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‘有’자문의 정보 구조에 대한 소고 ― ‘有+NP+VP’를 중심으로
오유정 중국어문연구회 2019 中國語文論叢 Vol.0 No.93
According to Lambrecht (1994[2000]), presentational construction introduces a new referent into discourse, through promoting the referent from ‘non-activation state’ to ‘activation state’ based on ‘topic acceptability scale’. Additionally, this active referent can be used in subsequent discourse as a ‘topic’. This can account for various aspects of the ‘You(有)+NP+VP’ subject-less constructions in Chinese. First, the NP of the presentational construction can be approved according to the ‘topic acceptability scale’ rather than whether it is definite or indefinite. It is true that the NP of the presentational construction is mainly indefinite NP as non-active referent, however it is also possible to introduce a referent of the text-external discourse world into the text-internal discourse world, such as ‘I(我)’ and ‘You(你)’. Second, the presentational construction is a kind of thetic sentence, and the NP can only be ‘topic referents’ but cannot be ‘topic (expression)’. Third, the presentational construction indicates that the referent is in the ‘place’ or the ‘scene’, which means ‘possession’, rather than just assert the ‘existence’ of the referent. Based on this, it is predictable that ‘You(有)’, which expresses ‘possession’, can be used in the presentational construction in Chinese, whereas ‘Zai(在)’, which expresses ‘existence’, cannot.
오유정 중국어문논역학회 2018 中國語文論譯叢刊 Vol.0 No.42
Many Chinese linguists agree to various degrees that Chinese is a topic-prominent language, as is proposed by Li & Thompson (1976). It is presupposed in Li and Thompson’s theory that subject and topic are not identical. Many grammarians, however, still hold the viewpoint initially claimed by Yuen-Ren Chao and Charles Hockett that all subjects in Chinese clauses are topics pragmatically. Since in Chinese there is no overt morphosyntactic marking specified on subjects and the subjects do often function as pragmatic topics, it is rather difficult, if not impossible, to distinguish the two overlapping notions. This paper aims to set a cluster of criteria under which one can specify situations where subjects are definitely not topics. The criteria are based on syntax, information structure, prosody and cross-linguistic comparison. By the application of these criteria to Mandarin Chinese, the paper identifies seven situations in which subjects are not topics, i.e.1) subject is a contrastive focus; 2) subject is an information focus; 3) the whole sentence is in focus; 4) subject is indefinite; 5) subject is bound by a focus-sensitive operator; 6) subject is determined by a minimal quantifier, and, 7) subject is new information. In many cases, non-topic subject occurs in a thetic judgement rather than a categorical judgement. Finally, the paper revisits the issue concerning relationships between subject and topic in general. The author agrees with M. Shibatani that cross-linguistically the prototypical subject is the agent semantically. Languages vary in how far a subject can deviate from the role of agent. In many languages, some non-agent elements with topicality are not allowed to serve as subjects while any agent element, even being in focus, can freely occur as subject. In topic-prominent languages like Chinese, subjects bear topicality more often than in other languages; yet, subjects without topicality, i.e.non-topic subjects are still allowed in a considerable number of cases, as is shown in this paper. Li & Thompson(1976)에 따라 많은 학자들이 중국어를 화제 부각형 언어로 분류한다. 하지만 일부 학자들은 여전히 중국어의 주어를 화용적 화제로 이해하고, 심지어 중국어에는 통사적 주어는 없고, 오직 화용적 화제만 존재한다고 주장한다. 본고는 통사, 정보구조, 운율적 특징 및 범언어적 비교를 통해 최소한 1) 주어가 대조초점인 경우 2) 주어가 정보초점인 경우 3) 주어가 문장 초점문에 사용된 경우 4) 주어가 초점 운용자의 결속을 받는 경우 5) 비한정 주어문일 경우 6) 신정보 주어문일 경우 7) 최소 양화 주어문일 경우에는 주절의 주어가 화제가 아니며, 특히 종속절에서는 그러한 경우가 더욱 많음을 주장한다. 중국어의 주어와 화제는 많은 공통점을 가지지만 엄연히 독립적인 통사 성분인 것이다. 나아가 범언어적 관점에서 주어와 화제의 관계를 살피고, 이를 통해 주어의 원형은 행위자라는 관점을 지지한다. 주어는 행위자 원형을 중심으로 다양한 의미역으로 확대될 수 있으나, 그 원근 거리는 언어마다 차이를 보일 수 있다. 화제 부각형 언어의 주어는 다른 유형의 주어보다 화제적 특성이 뚜렷하지만, 그렇다고 비화제적 행위자 성분이 주어가 될 수 없는 것은 아니다.
Detection and Warning System for Sudden high Swells on the east Coast of the Korean Peninsula
오유정,오상명,장필훈,문일주 한국기상학회 2024 Asia-Pacific Journal of Atmospheric Sciences Vol.60 No.4
Over the past few years, sudden high swells (SHSs) have often occurred on the east coast of the Korean Peninsula (KP), especially during the winter season, causing many casualties and considerable property damage. High waves can be generated suddenly even in the absence of strong winds, sweeping away unsuspecting people on breakwaters or causing damage to properties such as ports and fish farms located on coasts. In this study, we developed a detection and warning system for SHSs on the KP’s east coast. First, we developed a method for separating waves into the wind sea and swell components based on one-dimensional wave spectra, wind speed, wind direction, and mean wave direction data obtained from coastal buoys. Using the calculated significant wave height difference between swells and wind seas, as well as wind speed, we developed a SHS alert system with three levels: “Attention,” “Watch,” and “Warning.” This system successfully detected three recent swell events on the east coast of the KP. Applying this system to an operational wave prediction model, it successfully issued an alert 72 h before the SHS reached the coast. The proposed system can provide consistent quantitative forecast information that can greatly contribute to preventing casualties and property damage caused by SHSs.
오유정 중국어문논역학회 2017 中國語文論譯叢刊 Vol.0 No.41
Li & Thompson(1976)에 따라 많은 학자들이 중국어를 화제 부각형 언어로 분류한다. 하지만 일부 학자들은 여전히 중국어의 주어를 화용적 화제로 이해하고, 심지어 중국어에는 통사적 주어는 없고, 오직 화용적 화제만 존재한다고 주장한다. 본고는 통사, 정보구조, 운율적 특징 및 범언어적 비교를 통해 최소한 1) 주어가 대조초점인 경우 2) 주어가 정보초점인 경우 3) 주어가 문장 초점문에 사용된 경우 4) 주어가 초점 운용자의 결속을 받는 경우 5) 비한정 주어문일 경우 6) 신정보 주어문일 경우 7) 최소 양화 주어문일 경우에는 주절의 주어가 화제가 아니며, 특히 종속절에서는 그러한 경우가 더욱 많음을 주장한다. 중국어의 주어와 화제는 많은 공통점을 가지지만 엄연히 독립적인 통사 성분인 것이다. 나아가 범언어적 관점에서 주어와 화제의 관계를 살피고, 이를 통해 주어의 원형은 행위자라는 관점을 지지한다. 주어는 행위자 원형을 중심으로 다양한 의미역으로 확대될 수 있으나, 그 원근 거리는 언어마다 차이를 보일 수 있다. 화제 부각형 언어의 주어는 다른 유형의 주어보다 화제적 특성이 뚜렷하지만, 그렇다고 비화제적 행위자 성분이 주어가 될 수 없는 것은 아니다. Many Chinese linguists agree to various degrees that Chinese is a topic-prominent language, as is proposed by Li & Thompson (1976). It is presupposed in Li and Thompson’s theory that subject and topic are not identical. Many grammarians, however, still hold the viewpoint initially claimed by Yuen-Ren Chao and Charles Hockett that all subjects in Chinese clauses are topics pragmatically. Since in Chinese there is no overt morphosyntactic marking specified on subjects and the subjects do often function as pragmatic topics, it is rather difficult, if not impossible, to distinguish the two overlapping notions. This paper aims to set a cluster of criteria under which one can specify situations where subjects are definitely not topics. The criteria are based on syntax, information structure, prosody and cross-linguistic comparison. By the application of these criteria to Mandarin Chinese, the paper identifies seven situations in which subjects are not topics, i.e. 1) subject is a contrastive focus; 2) subject is an information focus; 3) the whole sentence is in focus; 4) subject is indefinite; 5) subject is bound by a focus-sensitive operator; 6) subject is determined by a minimal quantifier, and, 7) subject is new information. In many cases, non-topic subject occurs in a thetic judgement rather than a categorical judgement. Finally, the paper revisits the issue concerning relationships between subject and topic in general. The author agrees with M. Shibatani that cross-linguistically the prototypical subject is the agent semantically. Languages vary in how far a subject can deviate from the role of agent. In many languages, some non-agent elements with topicality are not allowed to serve as subjects while any agent element, even being in focus, can freely occur as subject. In topic-prominent languages like Chinese, subjects bear topicality more often than in other languages; yet, subjects without topicality, i.e. non-topic subjects are still allowed in a considerable number of cases, as is shown in this paper.
현대중국어 동결식의 문형 분포와 의미 구조 — ≪動詞-結果補語搭配詞典≫에 대한 정량 분석을 기반으로
오유정 중국어문연구회 2023 中國語文論叢 Vol.- No.112
Traditionally, the Verb Resultative Compounds (VRCs) used in SVCO transitive constructions, which express causal meaning, have been regarded as typical usages. However, in this paper as a result of quantitative analysis focusing on the example sentences in A Dictionary of Chinese Verb-Resultative Complement Phrases(≪漢語動詞-結果補語搭配典詞≫), the causal meaning of VRCs, which has been considered a typical semantic structure, is realized through special ‘Ba (把)’ constructions, which emphasize Agentivity. In addition, intransitive constructions or SVCs, which express change of state (non-causal) meaning, have been widely used based on the combination of various Verbs and Complements (Buyu). On the other hand, SVCOs or unmarked transitive constructions reveal the very limited usages of Complements such as ‘Chu (出)’, ‘Gei (給)’, and ‘Zai (在)’, and so on. Based on this, it has been possible to review the basic and dominant semantic-syntactical structure of VRCs. In contrast to the existing conception which regards the causal-transitive case as the typical semantic-syntactical structure of VRCs, it has been confirmed that the change of state (non-causal)-intransitive or SVC case is the dominant semantic-syntactical structure of VRCs. This is because of the specificity of VRCs, which entails that the Patient indicated by the Complement (Buyu) should be prominent and be realized syntactically.
전지구․지역․국지연안 통합 파랑예측시스템 개발을 위한 여름철 태풍시기 풍파성장 파라미터 민감도 분석
오유정,오상명,장필훈,강기룡,문일주 한국해양과학기술원 2021 Ocean and Polar Research Vol.43 No.3
In this study, an integrated wave model from global to coastal scales was developed to improve the operational wave prediction performance of the Korean Meteorological Administration (KMA). In this system, the wave model was upgraded to the WaveWatch III version 6.07 with the improved parameterization of the source term. Considering the increased resolution of the wind input field and the introduction of the high-performance KMA 5th Supercomputer, the spatial resolution of global and regional wave models has been doubled compared to the operational model. The physical processes and coefficients of the wave model were optimized for the current KMA global atmospheric forecasting system, the Korean Integrated Model (KIM), which is being operated since April 2020. Based on the sensitivity experiment results, the wind-wave growth parameter (βmax) for the global wave model was determined to be 1.33 with the lowest root mean square errors (RMSE). The value of βmax showed the lowest error when applied to regional/coastal wave models for the period of the typhoon season when strong winds occur. Applying the new system to the case of August 2020, the RMSE for the 48-hour significant wave height prediction was reduced by 13.4 to 17.7% compared to the existing KMA operating model. The new integrated wave prediction system plans to replace the KMA operating model after long-term verification.
중국어의 반사동화와 반사동 - 개념적 정의를 중심으로-
오유정 한국중국언어학회 2024 중국언어연구 Vol.- No.115
언어 보편적으로 논의되는 반사동화, 반사동은 형식적 자동화 기제와 의미 범주로 구분된다. 반사동화는 다시 협의의 반사동화와 탈사동화로 구분되는데, 전자는 행위자와 수동자의 일치를 통한 자동화 기제인 반면, 후자는 행위자 삭제를 통한 자동화 기제이다. 그리고 이러한 자동화 기제를 통해 파생된 의미 범주로서 반사동과 탈사동은 각각 자동성(spontaneity)과 피영향성(affectedness)의 특징을 가진다. 중국어에서 반사동화 및 탈사동화는 내현적이든 외현적이든 복합동사구조, 즉 동결식을 중심으로 나타나며, 이들은 서로 다른 파생 양상을 보인다. 반사동화는 특별한 형태 표지의 도움 없이 동사(단일 동사 또는 술어-결과보어의 동결식)의 영형식 파생을 통해 구현된다면, 탈사동화는 특정 형태 표지 ‘给’를 통해 구현되는 경우와 반사동화와 마찬가지로 형태 표지를 가지지 않는 영형식 파생(동사-동상보어의 동결식) 등 두 가지 경우로 나타난다. In universal discussions in linguistics, anticausativization and anticausative are distinguished by their formal patterns of intransitivization and semantic categories. Anticausativization can be further divided into narrow anticausativization and decausativization. The former refers to an intransitivization mechanism in which the agent and patient are identical, whereas the latter involves intransitivization through the deletion of the agent. These mechanisms give rise to the semantic categories of anticausative and decausative, which are characterized by spontaneity and affectedness, respectively. In Mandarin Chinese, both anticausativization and decausativization occur in complex verb constructions, particularly in verb-resultative complement constructions, whether implicit or explicit, and they exhibit different derivational patterns. Anticausativization is realized through zero-derivation of the verb (either as a single verb or within a verb-resultative complement construction) without the aid of any specific morphological markers. In contrast, decausativization can occur in two ways: either through the use of the specific morphological marker Gei (給) or, similar to anticausativization, through zero-derivation in verb-phase complement constructions.
시설아동의 학교생활적응에 영향을 미치는 변인: 아동의 자아존중감, 정서지능, 시설의 심리적 양육환경 및 지역사회와의 교류를 중심으로
오유정,문혁준 한국인간발달학회 2014 人間發達硏究 Vol.21 No.3
The purpose of this study was to analyze personal variables (self-esteem, emotional intelligence) and institution variables(institutional psychological nurturing environment, interaction with local community) associated with institutionalized children's school life adjustment and to provide data that can be used to help the school life adjustment of institutionalized children. The participants comprised 136 elementary school children in the 4th, 5th and 6th grades who lived in a school's child care institute located in Seoul and Gyeong-gi. The collected data were analyzed using t-test, ANOVA, post-hoc analysis(Duncan), Pearson correlation analysis, and hierarchical regression analysis. The results of the study were as follows. First, girls had higher degrees of school life adjustment than the boys. Moreover, institutionalized children who had lived for longer periods in an institution had higher school life adjustment levels than other children. Second, the relationship between the factors showed that a higher degree of self-esteem, emotional intelligence, and the existence of a positive institutional psychological nurturing environment, and active interaction with the local community was associated with a higher level of school life adjustment. Third, the strongest predictor of school life adjustment of institutionalized children was the variable of ‘relationships between members’ of institutional psychological nurturing environment of institution. These results suggest that various variables be considered to nurture institutionalized children.