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윤여일(Yoon, Yea-Yl) 고려대학교 아세아문제연구소 2015 亞細亞硏究 Vol.58 No.3
본 논문은 1990년대 초반의 탈냉전기부터 2000년대 중반의 참여정부기에 이르기까지의 동아시아와 동북아의 외연과 내포에 관한 연구다. 동아시아와 동북아라는 지역상은 너비로서만 존재하는 것이 아니라 깊이도 갖는다. 다시 말해 국가 단위의 병렬적 나열로서는 드러나지 않는 층위가 있다. 동아시아 담론에서 동아시아라는 개념은 지리 범주를 가리키는 단순한 지역명에 머물지 않고 지역지평, 지역질서, 경제권역, 문명권, 사유공간, 연대의 장 등 다양한 용법으로서 거론되었다. 동아시아 담론을 한국지식계에서 학술적 전통으로 자리매김하고 동아시아 담론의 현실적 용법을 신장시키려면 그 혼란상을 정리하기 위해 동아시아 담론 자체의 인식론적 토대와 배치를 되묻는 작업이 필요하다. 즉 동아시아와 동북아의 외연과 내포를 분석하고 도출해내고자 하는 것이다. This paper is a study on Denotation and Connotation of the East Asia and the Northeast Asia from the post-Cold War Era in the 1990s to the Participatory Government in the mid-2000s. The regional image of East Asia and Northeast Asia does not exist only as width, but it also has depth. In other words, there is a level that cannot be revealed by a parallel enumeration of national units. The notion of East Asia in the East Asian discourse did not remain simply as a regional name, but was discussed in diverse usages, including as a regional prospect, regional order, economic region, cultural sphere, space of thought, and field of solidarity. To settle the East Asian discourse as an academic tradition in Korean intellectual world and extend its practical usage, a work that questions the epistemological foundation and arrangement of the East Asian discourse itself again is required to organize this state of confusion. Namely, it attempts to analyze and draw the denotation and connotation of East Asia and North Asia.
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윤여일(Yoon, Yea-Yl) 역사비평사 2019 역사비평 Vol.- No.126
Last year marks the 70th anniversary of the April 3 Jeju Uprising. This study aimed to look at 70 years of Kim Si-jong’s lifetime who used to be the contact for the South Korean Workers Party during the uprising and settled in Japan afterwards. For the past seven decades, he was the poet residing in Japan. This study will track the traces of his life and explore his world of poetry. “Living as Zainichi” of the 1950s will analyze his thesis through his poem collections 『Jindallae』 and 『Jiheishen』, ‘Verification of Self-existence’ of the 1960s will be analyzed through the poem collection 『Niigata』, and ‘The Though of Heimatlose’ of the 1970s will be examined through the poem collection 『The collection Poems from Ikaino』. In addition, his testimony related to the April 3 Jeju Uprising will be heard in approximately half a century by paying attention to the poem collection 『The Lost Season』 of the 2000s. As previously mentioned, this study will explain the meaning of ‘Zainichi’, ‘Korean’ and ‘poet’ to Kim Si-jong by tracking how he has wrote, participated in movements, and lived for 70 years since the uprising.
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동북아 비핵지대와 제주 비핵조례 - ‘평화의 섬’ 구상의 내실화를 위하여
윤여일 ( Yoon Yea-yi ) 제주대학교 탐라문화연구원 2018 탐라문화 Vol.0 No.59
이 논문의 목적은 북핵 문제와 ‘제주 평화의 섬’ 구상 그리고 제주해군기지 구축이라는 세 가지 사안을 결부시켜 동북아비핵지대와 함께 제주비핵조례의 필요성을 논증하는 데 있다. 이 논문은 동북아-한반도-제주도의 평화라는 상이한 층위에서 20여년 간 저마다 다른 영향을 미치며 진행되어온 세 가지 사안이 제주도의 강정 앞바다에서 착종하고 있다는 시점을 취할 것이다. 그 까닭은 2017년 11월 22일, 제주해군기지로 미군의 핵 추진 잠수함 미시시피(SSN-782)가 입항해 제주도가 핵무기 문제를 맞닥뜨리게 되었기 때문이다. 우선 동북아비핵지대의 필요성에 관해서는, 한반도평화체제를 실현하고 동북아 공동안보가 성립하려면 동북아 지역에서 핵위협의 가능성을 차단해야 하는데, 이를 위해 북한 내지 한반도의 비핵화만이 아니라 지역적 차원의 비핵지대 형성을 적극적으로 모색할 필요가 있다. 미국과 북한 사이의 정치적 합의를 통해 북한의 비핵화가 도출되더라도 지역 내에 핵권력의 불평등에 따른 핵위협의 가능성이 존재한다면 핵개발에 대한 유혹과 핵확산의 가능성 역시 남게 될 것이기 때문이다. 한편 제주도의 시각에서 보았을 때, 북한 내지 한반도가 비핵화된다면 이는 제주도의 ‘평화의 섬’ 구상 및 제주해군기지 운용의 환경적 조건을 크게 바꿔놓을 것이다. 그럼에도 제주해군기지가 들어선 제주도는 미국과 중국 간의 군사적 긴장이 고조되거나 중국의 해군력이 증강됨에 따라 미일동맹의 압박이 강화되면, 군사적 분쟁에 휘말릴 위험성이 커지고 있다. 더욱이 동북아비핵지대는 동북아적 제약조건으로 인해 실현가능성이 높지 않다는 사실을 감안한다면, 제주비핵조례를 제정해 제주해군기지 가동에 따라 연루될 수 있는 군사적 위험에 선제적으로 대응할 필요가 있을 것이다. 이는 제주도가 세계평화의 섬으로서 역할하고, ‘평화의 섬’ 구상을 내실화하는 한 가지 방향이기도 할 것이다. The purpose of this study is demonstrating the need of the Northeast Asia nuclear weapon free zone and the Jeju Denuclearization Ordinance by associating three issues: the North Korean nuclear problem, the Peace Projects in Jeju Island, and the establishment of the Jeju Naval Base. This study took the standpoint that the three issues, which have been in progress with varying influences in the last approximately two decades on level of peace in Northeast Asia, the Korean Peninsula, and Jeju Island, are entangled in Gangjeong Sea of Jeju Island since Jeju Island has encountered nuclear weapon issue after USS Mississippi (SSN-782) entered the Jeju Naval Base. First of all, with regard to the necessity of the Northeast Asia nuclear weapon free zone, the possibility of nuclear threat has to be blocked in the Northeast Asian region in order to realize the Peace System of the Korean Peninsula and establish the Cooperative Security in Northeast Asia. For this aim, not only denuclearization of North Korea or the Korean Peninsula but also the formation of regional nuclear weapon free zone must be actively sought. If the possibility of nuclear threat arising from inequality of nuclear authority in the region exists even after inducing denuclearization of North Korea through the political consensus between the U.S. and North Korea, temptation toward nuclear development and possibility of nuclear proliferation will still prevail. Meanwhile, from the viewpoint of Jeju Island, if North Korea or the Korean Peninsula is denuclearized, this will dramatically transform the environment conditions of the Jeju Island's Island of Peace projects and operation of the Jeju Naval Base. Nonetheless, if military confrontation escalates between the U.S. and China or the pressure of U.S.-Japan alliance is strengthened as the Chinese naval forces are reinforced, Jeju Island, which has the Jeju Naval Base, is likely to be embroiled in military disputes. Furthermore, when taking into consideration that the Northeast Asia nuclear weapon free zone is unlikely to be materialized due to the constraints in Northeast Asia, it is necessary to make preemptive response to the military risks which can arise from the operation of the Jeju Naval Base. Also, the Jeju Denuclearization Ordinance is one direction through which Jeju Island can play the role of Jeju Island of world peace and substantialize the Peace Projects in Jeju Island.
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윤여일(Yoon, Yea-Yl) 고려대학교 아세아문제연구소 2014 亞細亞硏究 Vol.57 No.4
The transition process of East Asian discourse from the early 1990s to the mid-2000s is analyzed in this study. By investigating feature articles of academic journals and papers regarding East Asia, it examined statuses and orientations in the use of the notion of East Asia, and inspected the process of transition and differentiation according to phases. To summarize, the role of ‘Changbi’(Creation and Criticism) in the early 1990s was important in the appearance of discussion that could be named as East Asian discourse. Immediately afterwards, humanities scholars, especially scholars of Korea, China and Japan specialized in literature, history and philosophy fired discussion on East Asian identity. In the mid-1990s, social scientists from sociology, economics and political science joined the discussion making attempts to explain the distinctiveness of economic development in East Asia, and after the economic crisis of the late 1990s, discussion on the necessity of East Asian regional institution rose among diplomatic scientists and economists. From the beginning of 2000s, researchers of international politics and international relations regularized the discourse of East Asian community in the period of People’s Government(Kim Dae-Jung Government), and by the mid-2000s of Participatory Government(Roh Moo-Hyun Government), the regional name of ‘Northeast Asia’ emerged as a strategic measure of Korea, establishing East Asian discourse as a policy discourse. As above, discourses with different orientations appeared and emerged in different periods, competing with existing discourse and unfolding the politics of discourses.
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