뇌의 바탕으로 여겨지는 그의 廉直性 내지 介潔性은 청정성에 다름 아니라 하겠으며, 由來上 매화는 청정의 表象이고 이황의 매화시들 역시 맑고 차가운 이미지 내지 배경, 仙界의 詩想, 隱士의 삶, 節槪 등으로 보아 그 모티브는 청정이라고 해야 할 터이다.<BR>  청정을 매개로 하는 이황의 매화 同一視는 贈答詩, 寒傷詩, 物我一體的交融의 詩라는 세 가지 측면으로 논의가 가능할 듯하다. 증답시는 말 그대로 이황과 매화 간에 주고받은 形式의 시인데, 그 形式은 이황의 매화 동일시의 극한적 內容을 담아낼 수 있는 가장 적합한 것이라고 하겠다. 한상시는 이황이 매화가 추위로 인해 손상된 모습을 마치 자신의 손상인양 애달파하면서 지은 시들에 붙이는 이름인데, 이 역시 이황의 극한적인 매화 동일시가 만들어낸, 매화시의 특이한 內容的 양상이라고 해야 할 것이다. 그리고 이황의 매화시는 주로 자아와 매화 간의 個我的 경계가 허물어진, 물아일체적 교융을 詩化한 것이라고 할 터이다.<BR>  결론적으로, 매화시에 나타난 이황의 의식지향은 內面的 淸淨이다. 내면적 청정은 人慾이 蕩滌된 상태이므로 天人合一의 境界이며, 精神의 絶對自由의 境地라고도 표현되는 意識의 自由이다. 따라서 매화시에 나타나는 이황의 의식지향이란 종국적으로는 自由에의 指向이라고 할 것이다.   Lee Hwang left 106 poems under 75 subjects on a theme of Ume blossom and among these, he selected 91 poems under 62 subjects to produce the independent volume of poetry titled 「Maehwasicheob」. It is expected that this Lee Hwang"s behavior was intended to form the consistent semantic network, Therefore, we should not overlook this point. Ume blossom might have been a barometer that can judge his aim for consciousness. If so, what is the aim for consciousness?<BR>  To explore the answer, we need to make sure of Lee Hwang"s unique attitude towards Ume blossom. The attitude might be called ‘tremendous love" in brief. Lee Hwang claimed himself that he possessed the tremendous love for Ume blossom. And for example, he expressed a deep pain on damage of Ume blossom due to a cold weather and he spoke his bosom as if he and Ume blossom were old friends. Nobody would deny that these behaviors originated from his tremendous love for Ume blossom.<BR>  The reason for Lee Hwang"s tremendous love for Ume blossom was because Ume blossom was identified with himself and the medium of this identification was considered to be cleanness. His integrity and pure character which were considered as the basis of Lee Hwang"s agony during his official life did not much differ from cleanness. According to history, Ume blossom was a representative of cleanness and in consideration of its pure/cold image or background, poetical imagination of God"s world, hermit"s life, fidelity, motive of Lee Hwang"s poems of Ume blossom may be cleanness.<BR>  Lee Hwang"s identification with Ume blossom by the medium of cleanness can be discussed in three aspects―poem of exchange talks, poem of damage due to cold weather and poem of union between material and ego. Poem of exchange talks means type of poetry in which Lee Hwang and Ume blossom exchanged the talks and the type is the most adequate to get an extreme content of Lee Hwang"s identification with Ume blossom. Poems of damage due to cold weather means that Lee Hwang produced this sort of poems when he confessed a heartrending sorrow to see the damaged Ume blossom due to cold weather as if he had been damaged. This also could be unique contents trend on poems of Ume blossom that Lee Hwang"s extreme identification with Ume blossom produced. Poem of exchange talks and poem of damage due to cold weather were the representative types, Lee Hwang"s poems of Ume blossom mainly could be said that addressed the union between material and ego without individual barrier.<BR>  In conclusion, Lee Hwang"s aim for consciousness in his poems of Ume blossom is internal cleanness. Internal cleanness means the completely cleared off state of human greediness. Therefore this is a state of union between God and man and freedom of consciousness can be demonstrated as absolute freedom state of mentality. Therefore, Lee Hwang"s aim for consciousness in his poems of Ume blossom can ultimately mean the aim for freedom.

      • KCI우수등재

        李學純 · 李來修 父子의 민족운동

        李成雨(Lee, Sung woo) 한국사연구회 2014 한국사연구 Vol.- No.166

        Lee, Haksoon is a patriot who committed suicide for the country, and denied to receive so-called ‘Kirogum' in 1910. His suicide for the country influenced his son, Lee, Naesoo, and served a momentum for the independence movement of Lee, Naesoo. This became the classic example of two generations' independence movement. Lee, Haksoon was born at Kongju, Chungnam in 1843 and succeeded the scholastic mantle of Kim, Jangsang and Song, Siyual's Kiho Confucians. Lee, Haksoon maintained Wijungchucksa which was the main logic of late Chosun's Confucians, and treated Donghak and the Enlightenment as heretical. His rejection on the Chanmyung School which was established by Doon-am memorial hall for Confucianist shows his ideological peculiarity. He was a deep-dyed Confucian scholar who emphasized Jon-wha-chuck-ee and fidelity. For Lee, Haksoon, establishment of the Chanmyung School could not be allowed. And in the same context, he rejected a royal bounty from the Japanese empire and committed suicide. In 1910, after Japanese annexation of Korea, he choose a life in seclusion, but the Japanese empire forced to receive a royal bounty and he committed suicide by taking poison in Dec. 7, 1910. He choose suicide to be faithful to his principles and fidelity. Lee, Naesoo was the eldest son of Lee, Haksoon and succeeded his father's ideology and anti-Japanese thought. When imprisoned due to burning the census registration in July, 1913, he met Kwak, Hanil. Kwak, Hanil was a key figure of the Donglipeegunbu and enlisted him in the Donglipeegunbu. In 1916, he planned to raise an army in the cause of justice with Lee, Yongkyu, Lee, Manjik, Youn, Byungil and Jeon, Yongkyu. At that time, Lee, Naesoo was actively engaged in the Donglipeegunbu to raise an army. After 3.1 Movement, Lee, Naesoo submitted a letter for restoration of the emperor, SoonJong and was inducted into a representative of 13 Province for the Confucians. Also, he was nominated for one of 33 racial representative as a result of activity in the Donglipeegunbu. At that time, Lee, Naesoo signed the Pari-Jang-seo which was initiated by Kim, Bokhan. After his father's patriotic martyrs for the country, he solidified his friendship with Kim, Bokhan, Lim, Hanju and You, Hokeun who were participated in the Heungju army in the cause of justice. Lee, Naesoo led the Chosundongnimdan which was organized in 1919 for support the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea, and collected funds in Jeolla, Gyeongsang and Chungcheong Provinces as a leader of the Chosundongnimdan in May, 1921. Lee, Naesoo participated in the Chosundongnimdan to save the country from the Japanese empire, however, he did not acknowledge the Provisional Government.

      • KCI등재

        조선후기 주자학적 경학의 변모양상에 대한 일고찰 : 창계 임영과 식산 이만부의 『대학』 해석과 이단관을 중심으로 The view of Lim, Young and Lee, Manbu and their analysis of the unorthodox view of Daehak

        이영호 한국한문교육학회 2001 한문교육연구 Vol.17 No.-

        In this paper, Lim, Young and Lee, Manbu analyze the unorthodox view of Daehak by comparing it with the Zhu, Xi school of Neo-Confucianism in the earlier Lee dynasty. Through this comparison, I examine an aspect of the change in the study of Neo-Confucian classics in the later Lee dynasty. First, I examine some distinctions in the study of Neo-Confucian classics in the light of a few scholars' interpretation about Daehak in the earlier Lee dynasty. These scholars include Park, Young, Lee, Hwang and Jo, Ik. The principal distinction is the emphasis on abstractive mentality and inner practice. The scholars of Zhu, Xi attempted to get rid of the inclination for focusing solely on abstractive mentality and inner practice. Their belief was expressed by emphasizing the practical benefits of Daehak's theories through the analysis of the annotated scriptures by scholars of orthodox Neo-Confucianism in the later Lee dynasty. In the case of Lee, Manbu, he discovers the practical benefits by looking outward and recommends that approach for others. And also Lim, Young put more emphasis on concrete objects rather than abstract ideas. Second, the viewpoint of the school of orthodox Neo-Confucianism was very critical and stern about the unorthodox. Lee, Hwang popularized the use of Yukwanghak's critical analysis in academics. This analytical style is similar to that used by Zen Buddhists. Song, Siyeol, Park, Saeche and Han, WonJin developed Lee, Hwang's critical analysis in academics. Later in the Lee dynasty, scholars in the school of orthodox Neo-Confucianism interpreted the unorthodox differently. Lee, Manbu studied and emphasized the individual interpretations of Daehak. Lim, Young was the strongest supporter of unorthodox. He supported the values of a Buddhist's invocation and the doctrines of Wang, Yangming and had a impartial attitude towards the philosophy of Ki and Taoism. In this transformation of the study of Neo-Confucian classics, to some extent there was an academic attitude to response under the historical change as the foundation And it was revealed that the distinctions of the study of Neo-Confucian classics in the later Lee dynasty were not so different from the ones of a realistic study of Confucian classics.

      • KCI등재

        이능화의 한국 양명학 연구

        이우진(Lee, Woo-Jin), 최재목(Choi, Jae-Mok) 한국양명학회 2015 陽明學 Vol.0 No.42

        이 논문은 ‘한국 양명학 연구의 초석을 마련한 인물'로서 이능화(李能和)에 대한 탐구이다. 먼저, 이능화가 양명학이 어떤 측면에서 “주자학에 대항할 수 있는 가장 서구적인(=서구화할 수 있는) 사상 유형”으로 자리매김할 수 있다고 생각했는지에 대해 탐색하였다. 그 연장선에서 ‘주자학을 서구근대화의 장애물'로 판단하게 된 이유를 검토하였다. 다음으로 이능화의 조선유계지양명학파 에서 나타난 한국 양명학의 연구 관점이나 자료수집의 폭이 어떤 것이며, 그것이 이후 한국 양명학 연구자들에게 어떠한 영향을 끼쳤는지를 구체적으로 검토해보았다. 이능화는 조선을 ‘사상속박시대'라고 비난할 정도로 오직 주자학만을 유일무이한 학문으로 존숭하였던 조선 유교에 대해 비판적 입장을 지녔다. 그에 따르면, 조선의 교조주의는 근본적으로 사대주의(事大主義)에 기인한 것이었다. 또한 그러한 교조주의는 당파의 분열을 발생시켜 유교의 특장점인 정치적 · 윤리적인 사회철학적 성격을 상실케 되었다고 파악한다. 반면 이능화는 양명학을 시대변혁의 방향에 새로운 가능성을 지닌 사상으로 파악한 듯 하다. ‘전근대적인 주자학'을 탈피하여 당시의 역사적 사명인 ‘서구근대화를 이룰 수 있는 사상'으로 양명학을 바라보았던 것으로 유추된다. 이는 일본의 서구 근대화가 양명학이라는 이념적 기반에 이루어졌다는 사실에 기인한다. 이능화는 『조선유계지양명학파(朝鮮儒界之陽明學派)』에서 조선 양명학파를 학문적인 측면이 아니라 정치적인 측면에서 정리하였다. 그리고 그는 한국 양명학파를 성립시킨 인물로서 정제두로 제시하였으며, 남언경(南彦經)을 조선 최초의 양명학자로서 규정하였다. 다음으로 한국의 양명학 전래시기를 1567년 전후로 추정하였다. 이와 같은 그의 견해는 이후의 한국 양명학 연구자들에게도 고스란히 이어졌다. 특히 이능화는 조선의 양명학 배척을 역사적 사실을 통해 논증하였다. 이후 그의 한국 양명학 연구는 다카하시 도오루(高橋亨)에게 이어져 식민사관으로 재생산된다. 하지만 윤남한(尹南漢)과 유명종(劉明種)에 이르면 다카하시 도오루가 보여준 식민사관을 넘어서게 되고, 이능화가 마련한 인물 · 시각 · 자료 · 사건들을 그들의 한국 양명학 연구에서 근간으로 사용되고 있었다. 그 점에서 이능화는 ‘한국 양명학 연구의 초석을 마련한 인물'이라고 지칭해도 무리가 되지 않을 것이라 사료된다. This paper is aimed to study on Lee Nung-Hwa as ‘the drafter for research on Korean Yangmyeonghak(陽明學)'. First, we examined that why Lee considered Yangmyeonghak as most modern thought. In addition to this, We investigated that why he thought JuJahak(朱子學) as the obstacle of making Josun modern westernization. Second, we investigated Lee's Josunyukyejiyangmyeonghakpa(朝鮮儒界之陽明學派) for seeking his research perspective and scope of data collection about Korean Yangmyeonghak. And, we examined in particular that what Lee had influenced on researchers on Korean Yangmyeonghak since he published this Josunyukyejiyangmyeonghakpa . Lee described Josun(朝鮮) as ‘the spirit bondage era.' He had a very critical stance on the Josun Confucianism, because it only acknowledged JuJahak. At that time, any other thoughts except JuJahak were regarded as unorthodox. According to him, Jujahak dogmatism was due to toadyism basically. Jujahak dogmatism had generated multitudinous partisan brawls from the earliest days of Josun. So, the confucianim lost its advantages of ethical and political philosophy. But, Lee looked at Yangmyeonghak positively. He considered Yangmyeonghak as most modern thought. Because Yangmyeonghak was the ideological foundation of the Meiji Restoration. Lee organized the Korean Yangmyeonghak school at the political side, not the academic side in 『Josunyukyejiyangmyeonghakpa』. Lee described Jeongjedu(鄭齊斗) as the feature of establish Korean Yangmyeonghak school, and identified Namunkyung(南彦經) as the first Yangmyeonghak scholar inf Josun. And, Lee estimated the Yangmyeonghak transmission time as around 1567. Many researchers followed these his views. But, Lee analyzed the Korean Yangmyeonghak school from the perspective of colonial history. His perspective of colonial history was continued to Takahasi torou(高橋亨), but that perstpective had been refused by Yunnahan(尹南漢) and Yumyeongjong(劉明宗). However, people, data, and events selected by Lee had been accepted by almost all researchers. In that point, we identify Lee as the drafter for research on Korean Yangmyeonghak.

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        고구려(高句麗) 유민(遺民) 이타인(李他仁)의 족원(族源)과 책성(柵城) 욕살(褥薩) 수여(授與) 배경에 대한 고찰

        이민수 ( Lee Min-su ) 대구사학회 2017 대구사학 Vol.128 No.-

        李他仁은 高句麗 말기 柵城 褥薩이었다. 그동안 그의 族源에 대해서는 다양한 견해들이 제시되었다. 본고에서는 이타인의 족원을 고찰하고자, 고구려의 李氏姓 존재여부에 대해 검토하였다. 그 과정에서 600년 ?陽王의 명령으로 『新集』을 편찬한 李文眞의 존재와 渤海의 李氏들에 주목하여 고구려에 이씨성이 존재하였음을 입증하였다. 그리고 唐의 `賜姓李氏` 사례와 唐에서 활동한 李氏姓 고구려 遺民들의 특징을 비교한 결과 고구려에서 독자적인 `賜姓李氏`가 있던 것으로 파악하였다. 이를 기반으로 「李他仁墓誌銘」에 기재된 문구 및 고구려와 말갈의 관계를 분석하여 이타인은 고구려로부터 `사성이씨` 된 고구려인임을 확인하였다. 마지막으로 이타인이 책성 욕살에 수여된 배경에 대해 642년에 발발했던 淵蓋蘇文의 정변에 주목하였다. 여기에 高質 一家와의 비교를 통해 이타인 일가가 연개소문의 정변에 공적을 세운 까닭에 柵城 褥薩이 될 수 있던 것으로 추론하였다. Lee Ta-in was the Chaek Castle castellan at the end of the Goguryeo. In the meantime, various opinions have been raised about his ethnic origin. In this article I examine the existence of the Lee family in the Goguryeo to investigate the ethnic origin of the Lee Ta-in. In the process, I prove that there existed last name Lee in Goguryeo by paying attention to the existence of Lee Moon-jin who made a 『Sinjip』 by the King Yeongyang order in the 600th year and last name Lee in Balhae. And a comparison of the characteristics of Tang`s "give last name Lee" and displaced people of Goguryeo of last name Lee who were active in the Tang proved that there existed a unique "give last name Lee" in Goguryeo. Based on this analysis, I analyzed the phrases written in 「Lee Ta-in`s Epitaph」 and analyzed the relationship between Goguryeo and Malgal, and confirmed that Lee Ta-inwas an Goguryeon who was "give last name Lee" from Goguryeo Finally it paid attention to revolution of Yeon Gaesomun which originated in 642 about the Background awarded to Chaek Castle castellan of Lee Ta-in. In comparison with the Go Jil family, I could deduce that Lee Ta-in family was able to receive the last name Lee because the Lee Ta-in family established considerable achievements in the revolution of the Yeon Gaesomun. (Researcher Of ELEVEN R&D Institute / ekrrkdwjd@naver.com)

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        『증참의공적소시가(贈參議公謫所詩歌)』를 통해 본 이광명(李匡明) 한시(漢詩)의 일고찰

        이승용 ( Lee Seung-yong ) 근역한문학회 2018 漢文學論集 Vol.50 No.-

        李匡明(1701 1778)은 號가 海嶽丈人으로, 江華學의 개창자인 霞谷 鄭齊斗(1649~1736)의 제자이자 孫壻이며, 椒園 李忠翊(1744~1816)의 養父이다. 이른 나이에 부친을 여의고 江華島로 이주하여 1755년 乙亥獄事가 일어나기 전까지 鄭齊斗의 江華學을 전수받아 학문에 침잠하였지만, 치열한 老少黨爭의 소용돌이에서 일어난 을해옥사가 그의 삶을 송두리째 바꿔놓았다. 을해옥사가 일어난 그해에 伯父 李眞儒(1669~1730)에 追律되어 北關의 甲山으로 귀양을 갔다가 24년간의 유배 끝에 결국 무술년(1778, 정조2)에 謫所에서 78세로 생을 마감하였다. 이광명이 비록 기나긴 유배로 불우한 삶을 살았지만, 甲山은 그에게 새로운 문학 창작의 공간이었으며, 그 속에서 자기만의 독특한 색채를 지닌 詩作을 남겼다. 이광명의 한시를 한 마디로 말하면 ‘孤獨과 哀愁의 悲歌'라 할 수 있다. 沈魯崇(1762~1836)은 機張 유배지에서 이광명의 從弟인 李匡顯이 남긴 1首의 시를 보고 “고통으로 가득한 情境이 시를 읽는 이로 하여금 다 읽지 못하게 만든다.”라고 말하였다. 이광명의 한시도 이와 유사한 詩情과 詩境을 내포하고 있는데, 孤獨과 悲哀가 지배적 정조를 이루고 있으며, 자신의 내면에서 일어나는 갈등과 정서를 절제와 꾸밈없이 그대로 표출하였다. 이는 이광명의 한시가 다른 유배 한시와 지니는 변별점이며, 한시의 창작에서 수사적 기교나 語句의 조탁보다는 진정한 性情의 발로를 더 우위에 둔 그의 창작경향에서 비롯된 결과로 보인다. 다음으로 이광명은 甲山의 풍물과 인물에 대해 관심을 가지고 이를 적극적으로 漢詩에 담아내었다. 북관의 ‘風土記'라 할 수 있는 이러한 유형의 작품은 조선후기 유배시의 범주에서 보더라도 큰 의미가 있다. 유배지의 문화, 풍속, 인물 등 갑산의 다양한 모습을 포착하여 그 당시 지역민의 현실과 생활상을 담아내었고, 당시 유배객들처럼 양반 관료의 의식과 시각이 아니라, 평범한 선비의 시선으로 자신의 눈앞에 펼쳐진 새로운 공간을 더욱 사실적으로 그려냈기 때문이다. 또 이러한 유형의 한시에서는 이쥬풍속통 에서는 볼 수 없는 좀 더 다채로운 갑산의 인문지리적 환경과 풍토를 엿볼 수 있기에 더욱 그렇다. 마지막으로 형식적인 면에서 보자면 이광명은 古詩를 적극적으로 창작에 활용하여 시험적 시도를 하였는데, 이러한 점에서 5언과 7언의 정형성을 탈피하여 자신이 표출하고자 하는 내면의 감정과 소재를 좀 더 적극적으로 詩作化했던 그의 노력과 새로운 시도를 엿볼 수 있다. 이러한 유형의 古詩는 이광명 개인의 시적 재능과 역량을 가늠하는데 중요한 작품이기도 하다. Lee, Gwang-myeong had a pen name of ‘Haeakjangin', who was a disciple and the grandson-in-law of Ha Gok(pen name), Jeong, Je-doo, the founder of Ganghwa School. He lost his father at an early age and moved to Ganghwa Island, where he immersed himself in the scholarship receiving the lesson of Ganghwa School of Jeong, Je-doo before the occurrence of Eulhaeoksa(Death in prison in the Year of the Swine) in 1755, but the incident of Eulhaeoksa arisen among the fierce political fight between the parties of Noron and Soron totally changed his life. In the year of the occurrence of the incident of Eulhaesaok, he was branded as a rebel linked with his uncle Lee, Jin-yu and exiled to the town of Gapsan in the Northern Gateway, where he finally ended his life at the age of 78 after 24 years of exile. Although Lee, Gwang-myeong lived an unfortunate life in a long exile, Gapsan, the place of exile, was a space for him to create new Chinese poems. In one word of Lee, Gwang-myeong's poems, it can be said that it is ‘a sad song of solitude and sorrow'. When Sim, No-sung saw a poem left by Lee, Gwang-hyeon who was Lee, Gwang-myeong's younger cousin of paternal side, he said that “The landscape full of pain makes it impossible for anyone to read the poem to the finish.”. Lee, Gwang-myeong's Chinese poems also contain poetic mood and level similar to this poem, in which solitude and sorrow are the dominant atmosphere, and he expressed his inner conflicts and emotions as they were without moderation and embellishment. This is the distinctive feature of Lee, Gwang-myeong's poems from other poems created in the place of exile, and it seems to have resulted from his tendency of creation emphasizing the manifestation of real scene(nature) rather than rhetorical techniques or carving of phrases when creating Chinese poems. And, Lee, Gwang-myeong took an interest in the scenery and characters of Gapsan and actively captured them in his poems. This type of work, which can be described as the "topography" of the Northern Gateway, has great significance even in the category of the exile poetry in the late Joseon Dynasty. Because he captured various aspects of Gapsan including the culture, customs, and characters of the exile, and presented the reality and lifestyle of the local people at that time. And, he painted the new space spread out in front of him more realistically, not with the spirit and perspective of an aristocrat or bureaucrat, but with the eyes of an ordinary scholar. Moreover, this type of Chinese poems also offers a glimpse of more diverse human geographical environment and climate of Gapsan, which are not found in the poetry of “Yizupungsoktong”. Finally, from a formal point of view, Lee, Gwang-myeong made a trial attempt actively using the ancient poems for creative purposes. In this regard, we can get a glimpse of his efforts and new attempts to express the inner emotions and materials that he was trying to express by moving away from the formation of ‘five Chinese characters in each line' and ‘seven Chinese characters in each line'. This type of ancient poems is also an important piece of work to measure the personal poetic talent and capacity of Lee, Gwang-myeong.

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        (기획논문) 1643년 계미사행을 전후한 화원 이기룡의 행적 및 활동

        이정은 ( Lee Jeong-eun ) 부산광역시 시사편찬위원회 2017 항도부산 Vol.33 No.-

        화원 이기룡(李起龍, 1600~?)은 계미사행(癸未使行, 1643)의 수행화원(隨行畵員)이다. 계미사행은 조선화 또는 수행화원의 그림에 대한 일본 측의 요구가 폭증하면서 수행화원의 역할과 입지에도 변화가 나타난 사행이었다. 사실 계미사행부터는 통신사의 성격이 정치·군사적 면보다는 문화사절단으로서의 측면이 강화되었고, 이에 따라 수행화원의 활동 역시 본격화되었다. 조·일간 문화교류사의 측면에서 조선통신사를 연구한다고 할 때, 수행화원의 역할과 활약을 고찰하는 것은 매우 중요한 의미를 지니는 것이다. 그럼에도 불구하고 이기룡의 사행 기록은 물론이고 국내활동에 대한 기록도 소략하여 그의 연구는 입체적으로 이뤄지지 못하였다. 이에 본고는 이기룡의 계미사행 활동을 중심으로 전후 활동을 고찰해 보았다. 병자사행에 이어 이기룡이 파견된 계미사행 당시 일본 화단은 선화가 일대 유행이었다. 선화로 인해 병자사행에 이어 방일한 김명국과는 달리 그의 선화는 알려진 작품이 없다. 선화를 그려 남긴 김명국과는 달리 선화 한 점을 전하지 않는다는 것은 파견된 두 명의 화원의 역할과 활동에서 차이가 있었음을 짐작하게 하는 점이다. 수행화원으로서 일본측 구청에 응하는 그림을 그려 남긴 김명국은 그의 활동 이력이 고스란히 기록물을 통해 전하는 반면 이기룡의 활동은 찾기가 어렵다. 이러한 이유는 정묘호란(인조 5)과 병자호란(인조 14)을 겪은 조선이 대외활동에서 상대국의 군사정보를 그림으로 기록하고자 했던 바를 이기룡이 비밀리에 수행했던 바에서 비롯된 것으로 사료된다. 이런 추측은 이기룡이, 이홍규를 이은 화원가문인 점과 사행 이전 1638년 『인조장렬후가례반차도』를 제작하는 데 인조가 아꼈던 이징(李澄, 1581∼?)과 함께 참여한 점 등에서 미뤄볼 수 있다. 그의 현존하는 일본사행 작품은 말 그림으로 당시 긴박했던 사행과는 동떨어지면서도, 국내의궤 활동에서 볼 수 있는 세밀한 묘사가 두드러진 것을 미뤄보아서 사행 이전의 작품으로 추정된다. 즉 해당 작품은 일본 측의 요청으로 사전 제작해서, 일본으로 가지고 간 것으로 무게를 두었다. 단독으로 참여한 1631년 『선조목릉천장산릉도감의궤』의 사신도와 비교하면 정교한 필치와 안정적인 구도를 기본으로 하고 있는 점 등을 들 수 있다. 이기룡은 다른 회차에 파견된 수행화원들과 마찬가지로 사행 이후에 활발한 국내활동을 이어간 화원으로 볼 수 있으며 이 역시 부친과 가문의 영향이 컸다고 본다. 그런데 이기룡의 아들 이형정의 공적ㆍ사적 활동 기록이 전무한 점과 1661년 의궤 참여를 마지막으로 공적 활동이 없는 점 등은 이후 가문의 세력이 축소되었음을 알 수 있었다. 그는 한 개인의 화가로서보다 조선을 대표하는 화원이라는 공적 입장에 있었고, 그의 활약도 그런 범주 내에서 평가되어 왔다. 개인 작품이 현존하지 않는 수행화원 이기룡의 행적 범주를 좀 더 확산시켜 그의 가문적 배경과 도화서 내에서의 활약까지 두루 조망해 봄으로써 수행화원 이전과 이후의 내·외연적 활동을 고찰하였다. Painter Lee Gi-ryong (李起龍, 1600~ ) is an entourage painter of Gyemisahaeng (癸未使行, 1643). Gyemisahaeng was a journey in which there was a change in the role and position of the entourage painters as Japan`s demand for Joseon paintings or paintings of entourage painters increased. In fact, since Gyemisahaeng, the nature of the envoys was strengthened as a cultural delegation rather than a political and military aspect. When studying Joseon Envoys in terms of cultural exchanges between Joseon and Japan, it is very important to examine the role and performance of the entourage painters. Nonetheless, Lee Gi-ryong`s journey records as well as the record of his domestic activities were negligent and studies on him were not fully conducted. In this paper, this study reviewed pre- and post-activities of Gyemisahaeng focusing on Lee Gi-ryong`s Gyemisahaeng activities. When Lee Gi-ryong was dispatched to Gyemisahaeng following the Byeongja journey, line drawing was an art trend in Japanese painting circles. Due to line drawing, unlike Kim Myeong-guk who joined Gyemisahaeng following Byeongja journey, there are no known works of Lee Gi-ryong` line drawing. Unlike Kim Myeong-guk, who left a line drawing, Lee Gi-ryong did not leave a piece of a line drawing, which suggests that there was a difference in the roles and activities of the two painters dispatched. As an entourage painter, Kim Myeong-guk, who had drawn pictures to respond to the request of the Japanese side, conveyed his activity history through the records while it is difficult to find Lee Gi-ryong`s activities. It is thought that Joseon undergoing Jeongmyohoran (Injo 5) and Byeongjahoran (Injo 14) was supposed to try to record the military information of the other country in the diplomatic activities and this mission may have been given to Lee Gi-ryong. He was a painter who represented Joseon in a public position rather than as an individual painter, and his performance has been evaluated within such a category. As an entourage painter, Lee Gi-ryong whose personal works do not exist, was studied by extending the category of Painter Lee Gi-ryong`s activities further, to examine his inner and outer activities before and after the entourage painter by looking into his family background and his activities in Dohwaseo.

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        관북의 로컬리티와 이용악의 초기 시

        이경수(Lee, Kyung-Soo) 한국시학회 2014 한국시학연구 Vol.- No.41

        The purposes of this study were to examine Lee Yong-ak's poetry in connection to that of his contemporary fellow poets from Hamgyeong Province and understand his early poems and activities in the poetical circles in relation to the locality of the Gwanbuk region. The study reached the new following conclusions: Accepting the opinions from previous studies that raised a question as to whether one could see Lee Seong-ak, who published Before the Spirit of Deceased Father in the “Beginning” coterie magazine as one of its members and GalnimㅅGil in the “Romance” magazine, as Lee Yong-ak, the study demonstrated the possibility that the two were the same person. In the process, the investigator demonstrated that the two works of Lee Seong-ak contained the style characteristics of Lee Yong-ak and also similarities to his works in terms of poetic words and topics. In addition, the study added the fact that Shin Dong-cheol worked in the “Reality of Poetry” coterie along with Lee Su-hyeong and published works in Manseonilbo with him based on the possibility that “Oiwooshingun” in the subtitle of GalnimㅅGil could be Shin Dong-cheol, Lee Yong-ak's hometown friend and poet, thus raising the possibility that Lee Seong-ak and Lee Yong-ak were the same person. It was also demonstrated that there were many similarities in terms of poetic situations between Before the Spirit of Deceased Father and Lee Yong-ak's life and Full of the Sound of Grasshoppers. It was also mentioned that the hometown of Ban Sang-gyu, one of the “Beginning” coterie members, was Hamheung relatively close to that of Lee Yong-ak and that Ban's poems had affinity with those of Lee Yong-ak in some poetic characteristics including the depiction of wandering people. According to the “Roundtable Talk about ‘Folk Culture' of Authors from Gwanbuk and Manchuria” examined in the study, there was a perception that the culture and language of the Gwanbuk region were generally rough, tough, crude, and masculine due to the influence of its conditions. It seems that Lee Yong-ak sought after linguistic universalism rather than creating with a folk dialect, but the northern geographical environment, history, and resulting sentiment were working in the ethnic colors and sentiments in his works. He opened his eyes to the reality of wandering people early and developed a perception and awakening of the reality of colonized Joseon, which was a common feature among the poets from Gwanbuk. It is thus needed to conduct more researches on his poetry in relation to the locality of Gwanbuk. Previous studies that discussed his poetry as a northern poet did not pay attention to differences between Gwanseo and Gwanbuk. Researchers will be able to investigate the nature of his early poetry in the middle and late 1930s more clearly by carrying out full-blown inquiries into the locality of Gwanbuk distinguished from that of Seobuk under the influence of Dosan Ahn Chang-ho.

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        전투력 요소로 본 이순신의 전투준비태세와 초기전투 승리요인

        이경식(Lee, Gyeong-sig) 국방부 군사편찬연구소 2016 군사 Vol.- No.98

        This study focuses on how General Lee achieved continuous victories in the beginning of Japanese invasion. Unlike previous studies that focused on the victory factors on the water, this study focuses on analyses of General Lee's combat preparation and emphasized combat capability during initial stages of battles, which defeated Japanese forces. The background of General Lee's substantial war preparation came from the battle of Japanese invasion led by Hong-Yang in the Year of Jeong-Hae (1587). By developing the foundation for discipline and commanding system based on the past experience, Lee focused on creative, yet stuck to the basic war-preparation. One of Lee's creative works was that he collected information of Japanese combat style to create his battle strategies: to deny enemy"s climbing up the warship, but to be close enough to target enemy ships with turtle ships, and to inspect the war preparations. For the war preparations, Lee inspected ships, various weapons, and defense system on the field. But most importantly, Lee's victorious background originated from his nationally scaled propulsion for increasing the number of war-ships, development of cannons specially designed for battles against Japanese forces. When the actual Lim-Gin Japanese invasion occurred, Lee was fully prepared to go to the war against Japan by utilizing the effective reporting system, which reached to Right naval HQ located in Jeon-Ra provinces, observatory posts, and central government in a very short time. Lee also prepared for all possible routes of Japanese incomings and settled his navy on sea of Gyeong-Sang waiting for the imminent battle command from the government. In order to execute Command & Control system in the battle at the sea of Gyeong-Sang, Lee required strict command system, and hierarchy with Won-Gyun and Uk-Gi Lee's fleet, which allowed well-coordinated strategic system. Also, strategy integrated intelligence, maneuver, fires, and force protections against Japanese Force. First, spot the enemy, approach with fleets during earl dawn when security is assured, then charge with turtle ships and full-on assailment of cannons with Pan-Ok ships to defeat Japanese Navy. After such strategy, Lee quickly ran away from the battle scene in order to prepare for the possible ambush attacks and buy some maintenance time for his navy. In summary, Lee achieved the victory via analyzing Japanese Navy's current status, geography, water current, surround and attack strategy, ambush attacks, and effective maneuvers, which integrated with turtle ships and navy's fire power. He also inspected his forces, fleets, and other weapons to sustain his combat capabilities. He distributed loots from the battles to his soldiers to alleviate their fear and fatigue. The most important victory factor would be Lee's victory oriented leadership. His leadership highlighted field focused operations, principles, executions, and keen discernment, which contributed to flexible strategies, all with courage, fairness, people and his navy. In order to win the war, combat capability had to be performed at its best, and Lee's victories at the initial battles exemplify preparation for the war and successful coordination of combat capability with his leadership in the naval battles.

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