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안희돈,조용준,황종배,임정현,Cui Mao 아시아테플 2022 The Journal of Asia TEFL Vol.19 No.3
Based on the supportive evidence for the existence of backward transfer of L3 on the interpretation of L2 reflexives detected by Ahn & Mao (2019), this paper explores potential factors that possibly affect the process of backward transfer of L3. Successful interpretation of reflexives--the searching for the antecedents to which the reflexives might be bound--is subject to the constraints of syntactic and discoursal factors, given that English is more syntactic-oriented, while Chinese and Korean are more pragmatic-oriented. The present study compares the accuracy rates in the Truth Value Judgment Task to examine the role of syntactic complexity in Chinese-English (CE), Korean-English (KE), and Chinese-English-Korean (CEK) language configurations. The results show that the Mean Dependency Distance (MDD) is a negative and significant predictor of the probability of accurate response in the TVJT. However, when the regression model is fitted by group, it is revealed that the regression coefficient of the MDD strikes a significant level with the CE and the CEK groups, but not with the KE group. The CEK group is more capable of rejecting the influence of syntactic complexity than the CE group, either because of their enhanced meta-linguistic knowledge or because of weakened reliance on syntactic constraints. The findings are in line with both the Cumulative Enhancement Model and the Foreign Language Effect Model.
조선족 이중언어 화자들의 한국어 형태 처리 : 복수형 접미사 –들의 차폐 점화 실험 연구
안희돈,황종배,정기섭 한국외국어교육학회 2018 Foreign languages education Vol.25 No.1
This paper investigates Korean-Chinese bilingual speakers’ processing of Korean plural marker -tul. It employed masked priming experiments with a word judgment task for Korean-Chinese speakers from Yanbian, China. The masked priming experiments compared the subjects’ response time in three different prime-target pairs: identical condition, unrelated condition, and test condition. The data of the experiments was analyzed in two different ways: subject analyses and item analyses. The subject analyses of the study showed partial priming effects and the item analyses full priming effects. These findings indicate that Chinese-Korean bilinguals seem to be sensitive to morphological structure of a morphologically complex words in Korean and less dependent on the lexical storage of the full form, as is usually found in L2 learners’ morphological processing.
Notes on Non-occurrence of Case Markers
안희돈,조성은 한국생성문법학회 2014 생성문법연구 Vol.24 No.4
Ahn & Cho (2006a,b, 2007, 2009) suggest that non-Case-marked nominals are part of complex predicate or instances of left dislocation (LD). More specifically, the complex predicate option is available only when a bare NP takes place inside V domain. The other bare NPs are analyzed as LD. Ahn & Cho (2009) further propose that Korean has two types of LD: Hanging Topic LD (HTLD) and Clitic LD (CLLD). Given this analysis, we can resolve the puzzles on non-Case nominals pointed out by Bak (2008), Hong (2011) and Lee (2012). Clause-internal Caseless objects that Bak (2008) points out are analyzed as CLLDs that can be embedded. Clause-internal Caseless subjects that Lee (2012) indicates are also analyzed as embedded CLLDs. Finally, the examples Hong (2011) indicates are analyzed as HTLDs (crucially not CLLDs).
Notes on Apparent DP Ellipsis: A Reply to Lee & Kim (2010)
안희돈,조성은 한국언어학회 2011 언어 Vol.36 No.2
Ahn, Hee-Don & Cho, Sungeun. 2011. Notes on Apparent DP Ellipsis: A Reply to Lee & Kim (2010). Korean Journal of Linguistics, 36-2, 457-471. Ahn & Cho (2009, 2010) suggest that ellipsis is licensed by functional heads such as C, T, and D which can bear an [E] feature. In the same reasoning, they suggest that a lexical category like V or semi-lexical category v which gives a theta role cannot have an [E] feature. Under the analysis, it is predicted that when DP is directly selected by the lexical category V, which cannot bear an [E] feature, DP ellipsis isn't allowed. However, there is an example which apparently shows that DP ellipsis seems to be allowed. Ahn & Cho (2009, 2010) argue that the missing constituent is in fact a pro, but not derived from DP ellipsis which is theoretically impossible. Recently, Lee & Kim (2010) claim that Korean has both pro and DP ellipsis. This paper aims to explore the examples that seem to be DP ellipsis and argue that it indeed involves pro. (Konkuk University & Yeungnam University)
A Uniform Analysis of Right Dislocation: A Reply to Ko (2016)
안희돈,조성은 서울대학교 언어교육원 2016 語學硏究 Vol.52 No.2
Ko (2016) proposes that gapless right dislocations are divided into two types: Specificational right-dislocation constructions are derived by rightward movement in a mono-clausal structure and repetitive right-dislocations are result of leftward movement and ellipsis in a bi-clausal structure. We examine Ko’s (2016) proposals in depth, and defend the claim that RD in Korean can still be uniformly analyzed as bi-clausal structure (host clause plus appendix clause) and that a right-dislocated phrase undergoes movement to a clause initial position in appendix clause and the rest of the clause undergoes deletion (cf. D. Chung 2009; Kim & Hong 2013; Ahn & Cho 2014a). We show that our uniform analysis may naturally account for the parallelism between right-dislocations and fragments that Ko’s (2016) hybrid analysis cannot explain. Our proposal also sheds light on the correlation between the double accusative constructions and gapless specificational RDCs, and further clarifies the issues related to constraints on wh-appendix and asymmetries in question-answer among RDCs in Korean.