조선 후기 선원보첩류의 편찬체제와 그 성격

원창애(Won Chang-ae) 한국학중앙연구원 2007 장서각 Vol.0 No.17

조선시대 작성된 왕실보첩류는 매우 다양하다. 조선 전기에 작성된 왕실보첩류는 『선원록』 · 『돈녕보첩』 · 『어첩』 · 『팔고조도』 등이다. 특히 『선원록』 · 『돈녕보첩』 등은 왕실의 친족을 파악하여 이들에게 합당한 예후를 하기 위해서 매 식년마다 종부시와 돈녕부에서 단자를 받아 수정하였다. 조선 초기 왕실보첩류는 후기에 들어서면서 편찬체제가 달라지고, 기존의 보첩류와는 성격을 달리한 보첩류들이 간행되었다. 조선 후기에 새로 간행된 왕실보첩류는 『선원계보기략』 · 『왕비세보』 · 『선원속보』 등이다. 조선 후기 왕실보첩류의 편찬체제 변화나 새로운 보첩류가 등장하는 것은 조선 후기의 사회상을 반영한 것이다. 16세기 말 이후 예학의 심화와 종법적인 가족제도의 정착으로 양반가의 족보 간행이 활발해지고, 보학자들이 출현하였다. 이러한 사회적 변화가 왕실보첩류에도 영향을 미쳤다. 예를 들면, 조선 전기 이래 계속 수정 간행된 『선원록』은 1681년(숙종 7)에 와서는 외형적인 편찬체제와 수록 대상 범위가 변화되었다. 즉 從으로 기재되던 『선원록』은 양반가에서 보편적으로 사용되는 橫으로 선을 그어 횡간에 기재되게 되었다. 『선원록』의 수록 대상이 本孫 · 外孫 모두 왕의 6대손까지 기재되었던 것이 본손은 왕의 9대손, 외손은 왕의 6대손까지 기재되었다. 이와 같은 본손 · 외손의 차별을 두게 된 것은 '詳內略外'라는 조선 후기 성리학적 유교 윤리가 심화되면서 변화된 가족 의식의 변화에 의한 것이다. 왕실보첩류는 기본적으로 왕실의 친족을 파악하여 예후하기 위한 공문서로서의 성격을 띠므로 조선 왕실을 구성하는 핵심 지배층을 연구하는데 있어서 중요한 자료로 인식되었다. 그러나 여러 종류의 왕실보첩류가 기본적으로 어떠한 편찬체제를 가졌는지, 편찬체제가 왜 변화하는지, 새로운 왕실 보첩류들이 왜 등장하는지에 대한 연구가 거의 없다. 또한 여러 명칭의 왕실보첩류가 그 보첩만이 가지는 성격은 무엇인지에 대한 이해가 없었다. 본고는 왕실보첩류에 대한 기초연구로, 왕실보첩류 가운데 왕의 친족을 수록한 선원보첩류(『선원록』 · 『어첩』 · 『팔고조도』 · 『선원계보기략』 · 『선원속보』)의 편찬 체제와 편찬 과정을 통해서 각 선원보첩의 성격과 선원보첩류에 반영된 조선후기 사회상을 알아보았다. There were various types of royal genealogical records documented in the whole period of Joseon dynasty. Early in the dynasty, such royal family records were found as 'Description for Royal Origins'(Sunwon-rok), 'Genealogy Tables of Royal Relatives'(Donnyung-pochup), 'Records for Royal Trees'(Eochup), 'Eight Nodes of Royal Ascendants'(Pal-kojo-do) and others. Every three years, 'Royal Clan Office'(Jongpu-si) and 'Office for Royal Relatives'(Donnyung-pu) gathered a candidate list from alleged royal family relatives in order to delineate the scope of royal families and treat them with privileges. In late time of the dynasty, there appeared a different style which was different from the traditional ones. They were 'Representative Genealogy Document of Royal Families'(Sunwon-kyepo-kiryak), 'Genealogical Records of Queens' (Wangbi-sepo), 'Continued Records of Royal Families'(Sunwon-sokpo) and others. It seemed to reflect the social realities at that time that there appeared some changes in editing system of the royal genealogy and there occurred a new type of family documents. After 16th century in Joseon, especially due to the rapid development of Rite Studies(Ye-hak) and the establishment of family system through the first son's lineage, documentation of family genealogies had been prevailed among noble class of people(Yangban) with assistance from many experts on genealogy. This trend had an impact on the royal family. We can observe some changes both in the stylistic layouts and in the scope of inclusion for relatives, for instance, in 'Description of Royal Origins'(Sunwon-rok) which was done in 1681 or in the 7th year of King Sukjong reign; following the normal style of noble class records, the original vertical tables in column shifted into row tables with horizontal lines: the original scope to include 6th node offsprings equally in the paternal and maternal lines, on one hand, had been expanded up to 9th node offsprings in the patrilineage, while the matrilineage, on the other, had been preserved the same original 6th node with no change. This phenomenon was explained by the late neo-confucian ideology(Sungri-hak) represented as 'Expansion of Inside Nodes but Reduction of Outside Nodes'(Sangnay-Ryakoy) in which they began to sharply discriminate mother nodes in favor of father nodes. Royal family records are important to understand the core dominating class constituting the royal family in Joseon dynasty, because the records were regarded a public document officially approved for honorable treatment. We do not have any kind of rudimentary understanding yet on which system various kinds of royal genealogies were adopted in documenting relatives, why the system changed, and why a new style of records came to be prevailed. In addition, among various names of royal family documents, what distinctive characteristics the records had is not known. This paper has revealed what characteristics each royal family record had, especially focusing on the systems and process how it was documented, with reference to the social realities at that time.

조선 왕실보첩에 나타난 친족 의식

원창애 ( Won Chang-ae ) 한국계보연구회 2013 한국계보연구 Vol.4 No.-

It was presumed, by a rule of thumb, that the scopes of relatives or relative consciousness was not so much different from that of Chinese, because the neo - Confucianism had early been rooted as the ruling ideology of Chosun(朝鮮) dynasty. The following research, however, gradually has disproved this naive hypothesis that bilateral relatives of the previous dynasty, Koryeo(高麗), had changed into kinsman system. It was only around the 17th century which saw the transition from bilateral to unilateral, after many different features were accumulated in the research. Although the neo - Confucianism was imported around the late period of Koryeo dynasty, it took quite a long time to be full-fledged and practical in their daily lives, that is, from the 17th century around. In early days of Chosun, the traditional values were rather kept with the generous evaluation, ‘familiar custom’. But as the newly adopted ideology attained righteous position, they began to ratify all of the old values accordingly. The records of royal relatives also seem to reflect this sort of shift perspicuously. The records for king’s families show the transition in which early versions had conservatively preserved the old tradition for quite a long time. There are such materials remained until now for the royal families; ‘Relatives Records’(宗親錄), ‘Included Clans’(類附錄), ‘Essential Documents for Precious Blood’(廟原系譜/紀略), ‘Precious Blood Documents’ (增源錄) and ‘Records for Queens’(王妃世譜). Among them, ‘Relative Records’ and ‘Included Clans’ were drastically changed from the king Sookjong(肅宗) era, around the 17th century. That is, the ramified version of 'Precious Blood Document’, neo-confucian versions of ‘Essential Documents for Precious Blood’ and ‘Records for Queens’ had newly been edited. Their continuous enlarged versions allow us to detect which features were changed in this trend. ‘Relative Records’ list the lineage of sons (princes) and ‘Included Clans' contain daughters (princess) and additional grand daughters from each princes. Both materials delineate the 6th generations. The 4th king of Sejong(世宗) adopted ‘Five Land Divisions’(五服制) and regulated the royal relatives accordingly in the same way. Chinese ‘Canonical Script of Rites’(禮言己) says that the mourning close-relatives who should wear the most harsh garment(總麻親) expand up to the 4th descendents and the 5th nodes are allowed, only if for the same family name, to wear fine textile(袒免親). But the 6th generations onwards have no ties at all without any obligation. It is not clear yet why this peculiarity of royal genealogy reached up to the 6th nodes which was declared, by the neo -confucian ideology, not clans’ any more. 'included Clans’(類附錄) show the traditional meaning of relatives, because it still kept daughters lineages. The neo-confucian principle does not include maternal great children and great-great children who are exempt from wearing any special cloth because they are regarded not relatives any more. This does not explain why the royal genealogies kept the relative up to the 6th generations of maternal lineage. Moreover, ‘Included Clans’ fairly treat the offsprings the same way, regardless of paternal side and maternal side. Although some weight can gradually be observed more on paternal line, it can be stated that the old custom was more or less respected. It further kept some identity which sharply distinguished from aristocratic classes because female names were recorded independently. The normal way at that time was that the husband names were substituted to represent daughters throughout the whole period. The typical way to describe was the exact name of daughter which was followed by “this girl married to whom. It is not sure whether this template goes back to the previous dynasty or not. One of the earliest versions for high class genealogies, ‘Matrix of Haeju Oh Clans’(海州吳氏族圖), listed only son-in - law names which was assumed written in 1401. The bilateral model of clans began to change in the 17th century, when the cordial reception was at issue and the modification was dis cussed on ‘Relative Records’ and ‘Included Clans’ as well. The debate went on how slaves could become a commoner by paying for themselves, from king Hyojong(孝宗) era, but some persistently argued discrimination between direct discendants and maternal offsprings. But they agreed with no discrimination, only if already listed in the records, so as to pay respect to the customs. Only after the debate, in king Injo(仁祖) era, on issuing a copy production of royal records, due to destruction from several Chinese invasions(淸), there began at last to modify two records, as the king Sookjong(肅宗) was enthroned. The main points were imitation of literati styles, in which five or six rows were divided in each page of records and paternal maxims were authorized such as ‘First Males and then. Females’(先男後女) and ‘Precise for Males but Coarse for Females’(詳內外略). The coalitional edition was also published with the name of ‘Documents for Precious Blood’(增源錄). This order reflected the arguments from Western Party(西人) who took part in the edition at that time. Their urgent tasks were regulation between two different features from our tradition and from the new ideology. Although some disagreements were observed between Western Party(西人) and Southern Party(南人), they could successfully reach at consensus in which some ‘timely,and reasonable' measure counted in the negotiation of differences among ‘Family Ritual Norms’(家禮) written by Zhu Xi(朱熹, 1139~1200), Chinese old rites, and our traditional ones. The Western Party members kept some idea to merge two different systems. Although imported ideologies did not allow, the newly edition preserved the previous royal genealogy which included up to the 6th node of offsprings, while the discrimination was so attested that only male descendants expanded further up to the 9th node in ‘Relative Records’. The son-in-law names occupied the daughter nodes instead, while female names, for the time being, were inserted as a footnote. But they were ultimately removed, solely because they could not identify female names with ease. This is a way that the royal records also fit to the norms prevailed at that time; ‘First Males and then Females’ and ‘Precise for Males but Coarse for Females’.

일반논문 : 물천 선생 후손가의 고문서 분석 -특히 간찰을 중심으로-

원창애 ( Chang Ae Won ) 경상대학교 남명학연구소 2006 남명학연구 Vol.22 No.-

일반논문 : 『고대일록』을 통해본 함양 사족층의 동향

원창애 ( Chang Ae Won ) 경상대학교 남명학연구소 2012 남명학연구 Vol.33 No.-

임진왜란이 발발해서부터 광해군 초기까지 함양 사족의 일상을 기록한 『고대일록』을 통해서 당시 조선 사회의 모습을 재구성해 보았다. 함양은 일찍부터 사림파 군수인 김종직을 통하여 성리학을 접하게 되었고, 그 학풍을 계승한 곳이다. 성리학풍을 바탕으로 함양으로 이주한 성관에서 문과 급제를 통한 관원이나 생원진사시 입격자들이 배출되면서 함양의 재지사족으로 성장하였다. 사림파의 성리학풍을 계승한 함양 사족은 남명학파와도 맥이 닿았다. 의리지학을 배우고 그것을 실천하는 것을 최고의 목적으로 하는 남명학파 인물들이 함양 사족으로 활동할 당시 임진왜란이 발발하였다. 함양 사족들은 그들의 배운 바를 실천할 수 있는 기회를 놓치지 않고 적극적으로 의병활동에 참여하였다. 그들은 의병을 모집하고, 무기를 제작하였으며, 군자를 마련하였다. 이러한 일련의 활동이 임진왜란 초기에만 국한된 것은 아니었다. 정유재란 당시 함양 역시 왜적의 피해를 입었으나, 의병 지원 활동이 계속되었다. 이것은 함양 사족이 엘리트로서 향촌 사회에 대하여 가졌던 책임의식을 여실히 보여준 것이다. 전란 속에서도 사족들은 자신들의 사회적 지위를 유지시켜 주는 경제 기반인 토지와 노비에 대한 강한 애착을 드러냈으며, 위기 상황에서 명분보다는 실리를 위해서 상행위까지 마다하지 않는 당시 선비의 유연성까지도 가지고 있었다. 사족의 사회적 지위는 경제 기반만으로는 해결될 수 없었다. 중종대 규정된 사족은 경제적 부로 측정된 것이 아니라, 문·무과 출신의 자제, 생원·진사, 내외 사조 내의 顯官이 있는 자로 규정되어 있다. 즉 생원진사시 혹은 문·무과의 급제 여부, 과거를 통한 관료 진출 여부가 핵심이었다. 그러므로 전란 속에서도 사족들이 과거에 매달릴 수밖에 없었다. 또한 선조 대에는 지방 유생의 상소가 공론으로 인정되는 사회였다. 중요한 사안이 있을 때 유생들은 상소를 통해 의견을 개진하였다. 일부 함양 사족은 정인홍이 주도하는 대북 계통의 유생이었기 때문에 사회 폐단의 해결책을 제시하는 상소 이외에도 서인과의 공론 대결이 치열하게 전개되었다. 정경운은 정인홍의 제자로 정치색이 뚜렷한 인물이기 때문에 일기 곳곳에서 서인에 대한 평가를 볼 수 있다. 이러한 모습 속에서 당시 지방 사족들이 정쟁에 가담하는 모습이 생생하게 드러내고 있다. 전란 이후 향촌 사회의 복구에 앞장선 사족들은 향촌을 교화하고, 원악향리의 처벌을 강화하고, 사족들에 대해서도 儒罰을 내림으로써 그들 중심의 향촌 질서를 유지하였다. 이 시기 함양 내에 유력 사족 간의 갈등이 서원의 위차 문제로 표출되었다. 유력 사족의 이러한 갈등은 17세기 이후 서로 다른 정치 노선을 갖게 하는 단초가 되었다. Ko­dae Diaries,`` written by Kyeong­wun Jeong, began in 1592 when Japanese army invaded Choseon and ended in the early Kwang­hae reign. This contains detailed daily activities around the author himself as well as the pertinent persons and events. It allows us to reconstruct what the situations at the war time were like. Ham­yang region where he lived had been influenced earlier than any other places by the neo­confucianism through their county magistrate, Jong­jik Kim, who was a leader of the outside government or Sa­rim faction. The local literatus class in that region grew up from migrated families after their offsprings had begun to pass civil and military service examinations and accordingly assumed official positions in the government. They also communicated closely with the scholars of Nam­myong School. Neo­confucianism emphasized actual practices rather than mere theoretical debates. This ideology enabled them actively to take part in the Anti-Japanese Righteous Volunteer Fighters, when Japanese army invaded firstly in from 1592 to 1598 and secondly in from 1597 to 1598. Their reaction clearly reflected what they felt their responsibilities about their land as the local elite class. The diary also shows that the local literatus class concerned deeply about their economic basis such as cultivation land and slavery. Moreover, they were even involved in commercial activities, too, which belonged at that time mostly to merchant class. In the reign of King Jung­jong, literati were defined not by their economic wealth but by family members who were at least a public officer, a passer of local examinations, or a high officer within great­great grand father nodes including matrilineal line. This regulation explained the reason why they were strongly engaged in taking civil and military service examinations to maintain their status. In the reign of King Seon­jo, local confucian scholars were allowed to send their written opinions to king as a public opinion. Almost of all the literatus class in this area belonged to the Splinter Group of the Easterner (or Dae­Book) Faction, they tended to oppose to Westerners Faction (or Seo­in). The author, who was a disciple of In­hong Jeong, was so political that he often blamed the opposite people so many times in his diary. We can observe a positive function of local literati, on one hand, to recover their society and enlighten local people. They, however, began to confront each other, on the other hand, with such issues as setting up a tablet order in the shrine of local confucian schools which facilitated, at last, to divide into a different political faction after 17th century.

조선 종친부의 체제 및 기능과 그 변천

원창애(Won, Chang-Ae) 한국사학회 2014 史學硏究 Vol.- No.114

조선의 종친부는 고려의 제왕자부와는 달리 왕의 친왕자 이하 모든 종친이 소속된 관서이다. 종친부는 종반직에 제수되는 종친과 동반 관원으로 구성된 이중 체제로 운영되었다. 종친부 구성원인 종친은 정치에는 관여할 수 없었으나, 국가 의례에 참여할 의무를 가지고 있었다. 종친은 각종 국가 제사와 제향, 조회, 왕실 혼인, 흉례, 사신 접대, 대열이나 강무와 같은 군례 등에서 감당해야할 역할이 있었다. 특히 흉례에서는 종친이 주축이 되었다. 종친부는 종친의 봉작과 종반직의 初授?陞進?復職 등에 관여하고, 종친의 예우 문제나 구휼 등 종실의 품위 유지에 힘썼다. ?경국대전?에는 종친부 내의 종친 직임이 따로 규정되어 있지 않다. 충훈부와 마찬가지로 왕이 2품 이상 종친 가운데 3명을 유사당상으로 차임하여 종친을 관할하게 하였다. 왕의 자손이 번성한 시기에는 친왕자 그리고 왕과 촌수가 가까운 왕자군을 위시한 종친이 주로 유사당상에 차임되었다. 인조대 이후 왕자의 출생이 적어지자, 왕자군에게 유사당상을 맡기기가 쉽지 않았다. 종친의 감소로 선왕의 증손이나 현손이 유사당상에 차임되는 사례가 많았다. 그나마 순조대 이후로는 종반직 제수 대상이 거의 없어 종친부 유사당상의 성원도 갖추지 못하였다. 종친의 감소로 종친부가 제 기능을 다 할 수 없게 되자, 헌종대에 종친부 유사당상을 맡은 흥선군은 쇠잔한 왕실의 권위 회복을 위한 방향을 모색하였다. 왕실의 울타리가 되어줄 종친이 거의 없는 현실 속에서 흥선군은 친진된 왕실 후손들에게 관심을 돌렸다. 흥선군은 왕실 후손의 결속을 위해서 왕실의 대동보인 ?선원속보?를 편찬하였고, 고종이 즉위한 후에는 종친부의 재정비에 나섰다. 우선 종친부와 종부시를 통합하여 종친부의 관제를 개정하였다. 개정된 종친부 관제는 종성의 관료가 종친부 관직에 제수될 수 있도록 하였고, 자벽제를 통해서 왕실 후손이 관직에 진출할 수 있는 기회를 넓혔다. 또한 왕실의 지손들을 보존한다는 명분하에 당하 종반직을 폐지하여 왕의 3, 4대손은 과거에 응시하거나 종친부의 동반직을 통해서 문무관료 관직으로 진출하였다가 2품으로 승진하면 封君하도록 하였다. 이것은 종친의 봉군 범위를 줄인 것이 아니라, 당하 종반직을 폐지하고 일반 관료 관직으로 일원화한 것이다. 조선 후기 종친들이 사림 정치의 여파로 역모에 연루되어 화를 입어 종친의 수가 더욱 감소되었다. 이러한 폐해를 방지하고 종친을 보존한다는 명분으로 오랜 세월 동안 금지했던 과거 응시와 일반 관료 관직 진출을 왕의 3,4대손에게 허락하였다. 종친의 부재 속에서 고종대 종친부 개편으로 종친부가 대원군의 봉사손과 종성 관료들에게 개방되었고, 종친부 당하관직은 자벽제를 도입하여 왕실 후손들의 음직 진출 통로가 되었다. 이러한 개편은 종친부의 권한 강화나 확대이기 보다는 진진된 왕실 후손을 포용하여 종친부를 존속시키기 위한 것이다. 재정비된 종친부는 왕실 후손과 왕실의 유대를 확인하기 위해서 대·소 종회를 개최하는 등 왕실 가문의 일에 관여하게 되었다. 고종대 종친부는 왕실 가문의 크고 작은 행사를 주관하고 왕실보첩을 편찬하는 왕실 가문 기구로 변질되었다.

조극선(趙克善) 일기를 통해본 17세기 전반기의 과거 실태

원창애 ( Won Chang-ae ) 조선시대사학회 2017 朝鮮時代史學報 Vol.83 No.0

The diaries of Mr. Cho Kuk-sun (조극선) over twenty years keep valuable descriptions of Civil Service Examinations (CSEs, in short: 과거) and a variety of scholar-official families’ daily lives (사족 생활) who lived in 17^th century at Duck-san (덕산), Choong-chung Province (충청도). It must be his intention that he tried to cover all of the examinations processes in detail, since the related curricula and admissions for CSEs were preserved in meticulous mode and thoroughly. He passed a regular triennial examination at the first stage, Classics and Literary Licentiate Examination (henceforth CLLE: 생원진사시), in 1612, when he was 16 years old. Since then, he tried ten times over 24 years to pass the second stage, the so-called Congregation Examination at Metropolitan (회시), with no success, although he was successful to pass twice in CLLE division and eight times in Higher Erudite Examination (문과 초시). His diaries allow us to trace back what the examinations were like and how they were done in order for him to prepare. He had hard training especially on composition in his adolescent period over the various classical genres from poems to essays with reference to famous Chinese stylists. He had committed, then, to learn Confucian Classics, keeping in mind all the verses of Four Classics (사서) after he was 24 years old. At the same time, he gradually became to understand Neo-confucian anthologies such as ‘Great Compendium on Human Nature and Principle’ (성리대전). He was a student of Mr. Park Ji-kye (박지계) and Mr. Cho Ik (조익) both of whom were enjoying their hermitage lives freely in secluded environment. It was ‘Reflections on Things at Hand’(근사록) complied by Chu Hsi(주희) and Lü Zuqian(여조겸) that he was actually guided by on what to read, step by step, further through. We can observe some contrast in the same period with the instance of Mr. Kim Young (김영), a hereditary elite, who was led by Zhen Dexiu’s (진덕수) ‘Anthology on Mind and Heart’ (심경) for his scholarly development, residing in the area of Kyeong-sang Do (cf. Cha Mi-hee 차미희 2013). The difference, however, seems not to reflect an areal tendency but to follow masters from whom they had been taught. Although he applied for CLLE exams ten times, over thirteen years, he only passed twice. The precise descriptions of his prefectural examination applications, nine times, reveal the actual procedural and preparations especially on CLLE in the Right Sector of Choong-chung Province (충청 우도). For instance, the applicants from Ducksan area, his hometown, did not buy examination sheets (시지) but rather asked monks nearby at Kayasa Temple (가야사) to produce them in quality even with supply of good mulberry skins. They sometimes got involved to hammer the materials together in order to get fine resources for sheets. It also was very hard to reserve or rent a house for temporary stay for the period of examinations so that he was accompanied to apply for CLLEs, all the times, by his cousin Mr. Cho Chong-sun (종형 조종선). It is very interesting to find his depictions on the very examination spot for CLLEs: applicants helped each other within the same group to answer their individual sheet, sitting seat by seat. They sometimes prepared composition tasks in group, and they also assisted each other to do a fair copy with admired calligraphy. Surprisingly, it did not seem to be banned in rigour as an improper way to help each other. His diary, moreover, tells us that a trend to consist of examiners for CLLEs (향시 시관 구성) got changed right after Injo Restoration (인조반정) in 1623. After he applied seventeen times, in sum, for Higher Erudite Examination (문과 초시) and once for the division of Confucian Students (유생과), he passed eight time in total. In the ear of King Gwanghaegun (광해군 시대, 1608~1623), he got Composition Examinations (제술), three time, but, right after the Restoration by King Injo (인조 시대, 1623-1649), he could apply various types of the same level examinations for Higher Erudite Officials (문과) such as a Regular Triennial Examination (식년 문과), an Augmented Examination (증광 문과), a Special Examination (별시 문과), a Memorial Examination of Royal Visitation to Confucian Hall (알성 문과), a Palace Examination (정시 문과) and others. His expertise on Confucian Classics (경학) made him to pass the Disquisition Sector (논) with ease at the first level examination but it seemed that he was not able to do both jobs official services and scholarly learning (관직 생활 겸 경학 공부) altogether, after he was officially appointed to a governmental position. The descriptions on the curricula and the tasks to prepare to pass for the government service examinations and his applications several times were so valuable to be complimentary with the relevant official documents for the examinations. His precise writings on learning processes with petty things around, in addition, help us to understand the literati culture broadly around the 17^th century.

지방 거주 생원 조세환의 문과 응시 실태 - 『趙世煥日記』를 중심으로-

원창애(Won, Chang-Ae) 한국사학회 2020 史學硏究 Vol.0 No.139