接觸安定化工程에 依한 牛乳廢水의 淨化機能에 關하여

윤종석 嶺南大學校 1982 국내석사

중국 농민공의 개발공헌 지위와 복지 수급 : 광동성 사례의 분석과 함의

윤종석 서울대학교 대학원 2019 국내박사

Since its reform and opening, China's rapid economic growth and social change have been carried out in an experimental and progressive manner centered on local governments. This process led to the spread of nationwide reform and opening through the rapid economic growth of some regions with political and economic conditions on the one hand, but on the other, the pragmatic reforms under "developmental pluralism" brought about the exclusion and stratification of very complex patterns in the daily lives of ordinary people as socialist emulsion and marketization became intertwined not only individually. Practical reforms have greatly expanded the opportunities for ordinary people to pursue better life opportunities individually and collectively in the development process, but also, in the process, various complaints and anger over the discriminatory and differential citizenship that accompanies development pluralism have accumulated within individuals and groups. Welfare is at the heart of that complaint, and it has begun to emerge as a major social issue. This paper looks at how it has been localized around the Guangdong region, which has the largest scale of peasant work, on the "welfare expansion" for the peasant masses, which has been promoted at the Chinese national level since the early and mid-2000s. The concept of development citizenship as a development contribution right, which described the developmentist experience of Korean society, can be defined as an effective and/or just demand for national and social resources, opportunities and/or respect (Chang, 2014: 175) for citizens' accumulated contributions to the development purpose of a country or society, and this paper applies to the issue of 'welfare' that is made around the development contribution of local countries and urban owners of Chinese society. In the early 2000s, in the process of the Chinese state attempting various institutional and policy transitions for sustainable economic growth, the local state was given function as the main actor of development and also as a major enforcer in the welfare sector. The issue of "welfare" has generated much attention both at home and abroad, especially in China, where urban migrants represented by farmers' communists are the biggest contributors to the reform-and-open system but have been the most excluded victims from its development achievements. Guangdong was the first place for reform and opening up, the region with the most urban migration along with the fastest economic growth, and in the developed cities of Zhu River Triangle, much of the actual population (especially the labor force) consisted of peasants. By the 1990s, however, urban migrants in Guangdong had become the most marginalized between the continuation of the welfare system centered on the Hogu system and the marketized welfare since its reform and opening. In this regard, China's reform and opening-up system effectively excluded more than 200 million peasant-public reserve forces from the city's various services and education systems, creating an "efficient" system in which Chinese states and businesses are not responsible for the cost of their social reproduction. In this regard, the context of expanding the "welfare" of farmers' communists in Guangdong since the early and mid-2000s carries significant significance for the sustainability of China's reform and opening system. In addition to the recognition of the "development contribution" to the peasantry at the national level, local governments in Guangdong have rediscovered the peasant public by new socioeconomic needs. In particular, as the sustainability of existing policy preferential treatment and speciality-based development methods was seriously questioned in the wake of intensifying regional/local competition following the nationwide expansion of reform and opening in the early and mid 2000s, the peasantry emerged as a major issue as the actual population in Guangdong. Local governments in Guangdong have begun to recognize the "development contribution" of urban migrants in various aspects, including workers, residents, consumers, taxpayers and social participation. In the process, not only "new workers," but also "new citizens," but also "advanced people," "gentlemen" and "new zealots" were raised, along with the reorganization of the welfare system encompassing them, as well as the cumulative degree of development contributions at the local government level in the 2010s, a "study-based welfare system" that allows for a certain degree of survival. The scoring system is a representative form of local social citizenship in Guangdong, functioning as an institutional framework to provide farmers with a significantly improved form of "welfare" to the peasants, along with residence in Guangdong. Based on stable employment and residence in Guangdong, mid- to long-term cumulative development contributions in the province were officially approved through various scoring indicators established by the local government (education, functional/technical qualifications, tax and social insurance payments, investment/starting, residence, social participation, etc.) and provided a path for obtaining full citizenship of the province in a more comprehensive, standard and transparent manner than in the past. Although it is not comparable to those enthusiastically attracted by local governments, in some cases it has been a significant improvement in the sense that stable welfare can be expected in the future through the acquisition of their own educational and technical qualifications, or in the mid- to long-term employment and residence in the provinces. In doing so, the local government has prepared a system to quickly attract the necessary talent, as well as a major institutional and policy means to nurture and manage the farming public as an internal "actual population." In this process, farmers who have no slogan but already have a "middle class" status were able to acquire urban districts, and farmers with such aspirations were able to secure institutional channels to acquire new urban estates through self-development, such as enhancing their educational background, acquiring technical qualifications and improving their work experience. But the single-city-based local social citizenship still suffers from many institutional flaws and social controversies. Development contributions based on socio-economic needs have been transformed every year in various ways according to local governments, and the institutional threshold, which is higher than that of ordinary peasants, has generated many social controversies due to its differential and discriminatory nature based on human capital. The most basic problem was the lack of a welfare ideological base and the nature of the integrated nationalization policy as a selective and selective 'welfare' rather than a social right. Despite policy initiatives at the central and Guangdong levels, efforts to expand welfare for farmers as "real residents" face a number of challenges in reality. First of all, the expected high cost of welfare risks causing social backlash from city government officials and existing residents, while low incentives lacked incentives to lead to the active execution of local officials on the base, even in the actual execution process. Next, the issue of the inclusion in the existing welfare system and the transfer of insurance to workers with stable jobs over a medium- and long-term period was also a condition to reduce the participation rate of farmers. In addition, the most necessary and most marketable education and housing welfare are not meeting the welfare demand of the peasants due to various socioeconomic thresholds and lack of infrastructure, while the achievements of the development projects in the context of urban modernization on the other hand tend to cause the peasants to lose their living base in cities and be pushed further to the suburbs. Finally, the problem that 'welfare' as a developmental nature does not justify 'welfare' as a universal right in national-citizen relations is also a big problem, assuming that it is as much of a burden on the welfare of the family. Generation and gender division within the peasantry family have important characteristics as their survival strategy and livelihood strategy, but as a result, whether the integrated localization strategy can make these families a kind of 'middle class' family that can enjoy more than a certain level of life in cities (or rural areas) remains an important issue. As migration has become family, long-term and active migration in Guangdong, broad-based areas have been formed at the Guangdong Province level in terms of the supply of welfare, including economic environment and social security, as well as the living base and areas of farmers' commune. Recent strategies for integrated development of large areas and urban and rural areas, such as Yuigangao, may have an improved effect on the farmers' commune as an actual resident of Guangdong, in that it can realize not only the achievements of development but also the flavour of development and welfare, by making development contributions more extensive and transferable than in the past. In addition, the equivalence of basic public services and the development of social services in the social management level provide conditions for not only existing urban residents, but also for participation in the development process of farmers' communes and for enjoying a certain amount of welfare accordingly. Efforts to expand the people's livelihoods and welfare at the Chinese national level are still facing many challenges, with somewhat improved effects on the welfare exclusionary aspects of the existing peasantry after all. In this regard, welfare as a "developmental contribution" in Chinese society is a process of realizing the people's livelihood and welfare represented by the Xiaokang society at the national level, while strengthening or justifying the new differential and discriminatory civil rights character. 개혁개방 이후 중국의 급속한 경제성장과 사회변화는 지방정부 중심의 실험주의적·점진주의적 방식으로 이뤄져왔다. 이러한 과정은 한편으로 정치경제적 조건을 갖춘 일부 지역의 빠른 경제성장을 통해 전국적인 개혁개방의 확산으로 이어졌지만, 다른 한편으로 "개발다원주의"(developmental pluralism)에 따른 실용주의적 개혁은 사회주의적 유제와 시장화가 개별적으로뿐만 아니라 서로 얽혀가면서 일반 인민들의 일상 생활에서 매우 복잡한 양태의 배제와 계층화를 불러일으켰다. 실용주의적인 개혁은 일반 인민들로 하여금 개별, 집단적으로 개발과정에 참여하면서 더 나은 삶의 기회를 추구할 수 있는 기회를 크게 확대했지만, 또한 그 과정에서, 개발다원주의에 동반하는 차별적·차등적 시민권(differential citizenship)에 대한 다양한 불만과 분노가 개별·집단 내 축적되어왔다. '복지'는 그 불만의 핵심으로서, 사회적으로 주요한 이슈로 부각되기 시작했다. 본 논문은 2000년대 초중반 이래 중국 국가 차원에서 추진되어왔던 농민공에 대한 '복지 확대'에 대해 가장 많은 농민공 규모를 갖는 광둥 지역을 중심으로 어떤 방식으로 주민화되어왔는지에 대해 살펴본다. 한국 사회의 개발주의 경험을 설명했던 개발공헌적 권리로서의 개발시민권 개념은, 국가 또는 사회의 개발적 목적에 대한 시민들의 누적되어온 공헌에 대한, 국가 및 사회적 자원, 기회, 그리고/또는 존중에 대한 효과적 그리고/또는 정당한 요구"(Chang, 2014: 175)로서 정의될 수 있는데, 본 논문에서는 중국 사회의 지방 국가와 도시이주자간의 개발공헌을 둘러싸고 이뤄지는 '복지'의 문제에 대해 적용한다. 2000년대 초반 중국 국가가 지속가능한 경제성장을 위해 다양한 제도적·정책적 전환을 시도하는 과정에서, 지방 국가는 개발의 주요 행위자인 동시에, 복지 분야에서도 주요한 집행자로서 기능을 부여받았다. '복지' 문제는 가장 주요한 이슈이자 중국 국내외적으로 많은 관심을 불러일으켰는데, 특히 농민공으로 대표되는 도시이주자들은 개혁개방 체제의 최대공헌자이지만 개발성과로부터 가장 배제된 희생자로서 주목받아왔다. 광둥 지역은 개혁개방의 1번지로서, 가장 빠른 경제성장과 더불어 가장 많은 도시이주자를 갖는 지역이었고, 특히 주강삼각주의 발전된 도시들에서 실제 인구(특히, 노동력)의 상당수는 농민공으로 구성되었다. 하지만 1990년대까지 광둥 지역 도시이주자들은 호구제도를 중심으로 하는 복지 제도의 지속과 개혁개방 이후 시장화된 복지 사이에서 가장 주변화되어왔다. 이런 측면에서 중국의 개혁개방 체제는 2억 이상의 농민공 예비군을 도시의 각종 서비스와 교육시스템에서 사실상 배제시킴으로써, 중국 국가와 기업이 이들의 사회적 재생산의 비용에 대해 책임지지 않는 '효율적' 시스템을 탄생시켰다고도 할 수 있다. 이런 측면에서 2000년대 초중반 이래 광둥 지역에서 농민공의 '복지' 확대의 맥락은 중국 개혁개방 체제의 지속가능성에 중요한 의미를 갖는다. 국가 차원에서 농민공에 대한 '개발공헌'에 대한 인정과 더불어, 광둥 지역의 지방정부들은 새로운 사회경제적 필요에 의해 농민공을 재발견해왔다. 특히 2000년대 초중반 개혁개방의 전국적 확대에 따른 지역/지방간 경쟁의 심화에 따라 기존 정책적 특혜와 특수성에 기반한 발전방식의 지속가능성에 심각한 의문이 제기되면서, 광둥 지역 내의 실제 인구로서 농민공은 주요한 이슈로 등장했다. 광둥의 지방정부들은 노동자, 주민, 소비자, 납세자, 사회적 참여 등 다양한 측면에서 도시이주자의 '개발공헌'을 새롭게 인정하기 시작했다. 이 과정에서 '신노동자', '신시민' 뿐만 아니라 '선전인', '신동관인', '신광둥인' 등 새로운 지역 정체성을 갖춘 발전담론이 제기되었고, 이들을 포괄하는 복지체계의 재편과 더불어 2010년대 지방정부 차원에서 개발공헌의 누적된 정도에 따라 완전한 시민권으로서의 '복지'로부터 일정정도의 생존적 복지까지를 허용하는 점수적립식의 '층차화된 개발공헌적 복지 체계'(stratified developmental contributory system)가 형성되었다. 점수적립식 호구제도는 광둥 지역의 대표적인 지방 사회적 시민권의 한 형태로서, 광둥성 거주증과 더불어 과거에 비해 상당히 개선된 형태의 '복지'를 농민공에게 제공하는 제도적 틀로서 기능했다. 광둥지역에 안정적인 취업과 거주를 기반으로, 해당 지방에서의 중장기간 누적된 개발공헌은 지방정부에서 제정한 다양한 점수적립 지표(학력, 기능/기술자격, 납세 및 사회보험 납부, 투자/창업, 거주, 사회참여 등)를 통해서 공식적으로 승인되었으며, 과거에 비해 보다 종합적이고 표준적이며 투명한 방식으로 해당 지방의 완전한 시민권을 획득할 수 있는 경로가 마련되었다. 비록 지방정부에서 열성적으로 유치하는 인재와 비견할 수는 없지만, 일부의 경우 자신의 학력과 기술자격의 취득을 통해서, 또는 해당 지방에서 중장기적으로 안정적인 취업과 거주할 경우 향후 안정적인 복지를 기대할 수 있다는 점에서 상당히 개선적인 조치였다. 이를 통해 지방정부는 한편으로는 필요한 인재를 빠르게 유치할 수 있는 제도적 경로와 더불어, 내부적인 '실제 인구'로서의 농민공에 대한 중장기적인 육성과 관리를 할 수 있는 주요한 제도적·정책적 수단을 마련했다 할 수 있다. 이 과정에서 호구는 없지만 이미 사실상 사회경제적으로 '중산층'적 지위를 가진 농민공들은 도시호구를 획득할 수 있게 되었고, 이런 열망을 가진 농민공들은 학력 증진, 기술자격 취득, 업무경험 향상 등 자기계발을 통해서 새롭게 도시 호구를 취득할 수 있는 제도적 통로를 확보할 수 있게 되었다. 그러나 단일 도시 기반의 지방 사회적 시민권은 여전히 많은 제도적 결함과 사회적 논란에 시달리고 있다. 사회경제적인 필요에 기반한 개발공헌은 지방정부에 따라 매년 다양한 방식으로 변주되었고, 일반 농민공에 비해 높은 제도적 문턱은 인적자본에 기반한 차등적·차별적 성격으로 인해 많은 사회적 논란을 낳기도 했다. 가장 기본적인 문제는, 사회적 권리가 아닌 선별적, 선택적 성격의 '복지'로서 갖는 편입적 주민화 정책의 성격과 복지 이데올로기적 기반의 부재에 있었다. 중앙 및 광둥성 차원의 정책의지에도 불구하고, '실제 주민'으로서의 농민공에 대한 복지 확대 노력은 현실적으로 여러 도전에 봉착해있다. 우선, 예상되는 높은 복지 비용부담은 도시 정부관료 및 기존 주민들의 사회적 반발을 불러일으킬 위험이 있고, 낮은 인센티브는 실제 집행과정에서도 기층의 지방관료들의 능동적인 집행을 이끌 인센티브가 부족했다. 다음으로, 중장기간 안정적인 취업을 한 노동자에게 더욱 많은 혜택을 제공하는 기존 복지제도로의 편입과 보험의 이전 문제는, 농민공들의 참여율을 떨어뜨리는 조건이기도 했다. 또한 가장 필요하면서도 가장 시장화된 교육 및 주거 복지는 한편으로 여러 사회경제적 문턱과 인프라 부족으로 인해 농민공의 복지 수요에 못미치는 동시에, 다른 한편으로 도시 현대화의 차원에서 벌어지는 개발프로젝트의 성과로 인해 오히려 농민공은 도시에서의 생활기반을 잃어버리고 외곽지역으로 더욱 밀려나는 경향 또한 발견된다. 마지막으로, 개발공헌적 성격으로서의 '복지'가 국가-시민관계에서 보편적인 권리로서 '복지'를 정당화하지 않는 문제는, 그만큼 가족의 복지에 대한 무거운 부담을 전제로 한다는 점 또한 커다란 문제이다. 농민공 가족 내부의 세대별, 성별분업은 그들의 생존전략이자 생계전략으로서 중요한 성격을 갖지만, 결과적으로 편입적 주민화 전략이 이들 가족을 도시 (또는 농촌에서) 일정수준 이상의 삶을 향유할 수 있는 일종의 '중산층' 가족으로 만들 수 있느냐가 중요한 쟁점으로 남아있다. 이주가 가족화, 장기화되고 광둥 지역내 이주 또한 활발해지면서, 농민공의 생활기반, 활동영역 뿐만 아니라 경제환경 및 사회보장재정 등 복지 공급 측면에서도 광둥성 차원에서의 광역화된 권역이 형성되어가고 있다. 최근 위에강아오(粤港澳) 등 광역 및 도농 일체화 발전전략은 과거에 비해 농민공의 개발공헌을 광역화하고 이전가능하게 함으로써, 개발의 성과뿐만 아니라 개발공헌적 복지의 향유를 적어도 광둥성 내에서 일부 실현할 수 있다는 점에서, 광둥성의 실제주민으로서의 농민공에게는 개선적인 효과를 가질 수도 있을 것이다. 또한 기본공공서비스의 균등화와 사회관리 차원에서의 사회서비스의 발전은 기존 도시주민뿐만 아니라 농민공의 개발과정에의 참여와 그에 따른 일정정도의 복지를 향유할 수 있는 조건을 마련해주는 바이기도 하다. 중국 국가 차원의 민생과 복지 확대 노력은 결국 기존 농민공의 복지 배제적 측면에 대해 다소 개선적 효과와 함께, 여전히 많은 도전에 봉착해있다. 이런 측면에서 중국 사회에서의 '개발공헌'으로서의 복지는, 국가 차원의 샤오캉 사회 등으로 대표되는 전인민적인 (민족·국가적 차원의) 민생·복지의 실현의 하나의 과정인 동시에, 새로운 차등적·차별적 시민권적 성격을 강화 또는 정당화하는 다소 모순적인 성격을 갖는다.

사회갈등에 대한 대응방식론으로서 성리학의 경장사상

윤종석 경북대학교 대학원 2016 국내박사

How to Deal with the Social Conflict on the Neo-Confucianism’s Renovation of Choseon** A thesis submitted to the Council of the Graduate School of Kyungpook National University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Ph.D. in December 2015. Yoon, Jong-Sug Department of Political Science Graduate School, Kyungpook National University Daegu, Korea. (Supervised by Professor Youn, Soon-Gap) (Abstract) Choseon's Neo-Confucianism is a ruling ideology that replaced the then ruling class and introduced the new economic reform through the Prerequisite Reformation during late 14th century of the Korea dynasty, during which the difficulties existed including the conflict between Gweonmunsaejok(權門勢族) and Sinjinsadaebu(新進士大夫), the plunder committed by Red Turbans(紅巾族)and Japanese raiders(倭寇), the confusion arisen from the change Yuan Dynasty to Ming Dynasty, and the corruption arisen from the Buddhism which was the then ruling ideology. Thus, it suggests the efforts and practical recommendations to reflect on the social environment and to bring its changes. The history of the Choseon Dynasty, which had remained for 500 years until the Japan's annexation of Korea, implies that the Neo-Confucianism was the ideological system that dealt with the political, economic, and social changes. Noron(老論) faction's political ideology that had been established through the Choseon's Neo-Confucianism began with Yulgok Yi I and was formed through Jang-saeng Kim and Si-yeol Song. After the Japanese Invasion of Korea and the fall of the Ming dynasty, it tried to maintain the national identity and the social order through the Choseon's Sinocentrism, and it enforced the indirect awareness of time and the welfare policy which accepted the exclusion based on the dichotomous thought on the superior and mean men and the critical awakening of the Namin(南人) and Soron(小論) factions. As a result, policies such as Daedongbeop(大同法) and Hopojae(戶布制) could be proposed. Choseon's Neo-Confucianism was accepted by majority of factions including Hungu(勳舊), Sarim(士林), Seoin(西人), Dongin(東人), Noron, Seoron, Namin, and Bukin(北人); and because of this acceptability, it could change and develop the ideological system by embracing the chronological changes. Neo-Confucianism established the theoretic system that brought the social change by physically corresponding the relationship between energy and the science physically and metaphysically corresponding the relationship between instrument and principles. Yiginonjaeng(理氣論爭), Sadanchiljeongnonjaeng(四端七情論爭), and Horaknonjaeng(湖洛論爭) were the perspectives that accepted the social changes and were of concerns to the methodology that could lead to the social changes. Known as the Choseon's ruling ideology, Neo-Confucianism internally accepted the consistent change to the system of governance of society that dealt with the social conflicts, and it led to the social and political renovation by debating on the natural changes of Taegeuk(太極) and the principles of Ŭm and Yang(陰陽), on the social norms from the theory of energy and science, and on the self-cultivation from the theory of mind. By discussing the ideology of social and political renovation of the Neo-Confucianism through the Inmulseongdongyiron(人物性同異論), this thesis tries to explain how the internal changes of the Choseon's Neo-Confucianism led to the social revolution. Neo-Confucianism suggests the view of the world that takes account of the comprehensive harmony of the links between nature and human and between society and individuals. Thus, it pursues the fundamental identity that goes beyond the individual to the whole. This is not the result of the dissociation of the reasoning system but of the introspective thought based on the mutual cognition between the individuality and the universality. Thus, awareness of the truth and the ethical practice is not the separate work, and the social integrity is retained through the Bulsangjapbulsangli(不相雜不相離) principle between human and nature and between society and individuals. Therefore, this thesis argues that the debates such as Yiginonjaeng and Yaesongnonjaeng(禮訟論爭), which had been evaluated as the theoretic matters, were the ones that actually led to the change of the ideological structure to bring the social change, and it explains that the comprehensive and practical social change that Horaknonjaeng had pursued in late Choseon period was possible. In fact, Horon and Nakron that were differentiated from Horaknonjaeng in the early 18th century were differentiated depending on the position in terms of social change. Moreover, at the rear of Horaknonjaeng, there were the troubles that originated from dealing with the political situations such as the problem of the ruling class's growing awareness of the Qing dynasty, of the lower class that obtained attention after the 17th century, and of the Hwanguk(換局) and Tangpyung(蕩平) politics. Horaknonjaeng that led to the social change becomes the clue that demonstrates the practical way of dealing with the conflict between the rich and the poor, generational conflicts, and regional conflicts that have been intensified in today's Korean society. This requires the establishment of our ideology and theory in order to explain and to deal with the social conflict in current society. To achieve, we have to pay attention to the Neo-Confucianism's ideology of the social and political reformation. In addition, this helps in understanding what processes the Neo-Confucianism's ideology of the social and political reformation experienced from the theoretic acceptance to the practical revolution through the contemplation of Horaknonjaeng. Moreover, the period in which Horaknonjaeng had occurred is similar in many perspectives to the NamSong's periodic situation in which Neo-Confucianism was being formed. At that time, Neo-Confucianism was formed by the newly formed force, which based its governance on the economic stabilization and growth in order to deal with the growth of fear from the foreign invasion from the Jin Dynasty and the weakening of the authority that transfer its power to NamSong. On the other hand, Horaknonjaeng appeared when the two national crisis and the concerns that arose from the growth of the Qing Dynasty were intensified. The legitimacy of the authority was suspected, and the newly formed social class came in due to the economic growth and commerce prosperity. Horaknonjaeng was the theoretic debate that accepted such process of changes as the internal development of the New-Confucianism. Outwardly, it supported the difference between the personality and the property of matter, but it effectively debated on whether discrimination among social classes and the newly formed social class, Jungin(中人) class, should be accepted. This could be view as the work of re-realizing the breakaway of the hereditary classes that Neo-Confucianism supported during the time in which it was being formed. Furthermore, if we consider the situation in which Neo-Confucianism can not be rejected as the basis of our thoughts, we need the way of dealing with the social conflict that takes account of our needs which arose from the social conflicts that were different from those of the West. This could be also viewed as the contemplation of our ideological system that could deal with the social conflicts that our society is confronting. Based on such effort, the change of the fundamental framework of thought rather than the allopathic treatment against the conflictive phenomenon should be achieved through establishing the Neo-Confucianism's ideology of social and political renovation as the theoretic background and Horaknonjaeng as the practical effort. This should begin with the phenomenal diagnosis based on the debate on the risk society, with communalism, and with individualism; and rather than basing on the mutual critical views, it should continue with the change of the fundamental framework of thought that bases on the understanding of human, on the re-establishment of the categories of the members of society, and on the novel consideration of social functions.

초등학교 다목적 교실의 기밀성에 관한 연구

윤종석 서울과학기술대학교 대학원 2020 국내석사

산업발전과 동시에 대기 중 미세먼지는 지속적으로 증가하고 있다. 우리나라는 화석연료 발전이 증가하면서 대기 중 미세먼지는 꾸준히 증가하는 실정이다. 2017년부터 교육부에서는 미세먼지가 높은 시기 50㎍/㎥이상일 경우 야외 수업을 자제하도록 권고하며 미세먼지 노출을 최소화하는 방안을 마련하였다. 그러나 활동 공간을 실외 대신 실내로 옮기는 것만으로 대기 중 미세먼지에 대한 노출을 차단하였다고 하기는 어렵다. 외부 미세먼지는 여러 경로를 통해 기류와 함께 건물 내로 유입될 수 있기 때문이다. 대부분의 학생들은 80% 이상을 실내에서 생활하기 때문에 성장기 학생들은 쾌적한 실내공간이 필요하다. 건물에 기밀 성능은 실내 환경과 밀접한 관계가 있다 . 측정하고자 하는 대상, 즉, 외피를 통한 침기 또는 누기량 만을 실측하기 위해 실내에 존재하는 여러 환기구, 창호, 출입문 등 가능한 모든 불필요한 누기 예상 부위를 찾아 열화상 카메라로 촬영 및 측정을 통해 실험 요소를 선정하였다. 선정된 요소는 접착력이 강한 테이프 등을 이용하여 완전히 밀봉하고 출입문에 블로어도어(Blower Door System)를 설치하여 건물의 각 요소별 장소를 정하고 순서대로 제거하면서 측정을 진행하여 측정한 결과 창호에서 누기 면적이 최대로 발생하였다. 본 연구는 선례의 논문을 기반으로 측정 방법 및 측정 위치를 선정하였으며, 현장 측정을 통한 실내 기밀도 측정은 블로어도어(Blower Door System)를 이용한 가압법으로 측정하여 얻어진 다양한 측정값들은 서울○○초등학교 교육 시설 내에 있는 다목적 교실을 대상으로 직접 실험한 데이터를 바탕으로 각 요소별 누기 면적을 산출하고 시뮬레이션 통해 개선 방향을 모색하고자 한다. Fine dust air pollutant (FDAP) problem has escalated with continued industrialization and increased fossil fuel usage in South Korea. Since 2017, the Ministry of Education has recommended restricting outdoor class activities when the concentration of particulate matter exceeds 50㎍/㎥ in order to limit exposure to FDAPs. However, it is difficult to conclude that substituting outdoor activities with indoors eliminates exposure to FDAPs because outdoor FDAPs can flow into indoor space through various means as air infiltration can occur. Since most students spend over 80% of their time indoors, access to reliable indoor spaces is essential, and the air tightness of buildings has a big impact on indoor conditions. In order to measure the target, i.e. the amount of bedding or leakage through the outer shell, all the possible unnecessary leakage areas, such as vents, windows, and doors, were found in the room, and the experimental elements were selected through thermal imaging cameras. The selected locations were sealed airtight using strong adhesives, a blower door was installed at the entrance of the building, and the measurement was carried out by eliminating the selected locations one by one. Experiment showed that doors and windows had the greatest air infiltration rate. The measurement method and location of this study were modeled on preceding research designs, and the building air tightness was calculated using the pressurization method of the Blower Door System. The various readings found in this study will be used by multi-purpose classrooms of an elementary school in Seoul to gather and calculate data and create simulations to develop improvement plans.

카올린을 사용한 흰쥐 수두증 모델에서 뇌실-뇌조 사이의 뇌척수액 이동경로

윤종석 중앙대학교 대학원 2011 국내박사

목적 본 연구의 목적은 뇌실-뇌조 사이로 뇌척수액이 직접 통하는 통로를 찾기 위함이다. 이러한 통로가 존재할 가능성은 이전 다른 연구자들에 의하여도 제시되었는데, 뇌척수액 동위원소 연구에서 velum interpositum이 제4뇌실 보다 먼저 출현하는 것, 수두증 발생과정 중에 뇌실, 뇌조, 뇌조직간 압력의 차이가 없었던 점 등이다. 이러한 연구결과는 제4뇌실을 통한 뇌척수액 흐름 이외에 추가적인 뇌실-뇌조간 뇌척수액 흐름의 통로가 있음을 시사하는 결과로 볼 수 있을 것이다. 방법 Sprague-Dawley 쥐 10마리의 거대뇌조에 카올린을 투여하여 만성수두증 모델을 유도하였다. 모델유도 3주 후 cationized ferritin을 뇌정위기구를 이용하여 한쪽 측뇌실에 주입하였다. 주입후 48시간째 동물을 희생시키고 뇌조직을 적출하여 뇌척수액이 흐른 경로를 ferrocyanide 염색으로 추적하였다. 결과 10마리의 쥐 중 8마리에서 수두증이 발생하여 이 쥐들만 포함시켰다. 8마리의 모든 쥐에서 궁륭부부터 기저부까지 지주막이 모두 심하게 유착이 되어 뇌실 내로 주입된 ferritin은 지주막하강으로 빠져나오지 못한 상태였다. 반면 8마리 중 6마리의 쥐에서 ferritin이 제 3뇌실에서 quadrigeminal cistern으로, 측뇌실에서 ambient cistern으로 빠져나온 것을 확인할 수 있었다. 결론 제3뇌실과 quadrigeminal cistern, 측뇌실과 ambient cistern 사이가 만성 폐쇄성 수두증에서 뇌척수액이 흐르는 추가적인 통로의 역할을 하는 것으로 사료된다. Objective The goal of this study was to identify direct cerebrospinal fluid (CSF) pathways in the interface between ventricles and cisterns. Such routes are hypothesized to be involved in alternative CSF flows because there is an early appearance of vela before the fourth ventricle in an isotope study. Additionally, there is no evidence of pressure gradients between ventricles, subarachnoid space and brain tissues during the development of hydrocephalus. These findings suggest that alternative communication between ventricles and cisterns exists in addition to the fourth ventricular foramina. Methods Chronic obstructive hydrocephalus models were induced in 10 Sprague-Dawley rats with kaolin injected into the cisterna magna. Three weeks after the kaolin injection, when thick arachnoid fibrosis obliterated the fourth ventricular outlets, cationized ferritin was stereotactically infused as a tracer into the lateral ventricle in order to observe the pathways from the ventricles to the subarachnoid space. Animals were sacrificed in 48 hours and brains were cut. CSF flow pathways were traced by the staining of ferritin with ferrocyanide. Results Eight out of ten rats developed hydrocephalus. The subarachnoid membranes of the convexity and basal cisterns were severely adhered such that most of the ferritin remained in the ventricles. Further, the Foramen of Magendie and Luschka were obliterated. However, in 6 out of the 8 hydrocephalus rats, ferritin leaked from the 3rd ventricle into the quadrigeminal cistern, and from the lateral ventricle into the ambient cistern. Conclusion The interfaces between the 3rd ventricle and the quadrigeminal cistern, and between the lateral ventricle and the ambient cistern appear to be alternative CSF pathways in a pathologic condition such as obstructive hydrocephalus.

저전력 fixed-point DSP 상에서의 저비트율 음성 코더의 실시간 구현

윤종석 중앙대학교 대학원 2016 국내석사

본 논문은 저전력 Fixed-point DSP 상에서 저비트율 음성 코더의 실시간 구현을 위한 방법에 관한 연구를 진행하였다. 본 연구에서는 저비트율 음성 코더중 하나인 2.4Kbps 이하의 비트율을 갖는 MELP codec을 이용하였으며 TMS320C5514 low-power Fixed-point DSP상에 2400/1200/600 3가지 비트율의 음성코더를 구현하였다. 음성 코더에서 실시간으로 동작하기 위해서는 음성 코더의 인코딩 타임이 입력 신호 길이보다 작게 나와야한다. 이를 위해 본 논문에서는 조건문 수정, inline instruction으로 대체, intrinsic assembly로 대체, CCS optimization 기능을 사용하여 2400bps 음성 코더의 연산 속도를 최적화하였다. 1200bps 코더의 경우 2400bps 알고리즘에 일부 함수, codebook 등이 추가되어 메모리 사용량과 연산복잡도가 크게 증가하므로 음질 열화가 발생하더라도 연산복잡도와 메모리 사용량을 크게 줄여 실시간 동작하도록 구현하기 위하여 voiced/unvoiced mode를 간소화하는 방법을 적용하였으며 600bps 코더는 2400bps 코더를 기반으로 하여 프레임 4개를 묶어 수퍼 프레임을 구성하고 superframe_store, superframe_cal 등의 함수를 만들어 수퍼 프레임의 parameter를 산출하는 방식으로 실시간 동작하도록 하였다. 실험 결과, 2400/1200/600bps 코더 모두 2.9725s의 입력 신호의 인코딩 타임이 실시간 동작 범위 이내로 들어와 실시간으로 동작함을 확인하였으며 음질의 경우 SDR(출력신호와 입출력 신호 차의 비)로 측정하여 1200bps의 경 우 mode 간소화 후 음질 열화가 발생함을 확인하였으나 그에 비해 연산 복잡도와 메모리 사용량 감소효과가 더 크다는 것을 확인하였다. This paper researched about a method to run low bit rate real-time voice coder using low power Fixed-point DSP. This research used a low bit rate voice coder which is a MELP codec with lower than 2.4Kbps bit rate and implemented voice coder with 2400/1200/600 bit rate using TMS320C5514 low-power Fixed-point DSP. For voice coder to work at real-time, encoding time must be smaller than input signal length. This paper optimized 2400bps voice coder by changing if-statement, inline instruction, intrinsic assembly and used CCS optimization function. In case for 1200bps coder, compared with 2400bps, codebook and some of the functions are added to the algorithm so the memory usage and computational complex has increased. To run it in real-time, despite the output degradation, memory usage and computational complexity are highly reduced using voiced/unvoiced mode. in case of 600bps coder, based on 2400bps coder, tied 4 frames into superframe and used superframe_store, superframe_cal function to get parameters of superframe to run it in real-time. Experiment result for 2400/1200/600bps coder's encoding time for input signals are 2.9725s which is suitable for working at real-time and for the voice, SDR(ratio of input signal and output signal) is calculated for 1200bps which was decreased due to mode simplification, however computational complexity and memory usage are severely decreased.

중국 농민공의 사회경제적 권리 형성에 관한 연구 : 시민권적 관점에서의 지역간 비교 분석

윤종석 서울대학교 대학원 2010 국내석사

한국고급공무원의 교육훈련에 관한 연구

윤종석 경희대학교 대학원 1993 국내석사

지역상생협력을 위한 수상태양광 활용방안에 대한 연구

윤종석 경상대학교 융합과학기술대학원 2019 국내석사

This study highlights the necessity of expanding Floating PV system using idle water surface, and proposes an alternative to co-development of Korea Energy (KOEN) and the local community. For that, Various research data were utilized to verify the efficiency of the national territory use and a need of shifting to future-oriented distributed system as well as the benefits of the system such as high generation efficiency and algal bloom control. In addition, by looking in to the results of Safety Verification on the adverse environmental factors, the necessity of Floating PV system has been identified. In order to revitalize Floating PV system, while overcoming the challenges lying in the renewable energy industry and achieving the target of the government’s Renewable 2030 Policy, an improvement of installation-related laws and relaxation of the regulations are required. Viewed in this light, I’d like to suggest an installation of Floating PV system in Jinyang Lake, which enables to relieve imbalanced development of the community and promote win-win growth between KOEN and Jinju City. This study, based on a research on the favorable climate conditions and external environment of Jinyangho Lake, analyzes possible generation capacity according to inclined angle in case of installing 10MW Floating PV system with PV System Software.

韓國勞使關係의 正常化에 關한 硏究 : 特히 勞使紛糾의 正常化를 中心으로

윤종석 東國大學校 1990 국내석사