농협 목우촌 고객불편 사전/사후예방활동을 통한 고객만족경영 사례 연구 : 소비자중심경영(CCM) 인증 제도 중심으로

윤주옥,조유안 한국서비스경영학회 2021 한국서비스경영학회 학술대회 Vol.2021 No.11

What Matabryne the Queen Mother Wants in Chevalere Assigne

윤주옥 한국중세근세영문학회 2011 중세르네상스 영문학 Vol.19 No.1

One peculiar aspect of the fourteen century English romance Chevalere Assigne is that Matabryne the queen mother is represented as the sole and formidable antagonist of all the characters in the text. When her daughter-in-law gives birth to seven children, the queen mother replaces her newborn grandchildren with seven whelps and plots to drown them. She makes the king imprison the apparently sinful queen for over a decade and then instigates him to burn her at the stake. Later when the Swan Knight (Chevalere Assigne), one of the seven grandchildren whose lives have been miraculously spared, appears to save his mother from being burnt in a field, the queen mother attacks the young knight in person, and then strives to kill him in the combat that she had set up. Scholarship of Chevalere Assigne has repeatedly pointed out that the queen mother is the principal villain, simply attributing her aggression wielded against others to her fallen nature. In this essay, I would argue that, read in the specific context of later medieval royal household, the romance’s delineations of the old queen mother may be imbued with contemporary socio-cultural assumptions and anxieties over the strong old royal mother, one of which may be that her agency and influence can become powerful enough to mislead and override the male sovereign authority and to interrupt the succession of the royal lineage. With this intention in mind, I want to focus my discussion of Chevalere Assigne on what Matabryne the queen mother may want.

“Þat louely foode”: Relationships between Mothersand Daughters-in-law in Floris and Blancheflour and the Constance Romances

윤주옥 한국영어영문학회 2009 영어 영문학 Vol.55 No.6

In this essay, I compare the ways in which the mid-thirteenth century English romance, Floris and Blancheflour, represents relationships of the Spanish pagan queen to her adoptive Christian daughter who becomes her daughter-in-law, with the ways in which Chaucer’s Man of Law’s Tale and other so-called Constance romances delineate relationships between mothers-in-law and daughters-in-law. What draws me into these romances is the fact that they both convey the intergenerational relationships of women. However, the texts become distinct from each other in the way in which each depicts women characters and their relationships with one another. In this paper, I argue that the level of intimacy that the mother-in-law figure has with the daughter-in-law figure plays a defining role in making the former perform her agency for or against the latter. In the Man of Law’s Tale and other Constance romances, the daughter-inlaw figure is in every sense an alien or ‘outsider’ to the mother-in-law figure. To the contrary, Blancheflour in Floris is a sort of ‘insider’ to the queen because they lived in the same household for fourteen years— ever since the girl’s birth. The queen, therefore, should have a high degree of intimacy with Blancheflour. I argue that the pagan queen’s intimacy to the daughter of a Christian-European captive has enabled the queen to protect the girl as her adoptive daughter first and as a daughterin- law second, namely contributing to her unreserved endorsement of the inter-racial-religious-class union between her only son, Floris, and Blancheflour. This is one major factor that distinguishes the relationship of the queen and Blancheflour in Floris from the dysfunctional relationships of mothers-in-law and daughters-in-law in the late medieval Constance romances, where women of different generations are strangers to each other, and no way is imagined for women of different races and religions to get along with each other. In this essay, I compare the ways in which the mid-thirteenth century English romance, Floris and Blancheflour, represents relationships of the Spanish pagan queen to her adoptive Christian daughter who becomes her daughter-in-law, with the ways in which Chaucer’s Man of Law’s Tale and other so-called Constance romances delineate relationships between mothers-in-law and daughters-in-law. What draws me into these romances is the fact that they both convey the intergenerational relationships of women. However, the texts become distinct from each other in the way in which each depicts women characters and their relationships with one another. In this paper, I argue that the level of intimacy that the mother-in-law figure has with the daughter-in-law figure plays a defining role in making the former perform her agency for or against the latter. In the Man of Law’s Tale and other Constance romances, the daughter-inlaw figure is in every sense an alien or ‘outsider’ to the mother-in-law figure. To the contrary, Blancheflour in Floris is a sort of ‘insider’ to the queen because they lived in the same household for fourteen years— ever since the girl’s birth. The queen, therefore, should have a high degree of intimacy with Blancheflour. I argue that the pagan queen’s intimacy to the daughter of a Christian-European captive has enabled the queen to protect the girl as her adoptive daughter first and as a daughterin- law second, namely contributing to her unreserved endorsement of the inter-racial-religious-class union between her only son, Floris, and Blancheflour. This is one major factor that distinguishes the relationship of the queen and Blancheflour in Floris from the dysfunctional relationships of mothers-in-law and daughters-in-law in the late medieval Constance romances, where women of different generations are strangers to each other, and no way is imagined for women of different races and religions to get along with each other.

Leprosy, Miracles, and Morality in Amis and Amiloun

윤주옥 한국중세근세영문학회 2010 중세르네상스 영문학 Vol.18 No.1

Scholarship of the fourteenth-century Middle English romance Amis and Amiloun has been divided in its interpretations of the implications of Amiloun’s leprosy and the supernatural elements, including the two miracles—Amiloun’s healing from leprosy and the resurrection of Amis’s children—that are employed at the end of the romance as solutions to problems that no human or human virtue can solve. Some modern critics have expressed discomfort with the pronounced Christian didactic intent that the romance articulates. In this paper, I reinterpret the romance by examining the significance of Amiloun’s leprosy and the two miracles in the context of the romance’s Christian moral stance. I introduce two contrasting medieval attitudes towards leprosy—leprosy as punishment and leprosy as a blessing. Unlike many critics of the romance who understand Amiloun’s leprosy as a divine punishment for his false swearing in the combat and his impertinence against God, I read his disease as a blessing in disguise: the disease makes the leprous Amiloun and other characters, including Amis and Belisaunt, acknowledge God’s grace and mercy as their ultimate resort. I interpret the two miracles as instruments employed to emphasize this Christian morality of the romance.

An Encounter of Lyric and Epistle: Textualization of “Partyng” in Late Middle English Epistolary Love Lyrics

윤주옥 한국중세근세영문학회 2013 중세르네상스 영문학 Vol.21 No.1

In this essay, I want to closely examine the ways in which the theme of “partyng,” absence, or separation is textualized in three late medieval English epistolary love lyrics. Medieval English epistolary love poems are believed to have taken the form and gained currency by the late Middle Ages. It is normally assumed that the rapid spread of letters as a popular mode of written communication, alongside the development of literacy among laity and the increasing availability of paper at lower prices in place of expensive parchment, proliferated this particular literary genre in the late fourteenth and especially fifteenth centuries. In the course of elaborating the main theme, I point out that, as a peculiar body of cultural artifacts of the late Middle Ages, medieval love lyrics are less genuine manifestations of the poets’ personal affects than conventional and (near-) public performances. It is an interesting phenomenon that, against the post-Renaissance and Romantic expectations of love letters as private, secret, intimate, one salient theme that the medieval love poems feature is the separation or distance between the lover-speaker and the lady. Then, like some medievalists, I also recognize medieval letters as one (quasi-) public mode of communication, considering the medieval epistolary practices that welcome this line of interpretation. I argue that despite the predominant medieval assumption or belief of the epistle as a loyal representation of the spoken words, it cannot be denied that letters only represent and cannot be equivalent to the writer and the recipient themselves. I hope that examining the three late Middle English love lyrics will more or less showcase this idea.

바이런의 『돈쥬앙』에 나타나는 여성의 섹슈얼리티에 대한 이중적인 태도 : 칸토 1에서 칸토 4까지

윤주옥 서강영문학회 1996 서강영문학 Vol.7 No.-

영국의 낭만주의 시인들 중에서 바이런은 모든 영역에서 개인과 사회의 자유를 추구했던 가장 탁월한 수호자로 알려져 왔다. 앤드류 루서포드(A. Rutherford) 같은 유명한 비평가는 “바이런이 갖고 있던 자유에 대한 사랑과 억압에 대한 미움이 시인으로서 뿐만 아니라 한 인간으로서 그의 가장 매력적인 모습니다.”(182)라고 말한다. 바이런과 그의 문학작품에 대하여 이런 평가를 가능하게 만드는 가장 근본적이고 설득력이 있는 근거는 바이런이 그의 삶의 대부분을 정치, 종교, 예술, 철학 등의 영역에서 뿐만 아니라 그 자신의 사적인 성생활에서 까지 기존의 규범에 대항한 반항자이자 심지어는 난봉꾼으로 보냈다는 사실에서 비롯되는 것 같다. 특히 바이런이 그의 이복 누나와의 근친 상간적인 성관계와 여러 여성들과의 문란한 성생활을 통하여 당대 사회의 성에 관련된 모랄들을 깨뜨렸다는 점과 그가 자신의 시 속에서 성에 관련된 관습들을 전복적으로 그리고 있다는 점, 그리고 당시 영국 사회의 지식인들로부터 상당히 심한 비난을 받았고 그의 모국인 영국으로부터 결국에는 추방을 당하는 일을 겪었다는 사실들은 많은 비평가들로 하여금 바이런을 낭만주의자들 가운데에서 관습에 의하여 억압되어 왔던 섹슈얼리티를 해방시키고자 노력했던 가장 대표적인 사람으로 평가하게 만드는 것 같다.

“For a Letter Does Not Blush”: The Signification of Troilus’s Letters in Troilus and Criseyde

윤주옥 한국외국어대학교 영미연구소 2014 영미연구 Vol.31 No.-

This essay is about Troilus and Criseyde, Geoffrey Chaucer’sre-rendering of an Italian poem Il Filostrato, written by GiovannieBoccaccio in the late 1330s. The poem narrates itself around the amatoryinception, advance, and dissolution that take place between Troilus, son ofKing Priam of Troy, and Criseyde, who is a young and beautiful noblewidow. The second and the fifth books of the poem register bodies ofaccounts where Troilus and Criseyde communicate with each other throughletters. This paper focuses on the accounts where Troilus’s letters arepresented in summary or verbatim. His letters demonstrate differentfunctions and meanings, depending upon what emotional and materialcircumstances he finds himself in and with what intentions hecommunicates. Troilus employs his first letter as a sort of paper deputy ofhis affection toward Criseyde. His own unmanly emotions such as shameand shyness, as well as the unfamiliarity between him and her, make himprefer to epistolize his heart rather than to orally communicate it to herface to face. However, by the time he composes his last letters, thephysical distance that separates him from Criseyde is now the one bigobstacle that he must overcome. Troilus’s last letters illustrate his effortsmade on the deployment of physical and affective language that would helphim to inscribe the senses of presence and intimacy.

문자 (文字)의 의미에 관한 연구 -letter와 character를 중심으로

윤주옥 연세대학교 인문학연구원 2012 人文科學 Vol.95 No.-

This paper aims to explore the exact meanings and usages of the two English words,“letter” and “character”, principally by using six dictionaries, two of which are Cobuild English Dictionary(CED) and Oxford English Dictionary(OED), and the rest of which are English-Korean dictionaries published in Korea. “Letter” and “character” are two of the most commonly adopted English words to represent “moon-ja”, but they are notoriously confusing to Korean scholars who have ever tried to translate them into Korean, and also the Korean “moon-ja” into English. In hopes to help to resolve this confusion and to suggest better ways to utilize these two English words in relation to “moon-ja”, this paper was initiated. The word “letter”, whose grandparent being the classical Latin littera, and parent being the Old and Middle French lettre, primarily represents the sounds of words or speech, whereas the word “character,” whose origin is the Greek χαρακτήρ, appears to represent not only sounds but also marks, symbols, or other signs, thereby locating itself higher than “letter” in hierarchy. While “letter” refers to the symbols of the phonetic alphabet, such as the Korean alphabet and the Roman alphabet, “character”refers to the signs of the logographic/ideographic system, most notably including the Chinese script, that is believed to have imitated objects in nature in its origin and therefore to contain the intrinsic meaning within its signs. The inherent perception of the tools and materials, by and on which signs were formed, and the magical function with which “character” was associated, also seem to have made “character” a better word for the logographic/ideographic system. These accounts help to explain why “the letters of the Korean alphabet” is more accurate than “the characters of the Korean alphabet”, and “Chinese characters”, than “Chinese letters”.

『멀린의 삶』에서 “몰겐”과 켈트 신화

윤주옥 한국고전중세르네상스영문학회 2018 중세근세영문학 Vol.28 No.1

This paper aims to investigate the indeterminate complexity of “Morgen” [i.e. Morgan] in Geoffrey of Monmouth’s Vita Merlini in relation to relevant motifs of the Celtic mythology. Written in Latin in the mid twelfth-century (between 1148 and 1154), the Vita Merlini is a highly important piece of work in the study of Morgan, in that she made her debut as a literary character in this work, and that it is Geoffrey in this poem who is claimed to have first made the connection between Morgan and King Arthur, who, though, are not siblings as yet. Some Arthurian critics have insisted that Morgan was initially a good character of strong agency in the twelfth century, but she was besmirched from the thirteenth century on, mostly in vernaculars by male Arthurian authors who could not abide the positive image of a powerful, good woman. However, I concur with a more recent claim that even in the twelfth century Morgan is often portrayed as an ambiguous character who cannot be situated by the dichotomous good-evil line of interpretation and instead simultaneously embodies the contrasts of light and darkness, life and death, day and night, protection and destruction, etc. In this vein, Vita Merlini distinguishes itself again among the several twelfth-century Arthurian texts, in that this poem better captures the multivalence of Morgan, without sacrificing the dark side of hers, as some of the contemporary texts often do. To illuminate Morgan’s complexity in full scale, I draw on some motifs of the Celtic myth, including the hero’s journey into the land of fay women and the shape-shifting Morrigan who both loves and hates the hero Cuchulainn. Hopefully, this excursus will offer a more well-rounded approach to the character of Morgan.

글래스톤베리의 아서 왕: 진실과 허구, 과거와 현재 사이

윤주옥 한국서양중세사학회 2020 西洋中世史硏究 Vol.- No.46

A small rural town in Somerset, England, Glastonbury has gained its reputation as a major Arthurian site within Britain’s mythical geography since the late twelfth century, and it still enjoys the reputation nowadays. This paper aims to follow and investigate how Glastonbury earned such title, sharpening focus on the history of benedictine Glanstonbury Abbey. The crux of this paper is that the connection between King Arthur and Glastonbury is the consequence of the abbey’s deliberate, persistent, and extended investments as ways to cope with its multiple crises in post Norman Conquest period, both financial and ecclesiastical, that threatened its time-honored existence and legacy as one of the oldest Christian monasteries in England and, arguably, in Europe. The undertaking began in the onset of the twelfth century by commissioning noted historians, including William of Malmesbury and Caradoc of Llancarfan, to produce chronicles that would embellish the monastery and its founding fathers and legends. By the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries when Gerald of Wales was working on his two chronicles, the abbey had King Arthur as its most famous and generous benefactor whose body it had just recently exhumed in its own ground, and it also gained another name Avalon, a Celtic otherworldly site to which the mortally wounded Arthur was claimed to have been carried off after the Battle of Camlan. Glastonbury’s legacy as the most important Arthurian site in England appears to have flourished, as the mid-15th century Thomas Malory and the late twentieth-century Marion Z. Bradley testify, though it sometimes has done so in unorthodox, ground-breaking twists. 영국 남서쪽 서머셋에 위치한 작은 시골 마을인 글래스톤베리는 12세기 후반부터 오늘날까지 영국에서 가장 신화적인 장소 중 한 곳으로 알려져 왔다. 본 논문의 목적은 어떤 연유와 과정을 거쳐서 아서 왕 전설이 글래스톤베리를 대표하는 신화 담론이 되었는가를 글래스톤베리 수도원 역사를 추적하면서 살펴본다. 아서 왕이 글래스톤베리 수도원을 대표하는 인물이 된 것은 12세기 초반부터 14세기 중엽까지 그곳 수도사들이 수도원의 전통과 명성, 그리고 독립성을 지키려고 쏟은 지속적인 노력의 결과로 볼 수 있다. 그들은 한편으로는 몰멜스베리의 윌리암, 란카판의 카라독, 웨일즈의 제랄드와 같은 유명 연대기 작가를 고용하거나 다머햄의 아담, 글래스톤베리의 존과 같은 내부 인력을 동원해서 수도원을 옹호할 수 있는 담론을 문자의 힘을 빌려 계속 재생산하고, 다른 한편으로는 1191년에 있었던 아서 왕 유해 발굴 사건이 예시하듯이 필요한 경우 유적(물)을 새로 만들어내는 일도 감행했다. 글래스톤베리 수도원이 그렇게 만든 아서 왕 전설은 글래스톤베리를 영국에서 가장 중요한 신화적 장소로 만들어 주었고, 그것은 또한 일종의 유산으로서 중세뿐만 아니라 오늘날까지 이어지고 있다. 하지만, 모든 신화나 전설이 그러하듯이, 글래스톤베리의 아서 왕 이야기도 시간이 흐르면서 시대적, 문화적 요구와 믿음에 맞게 적응하고 진화해 온 것으로 보인다. 그 예로 15세기 중엽 토머스 말로리와 20세기 후반 마리온 짐머 브래들리가 그리는 글래스톤베리와 아서 왕에 대한 이야기를 살펴본다.