조선 전기 격동기 신숙주의 정치적 역할과 그 의미

신병주(Shin, Byung-ju) 동국역사문화연구소 2020 동국사학 Vol.68 No.-

세조는 왕이 된 후 집권의 명분과 도덕성의 취약점을 극복하기 위하여 민본정치, 부국강병책, 왕권의 재확립과 『경국대전』이나 『동국통감』과 같은 학술, 문화정비 사업에 진력을 다하였고, 이것은 세조를 긍정적으로 평가하는 요인이 된다. 세조가 법주사, 상원사 등에 잦은 행차를 한 것 또한 왕권 강화와 민심 수습의 목적이 담겨 있었다. 세조에 대한 평가 기준에 따라 신숙주의 평가는 달라진다. 세조대에 확립된 왕권 강화와 정치적 기반은 성종대에 이르러 조선 전기 정치, 문화를 완성할 수 있는원동력이 되었고, 이러한 업적의 중심에 신숙주가 있었다. 세조 집권 후에 신숙주는 병조판서, 우의정 등을 거쳐 1466년 영의정에 올라 세조를 적극적으로 보좌했다. 신숙주에 대한 세조의 총애는 신숙주를 나의 智將이라 일컫고, 나의 魏徵이라 하면서, 사관으로 하여금 이 말을 기록하도록 한 사례에서 잘 나타난다. 외교관으로서의 역량은 『해동제국기』의 저술에서 확인할 수가 있다. 조선 전기 정치적 안정이 필요한 격동기에 신숙주는 세조가 추구한 중앙 집권과 왕권 강화, 민생 안정과 국방 강화 등의 정책 실천에서 중심적인 역할을 했다. 수양대군 시절부터 맺은 깊은 인연과 세조라는 왕에 대한 믿음이 이를 가능하게 했을 것이다. 조선이라는 나라가 초기의 정치적 격동기를 잘 극복하고 빠른 기간 내에 정치적, 문화적으로 튼튼한 기반을 형성한 바탕에 신숙주와 같은 뛰어난 관료학자가 존재했음을 기억해야 할 필요가 있다. After becoming the new king, Sejo employed certain pro-public policies while also launching institutions designed to enhance the government’s fiscal situation as well as the integrity of the military. By doing so he intended to solidify his leadership, and spawn by such intentions were also several legal or historical publication projects which led to the compilation of Gyeong’guk Daejeon and Dong’guk Tong’gam. This was all to legitimize his own enthronement and overcome his own immoral image, and these efforts eventually paid off, as they contributed to the bettering of Sejo’s overall image. He also frequently visited Buddhist monasteries like Beobju-sa and Sang’weon-sa, in order to appease the people and enhance his authority at the same time. The evaluation of Shin Suk-ju varies depending on what kind of criteria is (or was) used, and many opinions on King Sejo were (and are) reflected in the opinions on Shin. The king’s strengthened ruling authority not to mention accumulated political capital for the government in general was ultimately what enabled all kinds of political and cultural accomplishments during the reign of King Seongjong, and Shin Suk-ju was an integral part of King Sejo’s rule which set off the entire process. After Sejo took over the throne, Shin served the government as the Minister of Military Affairs as well as the Right Chancellor. In 1466, he became the Central Chancellor and continued to serve Sejo faithfully. Sejo explicitly trusted him to the extent of calling him his most trusted and wise advisor(智將), and virtually on the level of the renowned Chinese figure Wi Jing(魏徵). He even ordered the official historian to write that down in the Official Annals. Also he wrote 『Haedongjegookgi(海東諸國紀)』. During the turbulent times of Joseon’s early years, political stability was what the government most needed, and Shin Suk-ju played the most instrumental part in all sorts of policies conceived for that end, such as the establishment of a central authority, reinforced leadership of the king, comforted population and upgraded dynastic defense. Probably, the fact that Shin had already been acquainted with Sejo from the old days when Sejo was still Su’yang Daegun, and that he wholeheartedly believed in him, made this all possible. Shin Suk-ju was indeed one of the most dignified talents, an academician/governmental official, who enabled Joseon to overcome the initial confusions and mistakes and to create a politically and culturally stable platform for future prosperity that would last for centuries to come.

북인(北人) 학파의 연원과 사상, 그리고 현실인식

신병주 ( Byung Ju Shin ) 한국철학사연구회 2011 한국 철학논집 Vol.0 No.32

The two schools which eventually came to form the Northerners party in the middle period of the Joseon dynasty, were Nam`myeong school and Hwadam school. Nam`myeong`s philosophy, which emphasized the importance and merit of acting upon respect and righteousness(敬義), encouraged many people to organize righteous militias during the war with the Japanese in the 1590s, and when Jeong In-hong established himself as the leader of the Northerners party during the reign of King Gwang`hae-gun, the philosophy of the party and the school continued to thrive. Also, Hwadam`s philosophy, which tried to understand Neo-Confucianism from a flexible point of view and demonstrated a level of openness toward it, had a considerable influence upon the Northerners school as well. It seems Nam`myeong Jo Shik and Hwadam Seo Gyeong-deok were the ones who ultimately enabled the Northerners party to be more active in their operations of the government and also to approach more freely toward the ideology of Neo-Confucianism. Prime examples of the party`s stance and attitude, and also of the school`s philosophy and perception of the world, were figures like Jeong In-hong and Heo Gyun from the ``Majority Northerners(大北) party,`` and Kim Shin-guk and Nam I-gong from the ``Minority Northerners(小北) party.`` Since the time of King Injo`s ascension to the throne in 1623, the philosophical society of Joseon came to be occupied by schools who were deeply committed and dedicated to the teachings of Ju Hi and his Neo-Confucianism, such as the Twe`gye and Yulgok schools, and as a result the Northerners` philosophy was pushed away from its former formidable status. Their political philosophy was also partially responsible for their fall, as they believed only them were the ideal Confucian figures(君子黨), and never appreciated the stances of other political factions. In the middle of the 17th century, passing through a war with the Manchurian Qing dynasty as well, they further became a mere undercurrent. Yet their thinking and philosophy partially survived, as it managed to affect and influence the Southerner school scholars who were living in the vicinity of the capital in the mid and late 17th century, as well as the Shilhak scholars such as Yi Ik/李瀷 in the 18th century, on a certain level. The Northerners faction was a party and a school which led the political and philosophical societies of Joseon, alongside the Westerners and Southerners, in the middle period of the Joseon dynasty. Recently, studies of Jo Shik and Seo Gyeong-deok, figures who were the roots of the Northerners faction, and studies of how the Northerners` political philosophy was inherited to the following generations, have been published and announced. All these efforts will enrich future studies dealing with the political history and philosophical history of the middle and latter periods of the Joseon dynasty.

일반논문 : 광해군 시기 의궤의 편찬과 그 성격

신병주 ( Byung Ju Shin ) 경상대학교 남명학연구소 2006 남명학연구 Vol.22 No.-

16세기 남명(南冥) 조식(曺植)의 사상 형성과 현실 대응

신병주 ( Byung Ju Shin ) 한국사상사학회 2008 韓國思想史學 Vol.0 No.31

연산군과 광해군, 최후의 장면

신병주 ( Shin Byung-ju ) 한국문학치료학회 2018 문학치료연구 Vol.48 No.-

먼저 두 왕은 왕위에 오른 과정은 완전히 달랐다. 연산군은 적장자 프리미엄 속에서 왕위에 올랐고, 광해군은 후궁의 두 번째 아들이라는 한계에도 불구하고 임진왜란이라는 정치적 변수 속에서 왕위에 오를 수 있었다. 왕이 된 후 독재 군주로 가는 과정 또한 달랐다. 연산군은 왕권이 신권에 휘둘리는 상황을 참지 못했고, 능상(凌上)에 대해 강한 피해 의식을 지니고 있었다. 그에게 추종하는 소수 측근 세력을 제외하면 거의 모든 정치 세력을 반대파로 만들어 갔다. 광해군은 왕위 계승의 적통에 있던 이복동생 영창대군에 대한 지나친 견제와 이어지는 살해, 그리고 왕통에 대한 집착으로 시작된 교하 천도와 무리한 궁궐 조성 사업이 민심의 이반을 가져왔다. 대북의 소수 측근 세력만이 광해군 정권의 지지자였다는 점에서는 친인척 일부와 임사홍 등 일부 측근 세력만이 연산군의 독재에 추종했다는 점과 공통점을 보인다. 장녹수, 전비 등 기생 출신들에게 권력과 금력을 부여한 점은 광해군이 말년에 상궁 김개시에게 정치적으로 크게 의존한 점과 유사하다. 유배된 후 두 왕의 모습은 큰 차이를 보였다. 연산군은 교동도에 유배된 후 불과 2개월 만에 생을 마감했지만, 광해군은 가족들의 자결과 같은 처참한 상황 속에서도, 유배 후 18년을 더 살다가 제주도에서 최후를 맞았다. 반정으로 폐위된 연산군과 광해군의 행적과 최후의 장면에서는 오늘날 정치사와 오버랩 되는 정면들이 많다. 역사가 중요한 것은 과거의 잘못을 반복하지 않아야 한다는 경고들을 역사 속에서 거듭 보여주고 있기 때문일 것이다. These two individuals showed a completely different path to their own enthronements. Yeonsan-gun was the eldest son, so there was no problem in his becoming the king. On the other hand, Gwang’hae-gun was the second son of a royal concubine, and was only able to ascend to the throne in an extraordinary situation that was the Japanese invasion upon the Korean peninsula. The two kings also differed from each other in terms of how they became despots. Yeonsan-gun was very much frustrated with the contemporary situation in which the King had to defer to either the initiatives or judgements of his own vassals, and had no intention to put up with his own subordinates’ insubordination and defiance. As a result, with the exception of his most trusted cronies, he made virtually every political group his own enemy and opposition. Meanwhile, Gwang’hae-gun was most mindful of the very existence of his half-brother Yeongchang, who was ironically the more legitimate choice as a candidate for the throne. His murder of that brother did not quell his own sense of rivalry, and his subsequent policies -such as the Capital transfer to the Gyoha region and a difficult construction process for the new palace- eventually angered the general population. These two kings indeed shared a trait, which was the very narrow nature of their own advisory groups. Only a handful of royal relatives and cronies such as Im Sa-hong served Yeonsan-gun, while a relatively small number of officials from the Daebuk School (“Northerners,” not in geographical term) stood by the side of the Gwang’hae-gun administration. And the similarities do not end just there. While Yeonsan-gun provided his own concubines such as Jang Nok-su and Jeon Bi with power and money, Gwang’hae-gun also hugely relied upon Court lady Kim Gaeshi, and utilized her political capital. Their lives after they were expelled from the throne, however, were very different. Yeonsan-gun was relocated to Gyodong-do and died only two months later, while Gwang’hae-gun survived his own family members who met their demise by taking their own lives, and lived eighteen more years until he died on the Jeju-do island. Nonetheless, the last moments of their lives do remind us the political incidents of today. History does inspire us not to repeat past mistakes and wrong deeds.

조선왕실 혼례의 사례와 그 의미

신병주(Shin, Byung-ju) 동국역사문화연구소 2021 동국사학 Vol.71 No.-

조선시대 왕실 혼례의 주요한 사례들을 개관해 보았다. 왕실 혼례에서 우선 주목되는 것은 다양한 지위에서 혼례식이 거행되었다는 점이다. 세자의 신분이 가장 흔할 것처럼 보이나 적장자로서 왕위를 계승하는 사례가 드물기 때문에 세자의 신분으로서 세자빈을 맞이하는 경우도 적었다. 오히려 왕자의 신분으로 있다가 정변의 영향으로 왕이 되는 경우가 더 많았다. 조선전기에는 왕자의 난이나 계유정난과 같은 왕실의 정변뿐만 아니라, 예종이나 성종의 즉위에서 볼 수 있듯이 후계자 계승에 많은 변수들이 있었다. 16세기 왕실 혼례의 경우에도 왕실의 후계자 계승을 둘러싸고 많은 변수들이 있었다. 중종반정이나 왕실 방계에서 즉위한 선조의 사례에서 보듯이, 왕세자의 신분으로 후계자 수업을 받고 왕세자빈을 맞이한 후 왕위에 오르는 전형적인 사례가 오히려 이례적이었다. 특히 16세기에는 『주자가례』가 급격히 확산되어 가는 분위기가 형성되어 왕실 혼례에서뿐만 아니라 민간에서도 친영 의식이 강화되어가는 점을 주요한 특징으로 지적할 수 있다. 조선 후기 왕실 혼례식은 그 틀을 잡아가면서 정형화되어 가고 있었지만, 시기별로 변화의 모습도 보이고 있다. 특히 현존하는 가례도감의궤를 통해 조선후기 왕실 혼례의 절차와 혼례행렬 등 화려하고 엄숙한 혼례 모습을 접할 수 있다. This article was written to overview the history of royal wedding in Joseon dynasty. First of all, kings of Joseon had their royal wedding ceremony in various status. Although the status of the crown prince seems to be the most common, there’s only few cases because eldest legitimate son(嫡長子) rarely succeed to the throne. Rather it was more often a prince and became a king under the influence of political upheaval. During the early Joseon dynasty, there were many variables in the succession to the throne, as seen from King Yejong or King Seongjong, as well as royal coups such as the Prince’s Rebellion and Gyeyujeongnan(癸酉靖難). In the 16th century, there were many variables surrounding the succession of the royal heir. As seen in the case of King Seonjo or King Jungjong, the typical case of ascending the throne after receiving a successor class as a crown prince and greeting the crown princess was rather unusual. Especially in the 16th century, owe to the rapid spread 《Jujagarye(朱子家禮)》, Chinyeong(親迎), which is bridegroom personally inducting the bride into his home, became the general trend not only in royal weddings but also in the private sector. Royal wedding in the late Joseon Dynasty were becoming more formalized but it also changed from time to time. In particular, the existing Garyedogam-uigwe(嘉禮都監儀軌) provides access to splendid and solemn royal wedding ceremonies such as wedding procedure and wedding procession during the late Joseon Period.

오대산 사고와 사고본의 가치 오대산(五臺山) 사고본(史庫本) 실록의 특징과 학술적 가치

신병주 ( Byung Ju Shin ) 동국대학교 동국역사문화연구소 2014 동국사학 Vol.57 No.-

The Annals of the Joseon dynasty stored at the Odae-san Archives have two types of versions. From the Annals of king Taejo’s reign through the Annals of king Myeongjong’s reign are in fact ‘proofread versions’ which were only awaiting the final evaluation session, while the Annals from king Seonjo’s reign and then the annals of later kings were completed versions that were officially published, same as the Annals stored in other regions’ archives. Reason for preserving proofread versions instead of the final versions was because the task of creating new copies of the entire Annals of the Joseon dynasty during the reign of king Sonjo heavily costed for the government and it also required a large volumnes of paper. The entire process of storing the printed Annals at Odae-san mountain, including the copying process, renovation of the storage facility, and condition of the materials at the time of storage were all recorded in the “Shillok Hyeongji-an” record. We can see in exactly what kind of manner they were stored and preserved. The Annals of the Joseon dynasty Kept in the Odae-san storage facility were stolen and illegally shipped out of the country, and landed in the Tokyo University in Japan during the Japanese occupation of Korea. They were almost obliterated during the Gwandong Earthquake(that 생략) occurred in 1923. Surviving documents in the catastrophe were only 74 volumes, of which 9 volumes were from the Annals of king Seonjong’s region, 50 volumes were from the Annals of king Jungjong’s reign, and 15 volumes were from the Annals of king Seonjo’s reign. The first two groups of surviving volumes were the aforementioned ‘proofread version.’ Wrong letters were replaced with right ones, while some new ones were added. Portions needing corrections were highlighted in red, or checked with x or O, which show us how proofreading procedures were at the time. The most usual types of mistake made by the people of the time are evident, and in some cases the era-title for a specific Chinese emperor is mis-recorded, suggesting that the copying task was mostly undertaken by technicians. In the future, they should be further compared with Annals stored at other facilities.

영조대 대사례의 실시와 『대사례의궤』

신병주 ( Byung Ju Shin ) 일지사 2002 韓國學報 Vol.28 No.1

N/A

《朝鮮王朝實錄》의 奉安儀式과 관리

申炳周(Shin Byung-Ju) 한국사연구회 2001 한국사연구 Vol.115 No.-

成運의 학문과 교유관계

신병주(Shin, Byung ju) 충북연구원 2002 충북학 Vol.4 No.-