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          팔레스타인 이슬람운동의 현황과 전망

          유왕종 한국이슬람학회 2003 한국이슬람학회논총 Vol.13 No.2

          The Islamic religious movement in Palestine is not how to confront Zionist barbarities; it is rather to ensure that the second Intifada (appropriately named the al-Aqsa Intifada) does not suffer the same fate as the first Intifada(1987-1993). Then, the sacrifices of the Palestinians were bartered away in Oslo, culminating in the infamous accords signed on the White House lawn in September 1993. The PLO, which had played little part in the first Intifada were imposed upon the Palestinian people to do the Zionists' and the Americans' dirty work. The al-Aqsa Intifada is proof that the Palestinians, Muslims and Christians alike, have utterly rejected the Oslo accords in the only way possible: by staging massive protests with their bare hands. There can be only one state - a Palestinian Islamic State - in the land called Palestine. There is no room for two states there, especially a racist state. Similarly, Muslims are the only ones who have demonstrated that when they rule the land (for more than 1300 years so far), the holy places of all religions are respected. The Christians have never had any complaints against Muslims, despite vandalism by the Crusaders in the holy land in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. The Jews have found refuge with Muslims whenever they wanted to escape persecution in Europe. Thus Muslims are the only true inheritors of the divine mission who have respected the religious sentiments and places of all peoples. The rise of Islamic movement among Palestinians may be attributed to a number of factors. The first factor is the loss of Palestine in 1948. The establishment of a Jewish state in its place is perceived by Islamic movements as an encroachment on Muslim land. Israel is considered an alien body in the heart of the Arab and Muslim worlds, and a spearhead of Western hegemony. The second factor is the 1967 defeat of the Arab states by Israel. This defeat and the subsequent Israeli occupation of the remainder of Palestine and other Arab land have forced Palestinians and other Arabs to acknowledge their weakness. The third factor is the Islamic revolution of 1979 in Iran. This is perhaps the most important factor in the rise of Islamic movement in general, and in Palestine in particular. The revolution restored confidence in Islam as a viable alternative to secularism and provided Muslims in other countries with a model to emulate. The fourth factor is the decline of the PLO(Palestine Liberation Organization) that began in the late 1970s. This decline was a function of several setbacks suffered by the PLO, which prevented the organization from winning the independence for Palestine to which it had committed itself and that had inspired its widespread acceptance. The PLO's consequent evolution from ideological purity to political pragmatism created an ideological vacuum that was soon filled by Islam, the only available alternative. The fifth is the Palestinian popular uprising(the Intifada) of 1987. This, clearly, was the most important factor in the growth of Palestinian Islamic fundamentalism. The Intifada defined the content of Palestinian Islamic fundamentalism as nationalist and political, projecting it as a movement whose primary objectives, as illustrated by the charter of the Islamic Resistance Movement(HAMAS), were resistance to Israeli occupation and liberation of Palestine. The prominent and effective participation of the Islamic movement in the Intifada created significant popular support, and it emerged as a serious rival to the PLO, challenging its political program and contending with it for the leadership of Palestinian society. The sixth factor is Ariel Sharon visited the Temple Mount in Jerusalem on September 28, 2000. This visit became the pretext for instigating large scale demonstrations, the start of the al-Aqsa infifada. Therein lies the dilemma of the people of Palestine. They are the ones making the sacrifices, as they have done for more than 50 years under a brutal occupation, and others have come to steal the fruits of their labour. As the al-Aqsa Intifada goes on, with its daily mounting death-toll, the Islamic movement in Palestine as well as outside needs to be clear about its position. First and foremost is the question of the future geographical boundaries of the state of Palestine. There can be no compromise on the question that the entire area of Palestine belongs to the Palestinian people. Hamas is considered the most influential of the Palestinian fundamentalist groups. It is known for its extensive following, particularly compared to that of the other two groups, and for its military wing, Kata'ib Izz al-Din al-Qassam (Izz al-Din al-Qassam Brigades). The Islamic Jihad is narrowly based and more action oriented than the other two groups, focusing on violent acts of resistance to Israeli occupation. . . . The Palestinian Muslim fundamentalists have opposed the Palestinian-Israeli peace process, the Oslo Declaration of Principles of September 13, 1993, and subsequent Palestinian-Israeli agreements; they have also refused to participate in the Palestinian Authority, which was (first) established in Gaza and Jericho.

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          필리핀의 이슬람 분리주의 운동

          유왕종 한국이슬람학회 1999 한국이슬람학회논총 Vol.9 No.1

          '스콜라' 이용 시 소속기관이 구독 중이 아닌 경우, 오후 4시부터 익일 오전 7시까지 원문보기가 가능합니다.

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          아랍·이스라엘 분쟁의 분석과 미국의 역할에 관한 연구

          유왕종 한국외국어대학교(글로벌캠퍼스) 중동연구소 2004 중동연구 Vol.23 No.1

          20세기 팔레스타인 분쟁은 국제정치의 흐름을 좌우하는 중대한 분쟁 지역이기 때 문에 팔레스타인 인들은 많은 시련과 고통을 겪어 왔다. 따라서 미국 행정부(대통령)의 외교정책은 중동정세뿐만 아니라 국제정치의 흐름을 결정하는데 중요한 요인이었다. 팔레스타인 분쟁을 둘러싼 국제적인 움직임이 계속되었음에도 불구하고 팔레스타인 문제는 미․소 양국이나 이스라엘, 요르단 등 관계국가들의 노력만으로는 역부족이었다. 결국 팔레스타인 문제는 팔레스타인 인들의 힘으로 해결해야 하는 과제로 남게 되었다. 1987년 12월에 이스라엘 점령 하에 있던 가자지구와 요르단강 서안지역에서 팔레스타인 인들에 의한 반 이스라엘 저항투쟁인 인티파다가 시작되면서 팔레스타인 문제는 더욱 어려운 상황에 처하게 되었다. 인티파다 이후 요르단강 서안과 가자지구에 팔레스타인 국가를 건설하는 계획은 PLO에 의해 가속화되었다. 팔레스타인 문제는 부시 행정부의 노력으로 진전되었다. 미국정부는 1991년 3월부터 베커 국무장관을 중동으로 파견하여 분쟁 당사국들과 평화회의를 개최하는데 노력하고 있었다. 이러한 노력의 결실로 1991년 10월 30일 스페인 마드리드에서 분쟁 당사국과 미․소 대표 등이 참가하는 중동평화회의가 열렸다. 따라서 본 연구는 제2차 세계대전 이후 역대 미국 대통령의 중동정책을 역사적 사실에 근거하여 분석한 것이다. 제2차 세계대전 이후 세계질서를 확립해야했던 트루먼 대통령에서부터 클린턴 대통령까지 역대 미국대통령들이 팔레스타인 분쟁에 있어서 미국이 어떠한 역할을 해왔는지를 심층적으로 분석한다. 그리고 팔레스타인 분쟁에 있어서 제로섬게임과 팔레스타인 분쟁에 있어서 중요한 행위자로써 PLO 그리고 인티파다 이후 분쟁의 해결책에 대해 전망한다.

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          예멘 이슬람 운동의 현황과 전망

          유왕종 한국이슬람학회 2004 한국이슬람학회논총 Vol.14 No.2

          Yemen is a country with deep Muslim traditions, but is often most mentioned for its relatively large Zaydi Shi'i group, even if this represents a minority in the country as a total. Yemen's north is the centre of Zaydism, the second largest group inside Shi'i Islam. Zaydism is known for putting less importance on the position of the Imam, than among the Twelver (Iran), perhaps because the Zaydis have enjoyed far more political and religious freedom than the other. The Zaydis have professed military and violent activities in this century (examples of this is the stubborn fight against the British colonialists in Aden and the occupation of the great mosque in Mecca in 1979). The people of Yemen have practically the experience of passing through a multitude of political ties, ideologies and government systems like no other state on the planet, from Marxism, democracy, Islamism, monarchy and a range of occupations (British, Ottoman to name a few). Their experience with Islamists had been soaked with support at times and total rejection at others, and today, it is at the point of rejection. The Islamists and the Islamic movements are at an end in Yemen. The international community represented by the. United States will pinpoint and eradicate all whom they deem to be a terrorist, basically an Islamically oriented individual, and the government will gladly add to that list some of its own opponents that they deem to be a threat even if not an Islamist. It' s the start of a witch-hunt that nobody knows where it would lead, but one thing is sure, that it is the new cycle of oppressiveness justified by the war on terrorism, an era where the last breed of Islamists, radical or not will be eliminated, and the long history of Islamism in Yemen is close to an end. During the past two decades, a proselytizing, reformist, "Islamist" movement--mainly characterized as "Wahhabi"--has gained increasing popularity throughout Yemen. Wahhabism actively opposes both the main Yemeni schools--Zaydi Shi'ism in the north and Shafi'i-Sunnism in the south and in the Tihamah. It is closely connected with the political party Islah, a coalition of tribal, mercantile and religious interests that pursues a mixed social and political agenda.

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          남아시아 출신 코슬림(Koslim)의 한국사회 정착 및 정체성 형성에 관한 연구

          유왕종 ( Wang Jong Yoo ),김효정 ( Hyo Jung Kim ),안정국 ( Jung Kook Ahn ) 한국외국어대학교 중동연구소 2010 중동연구 Vol.29 No.1

          The acculturation experience of immigrant adolescents is a complex process involving many factors. Several important aspects of the acculturation process have been identified: acculturation attitudes, cultural identities, language, peer contacts, family relationship values, and perceived discrimination. To understand acculturation, it is essential to consider these variables both individually and in combination. The number of foreigners in our society has recently increased, while the rising number of interracial marriages of foreigners and Koreans has led to a growing interest in multicultural families. Illumination of this situation by various mass media outlets and local government activities has resulted in greater understanding of multicultural families. Korea`s uri culture does not easily accommodate the different religious and cultural practices of immigrants. The Islamic influence that permeates the lives of a large proportion of immigrants belonging to Muslim groups in Korea is especially distinctive. While it is common for foreign nationals residing in Korea to form a community based on nationality, Muslims constitute a community in terms of their religion, emphasizing the differences between themselves and other foreign groups in their expression of a unique cultural identity. One of the cultural practices which is representative of the differences between members of Muslim communities and the native population is the former`s eating habits, which differ greatly from those of Koreans. The influx of immigrant workers, mostly South Asian Muslims, and immigrants belonging to other Muslim groups, and the fact that it is mostly men, rather than women, who tend to marry Koreans, are factors which have led to claims that a so-called Koslim generation has emerged in Korea. Traditionally, children born to Muslim families automatically become Muslims in accordance with the religion, and this will, of course, proceed for subsequent generations. The history of international migration began a hundred years ago, when the settlers in the West experienced the subsequent social adjustment problems that Muslims in our society are experiencing now, and for two generations, these issues in Korea have so far been ignored. This study focuses on marriages between immigrant Muslims and Koreans, and the experiences of the children of parents belonging to two generations of immigrant Muslims from South Asia. The research could be significant in that it has yielded some insight into the ways in which Muslims adjust to Korean culture, thus providing a basis for evaluating the future prospects of this group, and understanding the ways in which their activities affect Korean society.

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