“공화국과 민주주의는 다르다”

유종선(Jong Sun Ryu) 동아시아국제정치학회 2013 국제정치연구 Vol.16 No.1

The objective of this study is to critically review the republic-democracy controversy at the U.S. Constitutional Convention in 1787, for the purpose of illuminating how the American image of a republic was conceived and applied to its constitution. The U.S. Constitutional Convention aimed at devising a constitution of a republic but the delegates were helplessly confused about what a republic was. There were a number of historical factors behind the confusion, the most important one being the problem of democracy. Indeed, the central question of the convention was whether a republic was compatible with democracy. In the course of the debate the republc was contrasted with democracy and, as a result of the effort to reconciliate them, an American conception of a republic as an empire emerged. This study will investigate the language of this debate through the actual utterances of the delegates of the convention, thus illuminating the historical meaning of the republic and democracy in the period of the American revolution. Being a case study in the history of American political thought, the subject and method of this study is expected to significantly contribute to the current discourse on republicanism in Korea.

존 포칵(J.G.A. Pocock)의 정치사상사 연구에 대한 비판적 논의(Ⅰ)

유종선(Ryu Jong Sun) 한국정치사상학회 2005 정치사상연구 Vol.11 No.2

본 연구는 정치사상사 기술방식과 연구의 목적에 관한 존 포칵의 주장과, 그의 주장이 우리에게 주는 시사점들을 논구한 것이다. 그는 정치사상시를 연구하고 기술하는데 있어 소위 랑케주의라고 하는 순수 역사주의적 태도와 방법을 지향한다. 그의 이러한 입장은 스트라우스(Leo Strauss) 등이 주장하는 바 ‘정치사상사는 곧 정치철학’이라는 입장과 뚜렷이 구별된다. 그렇기 때문에 정치사상사 연구의 목적에 관해 스트라우스 등이 주장하는 ‘철학주의’를 먼저 논의하고, 이를 전체적 논의의 배경으로 삼고자 했다. 본론에서는 소위 랑케주의적 정치사상사 기술의 의미, 목적, 현재적 합의, 역사와 철학의 대립성 등의 주제들에 대해 포칵과 그의 비판자들의 의견을 비교 검토하였다. 특히 순수한 랑케주의적 정치사상사 연구가 정치사상사라는 학문의 본래 목적에 비추어 볼 때 무슨 의미를 가지는가, 사상의 역사적 의미를 그가 주장하는 것처럼 배타적으로 규정하는 것이 과연 타당한가라는 두 가지 비판적 질문들을 제기하고, 이에 대한 포칵의 반론 및 이의 정당성을 검토하였다. 결론에서는 포칵의 역사철학이 정치사상사 연구 분야에 끼친 공헌과 한계, 그리고 한국에서의 정치사상사 연구에 주는 몇 가지 시사점들을 논의했다. This is a critical review on John Pocock's philosophy of the history of political thought, focusing on his discussion on the purposes of studying the history of political thought. Pocock insists upon a purely histocal - Rankean, as he calls it - attitude and methods of studying the history of political thought. His position sharply contrasts with that of . philosopher historians' like Leo Strauss. There are two critical questions involved: first, what is the point of studying the history of political thought in terms purely Rankean, considering the dominantly practical aspects of the discipline?; secondly, could it be justified that Pocock defines the meaning of historicity in such a way as to exclude other historiographies as pseudo-historical? Pocock's response to these questions and his own answers will be critically reviewed. Lastly, the contribution of his philosophy to the academic field of the history of political thought, its limitations, and its implications for the Korean historians and philosophers of political thought will be discussed as concluding remarks.

‘제왕적 대통령’은 공화국의 자유를 위협하는가?: 알렉산더 해밀턴(Alexander Hamilton)의 대통령제 정부론 고찰

유종선 ( Jong Sun Ryu ) 서울대학교 미국학연구소 2017 미국학 Vol.40 No.1

This article is a critical appraisal of Alexander Hamilton’s theory of Presidentialism, focusing on his supposition on the relationship between the ‘monarchical president’ and republican liberty. Hamilton’s theory of presidentialism is built upon his unique understanding of the meaning and the means of realizing liberty in a republic. The prime enemy of liberty in a republic is excessive jealousy of liberty itself. To secure liberty in a republic, such jealousy must be controlled for the sake of the stability of the government. A president with monarchical authority and power is the best form of government for this purpose. On the other hand, his power must also be checked and the title should go to the noblest mind in the society, so that a powerful president may not endanger liberty. In the context of the new threat to liberty in today’s democratic republics, Hamilton’s argument enlightens us to the compatibility of strong presidentialism with republican liberty.

계시, 관습, 이성

유종선(Ryu Jong-Sun) 한국정치사상학회 2009 정치사상연구 Vol.15 No.1

본 연구의 목적은 17세기 영국혁명의 주요 사건중 하나인 퍼트니 논쟁의 정치언어와 이의 정치사상사적 의미를 고찰해 보고자 하는 것이다. 본 연구에서 퍼트니 논쟁을 바라보는 기본적인 시각은 이것이 프로테스탄트 종교개혁의 사상적 도전에서 근대정치사상의 태동에 이르는 담론의 구조와 역사를 상징한다고 하는 것이다. 퍼트니 논쟁에서 ‘수평주의자’들의 주장은 직접적 계시의 프로테스탄티즘 교리에 바탕을 둔 급진적 정치사상의 전형이며, 비판자들은 이의 무정부적 위험성에 대해 경고하고 관습과 절제된 이성을 대안으로 제시한다. 적어도 영미정치사상의 전통에서 볼 때 이는 프로테스탄트 종교개혁으로부터 근대정치사상의 등장에 이르는 역사적 과정의 상징이고 축약이다. 본 연구에서는 퍼트니 논쟁의 구체적 언어들 속에서 프로테스탄티즘의 정치사상적 도전의 성격과 한계, 이에 대한 비판과 대안적 담론의 모습들을 살펴 보고, 서구 근대정치사상 태동의 맥락에서 퍼트니 논쟁의 정치사상사적 의미를 규명해 보고자 한다. 이러한 연구가 비서구의 입장에서 서구 근대정치사상을 이해하고 평가하는 데 있어 우리의 지평을 넓히는데 기여할 수 있을 것이다. The purpose of this article is to investigate the political languages and their historical meanings of the Putney Debates, 1647, one of the most significant events of the English Revolution. I will argue that the Putney Debates in many respects represents the whole history leading to the emergence of modern political thought in the West. The Levellers here advance a radical democracy typical of the Protestant political thought, based upon the concept of sola scriptura and revelation, while the criticism of the Grandees represents a modern challenge to the allegedly anarchistic tendencies of such Protestant radicalism. The Putney Debates clearly shows the nature and limitations of the Protestant poltical challenge, on the one hand, and a modern response to the challenge, on the other, thus anticipating the emergence of modern political thought of Thomas Hobbes and John Locke. It is expected that this kind of histocal study will help us understand the nature and relevance of the modern political thought of the West in the non-Western world.

종교자유, 정교분리, 공화국

유종선(Ryu, Jong Sun) 동아시아국제정치학회 2016 국제정치연구 Vol.19 No.1

The objective of this article is to discuss Thomas Jefferson’s thought on religious freedom and church-state relations in the context of his republican discourse. There is an essential paradox, it is argued, between the freedom of religion and the republican virtue in a republic. How would Jefferson answer to this critical question facing a republic? He proposes two answers: first, the republican virtue would be sought in the economic life of the republic, rather than in an enforced ‘civil religion’; secondly, we have to focus on the kind of republican virtue the freedom of religion is expected to produce. Republican virtue would be complete with the freedom of religion fully secured, without the state’s intervention to impose civil religion on society, thus the paradox of religious freedom and virtue in a republic being resolved, Jefferson argues.

한국의 근대화와 기독교

유종선(Ryu Jong-Sun) 한국기독교역사연구소 2003 한국기독교와 역사 Vol.18 No.-

The main objective of this paper is to inquire whether and to what extent the Christian movement in late Chosun Korea contributed to the modernization of Korea by liberating people from the medieval sins and guilt-consciousness, thus producing what Michael Walzer called the ‘saints’ and their ‘revolutions.’ Walzer argued that at least in Europe, the modem world was brought in by the ‘revolution of the saints,’ which in turn was a direct consequence of the Protestant Reformation. I argued in this paper that the Walzerian thesis is also applicable to the history of Christianity in Korea, considering that the medieval Korean society, like medieval Europe, was essentially a ‘sinful society’, maintained by a deep guilt-consciousness among the people, and that the Christian movement in late Chosun Korea was in many important senses a Korean version of the Reformation. It was expected, therefore, that the Korean Reformation might have played a role similar or comparable to that played by the European Reformation in modernizing Europe, by freeing people from the yoke of sins and turning them into ‘saints’, who Walzer argued were the prototype of the modem citizens and political revolutionaries. My conclusion is that the Christian movement in Korea, both Catholic and Protestant, largely failed to meet this expectation: it failed to produce the ‘saints’ and their ‘revolutions’. On the ˙contrary, the Korean churches reproduced and, in a sense, even magnified the strong guilt-consciousness of the people for the purpose of expanding their missions. Such a ‘failure’ is largely attributable to the historical circumstances of the late Chosun Korea different from Europe in the Reformation age, mission policies of the Korean Church, and the kind of Christian doctrines as were introduced to and understood by the Korean people. But the unique Korean traditions of religious and political discourses also played a crucial role, I would argue, to make the Korean Ouistian Reformation a different one from Europe.

종교, 격정, 공화국 - 존 애덤스(John Adams)의 시민종교론 고찰

유종선(Jong Sun Ryu) 동아시아국제정치학회 2015 국제정치연구 Vol.18 No.1

This article aims to discuss John Adams’ thought on civil religion, focusing on its role in a republic. Civil religion is commonly regarded as an important means for the cultivation of civic virtue, but, due to its very nature, is likely to clash with the value of religious freedom. The paradox, and the way out of it, are directly related to how we perceive the task of a republic and the role of civil religion in it. Adams thought that the primary task of a republic is to suppress the passions of the people, and he endowed the civil religion with this role. Civil religion in this sense is an indispensible foundation of the republic. On the other hand, Adams was also clearly aware of the limitations to such a role civil religion could perform in a republic. Civil religion is not sufficient on its own, after all, and is not expected to be any effective in a large republic. Upon this recognition Adams searched for a form of civil religion that is able to perform its republican role, minimizing government intervention and maximizing religious freedom. Adams’ thought on civil religion is not just valuable in its own sake, but has far-reaching implications for our effort to overcome corruption of the republic.

텅스텐 미세 전극을 이용한 전해 가공

류시형(Shi Hyoung Ryu),유종선(Jong Sun Yu) Korean Society for Precision Engineering 2009 한국정밀공학회지 Vol.26 No.4

환경운동의 이념과 현실 : 생태주의와 녹색당 운동을 중심으로

유종선 울산대학교 사회과학연구소 2000 사회과학논집 Vol.10 No.1

본 연구는 현대 환경운동을 주도하는 생태주의(ecologism) 이념과, 대표적 생태주의 환경운동인 녹색당 운동을 각각의 역사, 내용, 한계와 가능성 등의 차원에서 고찰하고, 이를 근거로 미래 환경운동의 방향과 전략을 전망하였다. 생태주의는 좁게 정의하기보다 환경과 삶의 관계에 대한 특정한 태도나 시각으로 이해해야 한다. 생태주의가 미래 사회의 지배 이데올로기가 될 것이라고 쉽게 말할 수는 없지만, 적어도 미래 환경운동을 주도하는 이념이 될 것은 분명하다. 녹색당 운동은 정책 결정과정에의 직접참여를 통해 생태주의적 가치들을 사회에서 구현하고자 하는 노력을 말하는데, 현재 뿐 아니라 미래에도 가장 주목받게 될 생태주의 환경운동의 하나이다. 녹색당 운동은 한국에서도 미래 환경운동의 유력한 대안이지만, 한국적 정치상황에 맞는 의제와 전략을 만들어야 하는 어려운 과제를 안고 있다. Current environmental movements are directed by a set of specific values on environment and ecology called 'ecologism'. It is hard to say whether future society will go through a 'paradigm shift' to ecologism, but ecologism will definitely be the ideology of future environmental movements. Green party movement, on the other hand, is and will be the most remarkable of the new ecological environmental movements. It also has great prospects as future environmental movement in Korea, though there remains a difficult task of drawing out appealing issues and appropriate strategies.

소화기 암의 항암화학요법치료에 있어서 말초혈액에 미치는 세파란틴의 효과

김영진,유종선,조영국 中央醫學社 1992 中央醫學 Vol.57 No.7

After curative resection of advanced gastric and colorectal cancer, we have done the adjuvant therapy with 5FU, mitomycin and OK432 for 14 cases of gastric cancer and Nidran and UFT for 12 cases of colorectal cancer. During these adjuvant chemotherapy and radiation therapy, we prescribed cepharanthine 6 mg everyday more than four weeks. Cepharanthine recovered the leukopenia in 9 cases (56.3 %) among 16 cases whose leukocytes were less than 3,000/mm3. Cepharanthine had no effect on hemoglobin, hematocrit, number of platelet, liver function and renal function. The cepharanthine was the effective and nontoxic agent for the leukopenic patients during adjuvant chemotherapy and radiotherapy.