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Constructionists claim that despite surface realizations, goals and benefactives are distinct, which is attributed to different valency: benefactives, unlike goals, are transitive. I examine this claim through a typological and corpus-based study of benefactives. Typological excursion into benefactives shows they come in two types, ones with/without verbs of giving. For the former in which benefactives are expressed by a serial verb, a beneficiary is allowed in the presence of the verb of giving. It is argued that the reason why transitivity of benefactives is not available in English is due to the lack of verb serialization, which is confirmed by the corpus data of benefactives in Korean.
This paper examines Korean speakers' knowledge of semantic computation of telicity in English. Precisely, it addresses the question of whether Korean learners are aware that telicity in English is encoded by the cardinality of objects. To this end, six different types of object NPs were used: eat an apple/the apple/two apples/a piece of cake/apples/cake. Only the first four objects of specified cardinality make a predicate telic. Results of a temporal modification test show that Korean learners have largely acquired that telicity in English relies on the cardinality of objects; crucially, they were able to accept the telic predicates but to reject the atelic predicates with the in X time adverbial. However, they failed to make the telic-atelic distinction regarding the event cancellation test, incorrectly accepting the telic predicates with the continuation denoting the cancelled event. It is argued that this fluctuation is attributable to L1 transfer. The transferred properties of Korean perfectives (i.e., partial completion interpretations) overrode their developing knowledge of telicity in English.
This experimental study compares event completion construals of change-of-state predicates in English by L1 English and L1 Korean speakers. The Incompleteness Effect (henceforth, IE) refers to the phenomenon in which the change-of-state predicates typically entailing event completion describe incomplete events. The semantic account for IE argues that IE arises only for accomplishments, leading to the division between accomplishments and achievements. IE is attested to in Korean but not in English. Given that difference, this paper is concerned with two questions: (1) whether Korean L1 speakers are aware that accomplishments are incompatible with incomplete events in English and (2) whether contextual factors other than the semantic one are relevant to IE. The results indicate that Korean speakers are insensitive to the absence of IE in English, which is best explained by L1 transfer. The results, moreover, showed that contextual factors are relevant to IE but in a selective way. Accomplishments but not achievements were influenced by contextual factors. Lastly, the results revealed there is an intricate interplay between semantic and contextual factors: the former plays a main role while the latter plays a supplementary role.
The previous L2-studies on English unaccusativity found that overgeneration of passive unaccusatives is particularly prevalent among Korean speakers, which suggests that L1-transfer is operative in this domain. Nevertheless, the role and extent of L1-transfer hasn't received due attention. To contribute to the accurate characterization of the phenomenon, this paper examines the relevance of L1-transfer in this domain, using a passivization diagnostic. The findings of the study show that Korean speakers experienced more difficulties with particular subtypes of passive unaccusatives, whose Korean counterparts include either the morpheme ci- or consist of a verbal noun and hata. It is argued that transfer of a multi-function of the ci- and of unique properties of lexical passives in Korean are held responsible.
English perfectives describe fully-completed events, whereas Korean perfectives describeboth partially- and fully-completed events. The capacity of perfectives to denotepartial completion interpretations is called the incompleteness effect which ariseonly for accomplishments with incremental themes. This paper examines Koreanspeakers' interpretations of English perfectives, precisely, whether they are ableto reject English perfectives with incomplete events, and whether their patternsvary across predicate types (accomplishments vs. achievements). The results showthat partially-completed events yield differences across predicate types. Unlikecontrols who rejected both predicates, Korean learners tended to rejectachievements but to accept accomplishments, as descriptions ofpartially-completed events. This paper explores the role of semantic and contextualfactors in interpreting response patterns found in the study.
In this article, I will trace the history of Korean atomic bomb survivors’ solidarity with Japanese civic groups. This case study will show how the history were able to construct a framework of transnational solidarity that extended beyond the borders of Korea and Japan. Through this analysis, I seek to propose that war responsibility and morality of the cosmopolitan era are not produced by the complete transcendence from nationalism, but rather, they are made possible through reflexive cosmopolitanism, the active reflection and self-examination of the nation-states regarding nationalism and their historical narratives. Just as the world history related to the development and use of nuclear weapons is full of paradoxes and contradictions, so is the memory of Hiroshima and Nagasaki atomic bomb survivors, which cannot be entirely explained by the nationalistic narrative of a single country. This case study shows that the Korean atomic bomb survivors’ stories did not replace the Japanese collective memories, but rather, coexisted with them. Nonetheless, the multiple memories of the Hiroshima and Nagasaki constructed a framework of transnational solidarity between the Korean atomic bomb survivors and Japanese civic groups. For them, the sense of belonging to a nation-state coexisted with the transnational values.
This experimental syntax study examines Yeo’s (2006, 2011) claims about –key/-tolok alternation of clausal and non-clausal resultatives in Korean. Yeo (2006) argues that clausal resultatives license–tolok whereas non-clausal resultatives license -key, but not vice versa. These claims were tested, employing OpenSesame and a 5-point Likert scale task. The t-test and κ-test results showed that non-clausal resultatives agreement (i.e., convergence rate) between the linguist’s and 44 naïve speakers’ judgments was 100% and clausal resultatives agreement between the two types of acceptability judgments was just 57%. These new empirical data are in line with Yeo’s (2006) claims for non-clausal resultatives, but not for clausal resultatives. Furthermore, this paper provides a pattern analysis, a detailed analysis of divergence types between the two types of judgments for all pairs tested. We also discuss contributions of experimental syntax studies to the advancement of syntactic theory.
The causative alternation in English is semantically determined: change-of-state denoting unaccusatives but not activity-denoting unergatives can participate in the alternation. Surprisingly, manner-of-motion verbs, one subtype of unergatives, can appear in lexical causatives when accompanied by a directional complement. In contrast, the causatives in Korean don't seem to be semantically conditioned. Furthermore, Korean manner-of-motion verbs which are unequivocally activity-denoting unergative verbs fail to participate in the alternation and a goal complement can appear in the presence of a directed motion verb ka- in Korean. The main objective of the paper is to examine Korean speakers' knowledge of lexical causatives in English. Results of the study suggest that the learners generally know semantic properties pertinent to the causative alternation, showing their ability to extract abstract semantic determinants from the variable input. Nevertheless, the data reveal that the acquisition of lexical causatives with manner-of-motion verbs with a directional PP is delayed. Such delayed acquisition is accounted for by constructionists' views, the difference between the case of instantiation and of modification and by L1-transfer.