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        한국어 차등비교구문에서의 ‘더’와 ‘덜’의 분포 연구

        우순조 ( Woo Soon-jo ) 국어학회 2016 국어학 Vol.78 No.-

        이 논문은 한국어 차등 비교 구문에서 보이는 ‘더’와 ‘덜’의 분포가 비교 구문 술어의 특성에 따라 좌우되는 개별적인 현상이라고 보는 학계 일각의 견해와는 달리, 이들의 실현 여부가 철저히 일반 원리에 의해 지배되는 현상임을 밝힘으로써 비교구문의 통사적 본질을 규명하는 데에 필요한 토대를 마련하는 데에 목적이 있다. 이를 위해 이 논문은 ‘명시적 척도 표현’과 ‘묵시적 척도 표현’, 그리고 비척도 표현이라는 용어를 도입한다. ‘명시적 척도 표현’은 대체로 정도성 형용사와 일치한다. ‘묵시적 척도 표현’은 비교 구문을 허용하는 동사를 가리킨다. 마지막으로 ‘비척도 표현’이란 비교 구문을 허용하지 않는 술어들을 가리킨다. 이 논문은 명시적 척도 표현이 모문 술어로 쓰인 문장에서 ‘더’가 자유롭게 생략될 수 있음을 보인다. 그리고 이러한 현상은 왜 ‘덜’이 절대로 생략될 수 없는지에 대해 자연스러운 설명의 토대를 이룬다는 점을 보인다. 그 이유는 아래와 같다: ‘더’는 명시적 척도 표현에서 자유롭게 생략될 수 있다. 그리고 생략된 표현의 의미 역시 생략되기 전의 표현의 의미와 일치한다. 따라서 ‘덜’이 쓰인 문장에서 ‘덜’을 생략할 경우 ‘더’가 쓰인 문장에서 ‘더’가 생략된 문장과 형식적으로 완전히 일치하게 된다. 그리고 그 때의 의미는 ‘더’가 생략된 문장의 의미로 해석되는 것이 일차적이다. 이러한 결과는 화자의 의도에 반하는 것이므로 본래의 의미를 온전히 표현하기 위해서는 ‘덜’의 생략이 허용될 수 없다는 것이다. 이 논문은 또한 동사 술어 구문에서의 ‘더’의 실현이 명시적 척도 표현의 존재에 민감함을 밝혔다: 일반적으로 말하여 한국어에서 동사는 묵시적 척도 표현에 해당한다. 그러므로 이들은 자체적으로는 ‘-보다’ 성분을 문장 안으로 이끌어 들일 수 없다. ‘-보다’ 성분을 끌어들이기 위해서는 명시적 척도 표현이 필요하다. 그런데, 명시적 척도 표현이 있을 경우에 ‘더’의 생략은 자유롭다. 그리고 그 이유는 명시적 척도 표현이 술어로 쓰인 문장의 경우와 동일하다. 한편, 명시적 척도 표현이 없는 경우에 동사가 술어로 쓰인 문장의 비교 구문이 성립하기 위해서는 ‘더’의 생략이 허용되지 않는다. 이 논문은 이러한 현상이 동사 술어 구문에서 ‘-보다’ 성분이 ‘더’에 의해 도입되는 것이 아니라 명시적 척도 표현에 의해 도입된다는 것을 암시하는 것으로 해석한다. This paper aims to show that the distribution of ‘de' and 'del' in Korean comparative construction does not depend on each constructions characteristic, but is totally governed by a general principle. In order to do so, this paper introduces some terms; Explicit scale expression, implicit scale expression, and non-scale expression are those. Explicit scale expression roughly coincide with degree adjectives. Implicit expression are verbs that allow comparative constructions. Non-scale expressions are those predicates that do not allow comparative construction. This paper shows that 'de' is freely deleted in the comparative constructions that have explicit scale expressions as matrix predicate. This phenomena provides natural explanation on why 'del' can not be deleted at all. The reason is as follows; 'de' is freely deleted in comparative constructions, and the interpretations remains the same as before it is deleted. The comparative constructions with 'del' come to coincide with those with 'de' when del is deleted. So that the interpretation of 'del' constructions can not be distinguished from that of 'de' construction. This is contrary to the speaker's intention. That's why 'del' can not be deleted. This paper also explains asymmetric distribution of 'de' and 'del' in comparative constructions with verb predicate. Generally speaking, verb predicates are implicit scale expressions in Korean. So that they can not introduce '-boda' constituent by themselves. 'De' is freely deleted in comparative constructions with verb predicate on condition that there exists a overt explicit scale expression. Meanwhile, 'de' is not deleted when there is no explicit scale expression. This phenomena implies that '-boda' constituent is not introduced by 'de', but by explicit scale expression. This phenomena provides some hint about the morpho-systactic nature of the so-called 'i' derived adverbs such as 'manhi' and 'melli' which roughly mean "many/much" and "far" respectively. This paper shows that 'de' can not be deleted in case that explicit scale expression is deleted in comparative constructions with verb predicates. The reason why explicit scale can be deleted lies in the fact that it can be predicted via semantic properties of argument classes of the verb predicates.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        통사적 환경과 음운론적으로 조건화되지 않은 경음화

        우순조(Woo Soon-Jo) 한국음운론학회 2004 음성·음운·형태론 연구 Vol.10 No.3

        This paper argues that phonologically unconditioned tensification functions as a marker of syntactic boundaries in both compounds and syntactic constructions. To prove the argument, this paper sets up a working hypothesis, and shows that it correctly predicts the occurrence of the tensification. The hypothesis, named syntactic environment hypothesis, predicts that phonologically unconditioned tensification takes place at syntactic boundaries. For example, it predicts that the tensification in point never occurs between verb roots and derivational suffixes because the morpheme sequence forms a morphological structure. It also predicts that the tensification occurs at syntactic boundaries. One of the syntactic boundaries lies between the misleadingly called verbal stems and endings. This conception is supported by independent syntactic evidence. The hypothesis provides a better understanding of phonologically unconditioned tensification in compound constructions. That is, compounds originating from syntactic constructions show tensificiation, while typical compounds do not.

      • KCI등재

        찹쌀가루 입자의 크기에 따른 두텁편의 품질에 관한 연구

        순조,경자,최원석,Kim Soon-Jo,Woo Kyung-Ja,Choi Won-Seok 동아시아식생활학회 2006 동아시아식생활학회지 Vol.16 No.3

        The manufacture and consumption of traditional Korean rice cake is being revived due to the introduction of various desserts and confectionaries in the food industry. In order to develop this traditional food of Korea and allow various types of rice cakes to enter the market, it is essential to standardize the cooking methodology. In particular, there has been little research on Dutubpyun, a traditional food famous for its good taste. In addition, the original cooking methodology varies between cookbooks. Therefore, in order to standardize the cooking methodology for Dutubpyun referring to various cookbooks, different types Dutubpyun were made by varying the grain fineness of the glutinous rice powder to 16, 20, 30 and 40 meshes, adding up water to 10%, up sugar to 10% and up soy sauce to 5%. Subsequently, a sensory evaluation, and a test on the moisture, degree of gelatinization and hardness during storage were measured to determine the optimal grain fineness of the powder. For the sensory evaluation, where the grain sizes of the glutinous rice powder were different, the 30 and 40 mesh samples received high scores for grain fineness, moisture and chewiness. The 40 mesh samples received high scores for softness, while the overall quality was the highest in the 30 mesh samples. The moisture content during storage was $38.0{\sim}40.6%$ for the samples on the day of cooking, while it was reduced to $33.3{\sim}35%$ after 3 days of storage. Regarding the degree of gelatinization during storage, the maltose content was $2.4{\sim}2.7 mg$ for the samples on the day of cooking. After 3 days, the maltose content was $2.3{\sim}2.8 mg$ but the maltose content was higher in the 40 mesh samples than in the other samples. Regarding the change in hardness during storage, the hardness marked high in the 20 mesh samples on the day of cooking (p<0.05), while it was high in the 16 mesh samples after 3 days of storage (p<0.001). The hardness tended to increase with increasing storage time. Regarding the surface structure of the glutinous rice powder and Dutubpyun, a difference in grain fineness was clearly seen in the 15x-magnifications photograph of the rice powder structure taken by SEM. At 60x and 180x magnifications of surface of Dutubpyun, the 16 mesh samples had a uniform air gap, and a lumpy configuration. Smaller air gaps were dispersed homogeneously and similar to a net in the 20 and 30 mesh samples. The 40 mesh samples showed to a net-likes structure with cracks. Overall, for the best conditions for cooking Dutubpyun, the grain fineness of the glutinous rice power needs to be 30 mesh.

      • KCI등재

        동사 접미 파생과 활용 개념의 부조화

        우순조(Woo, Soon-jo) 한국어학회 2015 한국어학 Vol.69 No.-

        In a majority, alternations of verbal endings have been considered to be a kind of conjugation in the history of Korean grammar. This kind of analyses provoke many conceptual conflicts between not a few grammatical notions. For example, Korean verb "mek-hi-da" is regarded as a result of suffixal derivation. In fact, stem "mek" can not stand alone, but is used when combined with an ending(s). Seen from this perspective, mek-hi-da cannot be called an example of suffixal derivation because the derivative morpheme occurs in between the stem and the ending(s). This paper provides evidences and discusses why the so-called stem and endings in Korean should be described as independent syntactic units, not morphological ones. This paper shows that the above mentioned conceptual conflicts between some grammatical notions do not happen in this analysis, and that we can draw out linguistically significant generalizations about the behavior of agglutinative morphemes in Korean.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재후보

        Klinefelter 씨 증후군 1 예

        순조 ( Soon Jo Hong ),김부성 ( Boo Sung Kim ),최영길 ( Young Kil Choi ),정환국 ( Whan Kook Chung ),정인식 ( In Sik Chung ),대석 ( Dai Sok Woo ),김주현 ( Joo Hyun Kim ),최규완 ( Kyu Wan Choi ) 대한내과학회 1972 대한내과학회지 Vol.15 No.9

        In 1942 Klinefelter deacribed the first case of Klinefelter`s syndrome. Since then more cases have been investigated about genetics and male infertility by hormone assay and psychopathologically. We report here a case of chromatin-positive Klinefelter`s sy

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