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승려 신돈의 등용은 공민왕대 정치에서 이례적인 사건이었다. 본 논문은 그러한 이례적 사건이 발생하게 된 배경을 규명하기 작성되었다. 신돈의 등용은 공민왕의 의지였다. 두 가지 상황 하에서 공민왕은 이같은 파격적 정치를 단행했다. 첫째, 공민왕은 연저호종공신을 중심으로 정국을 운영해 왔었다. 그러나 정세운 살해사건을 계기로 공민왕의 측근들은 동요하기 시작했고, 결국 흥왕사의 변란에서 확인되듯이, 일부 세력은 공민왕 시해를 시도했다. 이 사건의 결과 공민왕의 충성스러운 측근들이 살해당했고 공민왕은 연저호종공신에 대한 신뢰를 거두었다. 이제 공민왕은 새로운 측근을 필요로 했다. 둘째, 기철이 제거된 이후, 원조정의 실력자 기황후는 공민왕과 불편한 관계를 유지하게 되었다. 그러나 홍건적의 반란에 직면한 원조정은 공민왕을 징치할 형편이 되지 못했다. 홍건적이 진압되자 원은 즉각 공민왕을 폐위하고 덕흥군을 고려왕으로 책봉하였다. 덕흥군 책봉을 관철하기 위해 원은 군대를 고려로 파견했고 공민왕은 무장세력을 동원해 그들을 막아야 했다. 덕흥군의 침략을 성공적으로 물리친 후, 고려 조정에서 무장세력의 지위는 상승해 가고 있었다. 그러나 공민왕 13년 기황후가 원조정에서 실각하고 원이 멸망의 길로 접어들게 되면서 공민왕은 비교적 안정적으로 정국을 운영할 수 있게 되었다. 신돈은 이런 분위기에서 공민왕에 의해 등용되었던 것이다. 이런 상황에서 권력의 중심부로 진입한 신돈은 공민왕의 기대에 부응해, 유숙과 김보와 같은 연저수종공신, 최영으로 대표되는 일부 무장세력, 이공수와 이수산과 같은 기씨일문과 가까웠던 인물들을 권력의 주변부로 몰아내었다. Shin-don(辛旽)"s appointment as prime minister was exceptional affair in King Gong-Min politics. This paper was written in a intention of understanding that affair. It was King Gong-Min who appointed Shin-don as prime minister in Groye(高麗) court. Two situations made King Gong-Min give Shin-don the prime minister. From his enthronement, King Gong-Min had conducted state affairs on the retainers, who attended King Gong-Min in the capital of Yuan Dynasty. But the administration was ended in the killing of Jeong She-Yun(鄭世雲) who was the retainer, the hero to save Groye from the invaders, named Hongkonjeck(紅巾賊). Some of retainers would like to kill King Gong-Min in the Heungwang-temple(興王寺), After the rebellion of Heungwang-temple, King Gong-Min didn"t give retainers the trust. He should get a new supporter. After the elimination of Gi-Cheol who was the brother of the Empress in Yuan, the relation between the Yuan Dynasty and King Gong-Min made bad. As soon as repressed the Hongkonjeck, Yuan dethroned King Gong-Min, gave Deckheunggun(德興君) the throne of Groye Dynasty. Yuan"s sent the army to Groye because Groye Dynasty rejected the Yuan"s decision. Though Groye successfully defect the Yuan"s army, a anxiety of King Gong-Min wasn"t removed. A lot of military officals was developed through the wars, they threatened the king"s power. In 1364, Yuan was swiftly collapsing, King Gong-Min attacked them under the situation, appointed Shin-don. Shin-don ceased the power under the king"s support, he removed the officials from Groye court. There were three type of removed officials. One was the military officials, who were developed in the war against Yuan. Another was the officials, who were on the friendly terms with Yuan court, expecially the Qi empress. The other was some retainers, who lost the King"s trust.
이제까지 전민추정도감의 연구는 공민왕대 개혁정치에서 중요한 위치를 차지하는 것으로 평가받거나, 그러한 평가에 대한 반론을 중심으로 이루어져 왔다. 그러나 이러한 접근은 본격적인 전민추정도감 연구에 입각해 이루어 진 것은 아니었다. 본 논문은 이러한 문제의식에서 출발하여 신돈집권기 설치된 전민추정도감의 설치목적과 성격을 분석했다. 공민왕 15년 5월 실치된 전민추정도감은 한해 전 설치된 형인추정도감을 개편한 것이었다. 형인추정도감은 가뭄을 막기 위해, 그것을 야기하는 억울한 소송과 지체된 소송을 해결한다는 명목으로 설치되었고, 이후 전민추정도감으로 개편되었다. 그러나 이는 그야말로 명분이었다. 그 이면에는 여러 관부를 규찰하여 그들을 제어하려는 정치적 의도가 내재되어 있었다. 특히 신돈이 형인추정도감을 전민추정도감으로 개편한 것은, 토지와 노비에 민감한 민심을 이용해 국정을 장악하기 위해서였다. 형인추정도감을 기초로 설립된 전민추정도감은 신돈이 판사가 되고 임박이 使가 되었으며, 이춘부와 이인임 이하의 관리들이 전민추정도감에 파견되어 토지와 노비의 소송, 형옥, 관부에 대한 규찰 등의 업무를 담당했다. 이중 토지와 노비의 소송은 특히 중요했는데, 소송을 통해 부당한 탈점이 확인되면 탈점자는 법으로 처벌받았다. 한편 전민추정도감은 공민왕의 친정이 시작되는 19년 10월 즈음 무력화되었고 12월에는 전민의 쟁송 등의 업무가 모두 판도사, 전법사, 도관에 이관되어 그 존재이유를 상실했다. 전민추정도감의 해체이유는 여러 관사를 제대로 규찰하지 못해 천도가 불순해 졌다는 것이지만, 그 이면에는 공민왕의 친정과 신돈의 제거라는 정치변동이 자리하고 있었다. The constitution of Jeonminchujeongdogam(田民推整都監) was regard as his inclination to reform by some students, for long time. They have understood that the policy of Jeonminchujeon was the attempt to protect the peasant from the powerful who snatched a land from the peasant and made them into own servant. Of course, there are the counter argument of the understanding. Though debate, I think that there were not the full research of Jeonminchujeongdogam. Without the research, its meaning was argued and debated. This paper start from the critical mind. I will study the constitution and object of Jeonminchujeongdogam. Jeonminchujeongdogam was founded in the May 1366, when King Gong-Min reorganized the Hyenginchujeongdogam(刑人推整都監) to Jeonminchujeongdogam. Hyenginchujeongdogam was founded, a year ago, in order to solve the drought and unfair trial, then was reorganized to Jeonminchujeongdogam. But that purpose was nominal. The real purpose was the control of the officials who had served to the Koryo Dynasty. Especially, the reorganizaton to Jeonminchujeongdogam aimed to the use of the people"s sentiment that always desired the land and servants. By Jeonminchujeongdogam, Shin-don was to get the people"s support, then to contorl the officials. Because of the lack of material, I couldn"t reaserch the organization of Jeonminchujeongdogam, but some partial material introduced the precious knowledge to me. Shin-don was the prime minister of Jeonminchujeongdogam, Lim-bak became the person in charge of the organization. Lee, In-im and Lee, Chun-bu who served to the other office, sometimes, attent to Jeonminchujeongdogam, conduct their own task. Jeonminchujeongdogam has a distinguished feature from previous Jeonminbyenjeongdogam. The former had the forced power, while the latter did not. The officials of Jeonminchujeongdogam had power to carry out the punishment. Jeonminchujeongdogam which was founded in 1366, deconstructed in 1370, in the reason of the bad climate. But it was nominal, the essential reason was that Shin-don was be ousted from power.
14세기 고려청자에 주목할 만한 변화가 발생했다. 간지명 청자의 등장, 도식화된 문양 등은 청자 변화의 구체적 내용이었다. 청자 변화의 원인은 주로 생산체계의 변화에 따른 대량생산과 소비의 확대로 이해되었다. 그러나 최근 고려분묘에 대한 조사와 연구에 의하면, 14세기 들어 청자의 출토량은 이전시기와 감소하거나 큰 변동은 없다. 대량생산에도 불구하고 분묘에서의 소비는 크게 증가하지 않은 것이다. 이에 본 연구는 고려시대 분묘 유적의 출토품을 검토하였다. 지역성과 시기를 고려해 상주 청리, 청주 용암, 진안 수천리, 부산 덕천동, 안산 대부도 육곡, 단양 현곡리, 경주 검단리, 청도 대전리, 고양 더부골 고려 분묘 유적을 조사하여 다음과 같은 결론을 내릴 수 있었다. 첫째, 같은 시기라고 하더라도 지역에 따라 청자가 주로 출토되는 지역과 청동기가 비교적 다수 출토된 지역이 있었다. 상주 청리는 청자만 주로 출토된 반면, 청주 용암유적에서는 다수의 동기가 출토되었다. 이러한 차이는 지역적 차이일 가능성이 높다. 둘째, 지역적 차이에도 불구하고 전체적으로 11~13세기 중반까지 분묘의 부장품에는 청자가 다수를 차지하고 동합·동발·동접시 등이 공반 출토되고 있었다. 셋째, 13세기 후반 이후 동기의 출토가 급증하였다. 14세기로 편년되는 분묘에서는 청자와 함께 다수의 청동기가 공반 출토되고 있었다. 따라서 분묘의 출토양상에 의하면 14세기에는 동기가 유행하였다. 당시 동기의 유행은 문헌을 통해서도 확인할 수 있다. 홍자번의 상소 등 여러 문헌에 의하면, 원간섭기 고려에서는 동기가 상당히 유행하고 있었다. 한편 동기 확산의 배경에는 중국 화폐제도의 변화와 지배층의 취향이 자리 잡고 있었다. 원은 고래의 銅錢을 기축화폐로 사용하지 않고 은으로 지불 보증된 보초를 기축화폐로 삼았다. 기축화폐의 변화는 동을 다른 용도로 사용할 수 있도록 허락했다. 그 결과 이전보다 자유롭게 동을 이용해 동기 혹은 銅像을 주조할 수 있게 되었다. 물질적 배경이외에 문화적 변화도 있었다. 새롭게 중국의 지배층이 된 몽고족은 유목민의 전통에 따라 자기보다는 금속기를 선호했고 고려 역시 이 영향으로부터 자유로울 수 없었다. 이런 분위기에서 고려에서는 자기가 아닌 동기를 선호하게 되었던 것이다. 그리고 이것이 자기 산업의 쇠퇴와 자기의 질 하락을 가져온 한 배경이었을 것이다. In 14th century, as a lot of students know, Koryo celadon got some distinguished characters, the advent of celadon with the manufactured date(干支銘靑瓷), the poor patterns. Students have regarded reasons of the characters as the changes of system of production and the expanded consumption. However, according to results of recent researches of the Koryo graves, in the 14th century, the use of celadon was reduced. This deference have me to study celadon`s changes in 14th century. In this article, I`d like to study the excavated celadon from the Koryo graves. For study, I have nine remains of Koryo tumb, in regards of time and space. There are a lot of grave goods in nine remains of Koryo tumb, celadon, bronzeware, bronze spoons, and so on. From the examination of excavation reports of them, I get some conclusions. First, even same period, there is deference between grave goods as to the province in which graves were located. Some provinces of them have more celadon than bronzeware, but the other is not. Second, though the deference between provinces, I could find a important point. As a whole, there are more celadon than bronzeware in graves which were constituted during 12~13th century. Third, in the second half of 13th century, the circumstance was changed. The rate of bronzeware in grave goods got higher. In fact, there are a lot of reference to the fashion of bronzeware in ≪ Koryosa(高麗史)≫. Why bronzeware was in fashion in the 14th century? It is passible to answer the question in two ways, economy and culture. The fashion of bronzeware should base on the increase of supply of bronze. According to the study of bronze product, the bronze product in Koryo was reduced during 14th century. Though the reduce of bronze product, at that time the fashion of bronzeware was due to the importation of bronze from Yuan(元) Dynasty. Until collapse of Dynasty, Song(宋) government continued to prohibit the exportation of bronze, in order to get the raw material of the coin bronze. After the foundation of Yuan(元) Dynasty, the circumstance was changed. Yuan(元) Dynasty used the currency of Bo-chao(寶초) which was guaranteed in silver. Then Yuan(元) Dynasty didn`t need to use the much bronze than Song(宋). The surplus bronze in Yuan(元) Dynasty was exported to Koryo and Japan, and the supply of bronze got grown in Koryo. On the other hand, the cultural preference effected the fashion of bronzeware. The Mongolians as nomadic tribes prefered the matalware to celadon or ceramics. The upper class in Koryo Dynasty was heavily affected by Yuan(元) Dynasty, politically and culturally. They prefered the matalware, especially bronzeware to celadon. The fashion of bronzeware brought about the fall of celadon`s product, it might result the relative decline of the celadon`s quality.
The Farms are the form of the feudal estate. Therefore, there is very important significance to investigate the formation and expansion of the farms through the study on the land owned by its owner. According to the studies of today, the farms were formed and expanded largely in the 12th or 13th century. Particularly, some historians thought that the farms were formed by two ways. The one way is to dispossess the lands which was used to charge the taxes and the other one is to take the peasants`s lands. However, the farms had appeared in the 7th century. After the foundation of the Goryeo Dynasty, the farms became more and more larger. Some researches and sources, though incomplete, demonstrated that temples, the Royal Household and the gentry possessed farms and that posses of farms was very important. For example, there were two persons who came from China and were naturalized in Goryeo with the name Chai In Bum(tk), Dae Ilc(l) accepted farms in Goryeo and this fact proved that the farms were necessary to the aristocratic life of them. If we examine the examples of dispossessed lands, we can find that the most dispossessed lands were the estates of the temples, the Royal Household and the gentries differing from the results of the most researches. It means that the farms were not formed just in the 12th century and that the farms had existed widely since the foundation of the Goryeo Dynasty. So according to my analysis, I think that the farms were the form of the estate of Goryeo Dynasty from the early Goryeo Dynasty to the late Goryeo Dynasty.
In Korea Dynasty, the farms have been regarded as a simple large estate and a land to charge taxes. It was important that there were two kinds of the forms of the farms. The first was the farm of the accumulated estate and the second was the farm of the accumulated land on which the taxes were charged. However, this definition on the category of the farms had some shortcomings. Firstly, if the farm was a simply large estate, the category may be obscure. Secondly, because of something that had different quality which was not defined in the same category, the category of the farm of the accumulated estate or the accumulated land to charge taxes may make mistakes. So the definition made the category of the farms was inaccurate. In order to draw near to the quality of the farms, I will define the category on the basis of the examples of the farms. As we know, the farms were distinguished into many kinds, such as the Jeonyo(田廬), the Jeonsa(田舍), the Jeonwon(田園), the Byeolyob(別業), the Nongjang(農莊) and the Byeolseo(別墅) in Korea Dynasty. Some terms had the same name because these terms were related to the same quality. Besides of the same quality, some things had individual or unique quality themselves. As a result, I think if we ascertain the individual or unique quality, we can understand that the farms had universal quality. By the analysis, I found that the Byeolseo was a manor or a land belonging to the lord of the manor and the Jeonwon was the fields where the vegetables or fruits growing up or they were farmed. Through this difference between the Byeolseo and the Jenwon, I think that the terms with the different meanings were regarded as the same things by the persons who lived in Koryo society. If the different terms including the separated meanings were defined as the same meaning not correctly, the quality was shared. Namely, if the farms including the manors, the fields where the vegetables or fruits growing up, and the land belonging to the lord of the manor, I think that we can make two conclusions. On the one hand, their terms could be defined as the universal meaning of the farms. On the other hand, their terms had different quality.
본 논문에서는 마곡사 소장 전적을 분류하여 간략하게 소개한 뒤, 사적기와 세조본 『고려대장경』을 분석하였다. 마곡사 사적기에 의하면 마곡사는 13세기 전반 대대적인 정비를 거쳐 고려 후기 크게 성장하였고 이는 15세기까지 지속되었다. 16세기 들어 마곡사는 사세가 축소되었으며 임진왜란과 병자호란 특히 대규모 화재로 인해 큰 피해를 입었다. 마곡사는 17세기 중반 이후 공주목의 후원과 인영 등 승려들의 노력으로 대대적인 중창이 이루어졌고 현재의 모습을 갖추게 되었다. 마곡사 소장 불교 경전 가운데에는 국내에서 확인하기 어려운 『고려대장경』 세조본이 3책 포함되었다. 3책은 『대방광불화언경』(주본) 66~70권 1책, 『불소행찬』 2~5권 1책, 『우바새계경』 6~7권 1책이다. 마곡사 세조본을 분석해보면 『고려대장경』 세조본의 특징을 확인할 수 있다. 세조본은 책의 크기가 가로 29cm, 세로 40cm 내외이며 표지는 황지로 연화문이 능화로 제작되어 있고 경전명은 쌍곽 안에 필사되었다. 쌍곽 아래 함차가 표기되었다. 붉은 금색을 띠는 실로 5침 선장되었다. 내지에는 좌우 변란이 인경되지 않았다. 마곡사 세조본은 문헌에 기록된 순왜지와 교왜지로 인출한 경전의 잔본으로 생각된다. This study briefly introduces the publications (jeonjeok, 典籍) owned by Magoksa Temple and analyzes the historical record (sajeokgi, 事蹟記) and the woodblock-printed Tripitaka Koreana published during King Sejo’s reign. According to the historical record of Magoksa Temple, Magoksa Temple was extensively renovated in the 13th century and continued to grow in the late Goryeo Dynasty period until the 15th century. In the 16th century, it became smaller and suffered damage particularly due to huge fires when Japan and Qing invaded Joseon Korea in 1592 and 1636 respectively. After the mid-17th century, it was rebuilt on a large scale to become what it is today, through the efforts of Buddhist monks including Inyoung and sponsored by Gongju-mok, one of Joseon’s administrative districts. The Buddhist scriptures that owned by the Magoksa Temple include 3 sets of the woodblock-printed Tripitaka Koreana published during King Sejo’s Reign. These consist of: one set of the Avatamsaka Sutra (The Flower Garland Sutra), Zhou Version of Volume 66~70; one set of the Buddhacarita, Volume 2~5; and one set of the Ubasaeo Gyesanggyeong, the First Tripitaka Koreana Edition, Volume 6~7. In Korea, there are only a few remaining woodblock-printed Tripitaka Koreana that were published during the reign of King Sejo. This analysis of the woodblock-printed Tripitaka Koreana published during King Sejo’s reign owned by the Magoksa Temple demonstrates the characteristics of printed books of the period. The books are about 29cm in width and 40cm in length. Their covers are made of yellow paper and have lotus patterns created by using a pattern board called neunghwapan. The title of each scripture is transcribed on a title strip within a double square border called ssanggwak. Hamcha, an order based on the Thousand-Character Classic, is marked under the ssanggwak on each book. They are bounded with reddish-gold threads at 5 points. The inner papers have no lines called byeonran on the left sand right to mark the border around the sheet. The woodblock-printed Tripitaka Koreana published during the reign of King Sejo owned by Magoksa Temple seem to be the only remaining books of these venerated Buddhist scriptures that are recorded in the literature to be printed on sunweiji and gyoweiji, materials made out of Japanese mulberry paper.
The ‘Farm(田莊)’ was the grand private land made in Unified Silla, was developed through society change in NaMalYeoCho(羅末麗初). Generally the grand private land of Koryo Dynasty has been named NongJang(農莊). It has been known that NongJang(農莊) of Koryo Dynasty was formed and was developed in the course of society change of the late Koryo Dynasty. It is very important how to define the grand private land and NongJang(農莊). I regard the grand private land in Koryo Dynasty as the ‘Form' which was already made in Unified Silla, because if I use a conception of NongJang(農莊) it will threw some persons into a confusion. The Farm of the Koryo Dynasty was used together with JeonYeo(田廬), JeonSA(田舍), JeonWon(田園), ByeolEop(別業), NongJang(農莊), ByeolYa(別墅), was made up of JangSa(莊舍), cultivated land, vagetable field etc. The Farm was managed by slave labor, they were servants and ruined people. A few servants didn't have family, they jointed compulsive service in JangSa(莊舍) of the master of the Farm. But most farming servants had family, they had cultivated land. Hence the Farm was based on a small farmer's management. About 15 farm families were under the rule of the Farm of the Koryo Dynasty, area of cultivated land was about 700Durak(斗落-a Korean measure of farmland) The Farm was made up of JangSa which has a tile-roofed house or a grass-roofed house, cultivated land, and vegetable field etc. There were owners, managers, residential areas, corrals and storehouses. Cultivated land was divided into dry field?paddy field and vegetable field. Vegetable field was place in which firewood was collected, sometimes which was used as grazing. Like a lord of manor in the West, landlords of the Koryo Dynasty had possessed ‘Farms'. They set up some offices named JangSa(莊舍) and had some managers who had tasks to collect ground rents and carry them to landlords, to supervise peasants.
마도 1·2호선은 13세기 초 지금의 전남 서남부 지역과 변산반도 일대에서 각각 화물을 싣고 개경으로 향하던 중 안흥량에서 침몰한 배다. 이들 배의 적재품에는 발송지, 발송자, 수취인, 그리고 발송물품이 기재된 목간과 죽찰이 부착되어 있었다. 목간과 죽찰에 기재된 발송물품의 내역을 분석한 결과, 마도 1·2호선의 주적재품은 곡물 특히 稻類였다. 마도 1·2호선에 적재된 ‘田出’ 곡물은 세 가지 측면에서 官人들에게 분급된 收租地에서 발생하는 地稅가 아니라 사유지에서 발생하는 지대로 간주할 수밖에 없다. 첫째, 수송된 稻類는 수취자에 따라 白米米中米로 구분되어 발송되었다. 이러한 구분은 벼의 도정 정도에 따라 이루어진 것으로, 개인수조지에서 발생하는 지세는 이와 같이 도정을 달리하여 수취할 수 없다. 둘째, 수송된 곡물은 石단위로 포장되었는데, 각각의 목간과 죽찰에 기재된 곡물에는 석당 斗의 양이 20두·18두·15두·9두 등으로 상이하였다. 생산량의 1/10을 수취할 수 있었던 개인수조지의 지세에서 이런 차이는 발생할 수 없다. 셋째, 목간에 기재된 발송곡물의 양이 소량이라, 반정과 족정 즉 7~8결 혹은 17결 단위로 분급되었을 수조지로 간주하기 어렵다. 마도 1·2호선에 적재된 곡물이 사유지 혹은 전장에서 발생하는 지대였다면, 목간과 죽찰은 고려시대 사유지 혹은 전장의 지대수취에 대한 중요한 정보들을 제공한다. 전장주들은 한편으로는 소규모로 산재해 있는 토지로부터 지대를 수취하였으며, 자신의 전장에서 모든 곡물을 일시에 개경으로 수송하지 않고 필요한 양만큼 배를 이용해 공급받았다. 이는 과도한 수송비와 거주지에 많은 곡물을 보관하기 어렵다는 점이 작용한 것으로 이해된다. 다른 한편으로는 상당히 많은 양의 곡물을 일시에 수취하기도 했다. 콩 50석 혹은 백미 24석의 사례는 이러한 현상의 반영이었다. 목간과 죽찰에 기재된 발송지는 주로 수취자의 본관지 혹은 본관지 인근이었다. 이를 통해 당시 在京 官人 혹은 在京한 여러 사람들은 본관지 인근에 다수의 사유지를 두고 있었고 본관지에서 필요한 물품을 공급받았음을 확인할 수 있었다. 본관지에 있는 사유지는 노비 혹은 예속민에 의해 경작되었으며 경작자들이 직접 지대를 발송하기도 했으나, 마름이 수확물을 수합해 발송하는 경우도 있었다. 한편 해당지역에서 원활한 지대 수취를 위해 家奴 혹은 家人을 파견하기도 했다. In the early 13th century, the ships which went to Kye-gyung(開京) was shipwrecked by the roller in Anhungyung(安興梁) located in the Yellow Sea. After about 700 years, in Anhungyung(安興梁) some students inquired into two ships called of Mado 1 and Mado 2, and they found out the very important sources in understanding the situations when the ships were operated. In the ships, there is a lot of the wooden tags written in the places of dispatch, the senders, the consignor, and the list of freight. We could have much information about the ships due to the tags, and get the important interpretations. One of them is that main freights of the ships are the grains; race, bean and so on. There are the debate on character of the grains written in the wooden tags. Some students argued that the grains were the farmland tax from taxation rights, the other insisted that they were the ground rents. I agreed with the latter, for three reasons. First, some kinds of ricesthat were different in degree of milling were written in the wooden tags. The fact of the different degree of milling make us to understand that the grains in the ships were not the farmland tax but the ground rents, for the farmland tax should depend on the defined rule of the collection of taxes. Second, the grains in the ships were packed in unit of the Seok(石). In Goryeo Dynasty, Seok(石) was usually consist of fifteen Do(斗), but the consistence of the Seok(石) written in the wooden tags was various; twenty, eighteen, fifteen. The taxs of state should not make such variety. Third, as we know, the taxation land was widely comperted one for gathering in farmland tax. The grains of the wooden tags is small in quantity, so we couldn’t look on them as the farmland tax. For the grains written in the wooden tags were the ground rents, the tags give us the important information about the relationship between the peasants and land owner. The land owner have the compartment land in small, the necessary grains only were shipped to the house in which they lived. The the grains were collected from the places, called Beonguanji(본관지), the land owner’s home. The land in his home was under control by Marm(마름) who was subject to the land owner. When there was not Marm(마름), they sent subordinates to gather the ground rents.
This article was written for understanding of memories of residents in Jeju. Because Jeju have be placed in the small province in Korea and the residents was regraded as the minority in the national community, the understanding of the memories is a way in studying of minority"s memories in Korea. Using the three case-‘Sambyelcho(三別抄)’, the memorials in Jeju, and ‘the Jeju Uprising’, April 3th 1948, I"d like to study the memories. Sambyelcho(三別抄) was a army, a special capital defense unit, in Goryo dynasty(高麗), they resisted against the Mongol. But after Goryo dynasty surrendered to Mongol, Sambyelcho rose in revolt, controled the Jindo, Jeju, and the south coast in Goryo dynasty. The residents in Jeju have the two memories of Sambyelcho, in which it was the traitor to Goryo dynasty or resistant against Mongol and his collaborators. In fact, this memories was not Jeju people"s memory but the national one. Jeju didn"t have own memories of Sambyelcho for long time. Nowaday, there was the change in the memory, Jeju begin to say own voice, then they would differently regard Sambyelcho as the destroyer of the peace in Jeju. However, this voice was still low, powerless. Since 1970s, Sambyelcho was the resistant against Mongol and his collaborates. In order to understand the residents"s memory, I try to search the memorials in Jeju, especially the idols such as General Lee Sun Sin, King Sejong, located in the school. I explored the idols in the 42 elementary schools, then I realized that Jeju same as the other places, had the great names of history, General Lee Sun Sin, King Sejong. There were not the memorials whcih could show the specificity of Jeju for us. ‘The Jeju Uprising’ was very important in Jeju, in understanding the memory of Jeju. ‘The Jeju Uprising’ was a resistance movement which the left rose in arms against the U.S military government, in April 3, 1948. Because about thirty thousand people was killed by Korean government forces, most residents in Jeju should have remembered it. For sixty years, the Jeju Uprising was remembered through three ways. First, it was regarded as the communist revolt incited by left agitator. Second, it was the Jeju people"s liberation movement, which Jeju peoples struggled against American imperialism and the Korean collaborates who would like to devide the Korean nation into two nations. Third, it was the genocide to exclude the left wing people out of nation. Lee Seung Man government killed 30,000 peoples to constitute the anti-communist nation, it was clearly the destroy of the civil right. However, this memories exactly coincided with national one. According to my research, there was not the specific memory in Jeju, which could defined own culture as a minority for majority. But Do not need to be disappointded. I find that the Jeju"s memories were estranged from the national one. The residents in Jeju would remember Sambyelcho and the Jeju Uprising as own way beyond nation. Sambyelcho was just the destroyer of pecae in Jeju. Some students form Jeju argued that the understanding of Jeju Uprising in the national level, never cure their injured memory.