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        “성폭력범죄자의 성충동 약물치료에 관한 법률”의 평가

        신동일(Syn, Dong-Yiel) 한국형사정책학회 2011 刑事政策 Vol.23 No.1

        '스콜라' 이용 시 소속기관이 구독 중이 아닌 경우, 오후 4시부터 익일 오전 9시까지 원문보기가 가능합니다.

        2011년 7월 24일부터 발효되는 "성범죄자의 성충동 약물치료에 관한 법률"은 아동 성폭력범죄자에 대한 소위 화학적 거세를 가능케 하고 있다. 아동 폭력범죄는 사회적으로 상당히 심각한 문제이며, 피해자의 정신적 고통이나 가족들의 불안감을 감안한다면 효과적인 해결책을 찾아야 한다. 화학적 거세는 의과학적으로 제안되는 약물을 주입하여 성충동을 억제시키는 방안이며, 일부 외국에서는 이미 시행하고 있는 제도이다. 다만, 의학적인 부작용이 상당히 많이 보고되며, 모든 성범죄자가 이러한 치료에 효과를 보는 것은 아니다. 우리가 또 한가지 생각해야 하는 것은 아동 성폭력범죄의 우리사회에서의 심각성이다. 비교적 우리 사회는 아동 성폭력 범죄의 발생수가 많지 않았다. 국제적인 기준인 만 13세 미만을 아동으로 판단할 때는 한 해 평균 100여건에 그쳤고, 법률처럼 만 16세로 판단해도 한 해 1000여건이다. 그러나 그에 대한 정책은 극단적이다. 심지어 약물치료 대상자의 동의 없이도 강제적으로 시행할 수 있으며, 화학적 거세가 대체형벌이 아닌 중복형벌로 가능하다는 문제점을 가지고 있다. 이는 헌법적인 측면에서 논란이 될 수 있다. 사실 형사정책은 과학이다. 그러므로 충분한 사실 자료의 관찰과 그에 따른 엄밀한 이론설계와 검증된 이론의 현실적용이 필요하다. 여기서 논의하는 형사제재로서의 화학적 거세가 이러한 기본적 과정을 거쳐서 등장했다고 보기는 어렵다. Chemical castration is the medical administration to reduce libido and sexual desire, in the design of preventing serious rapists, child molesters and other types of sex offender from repeating their crimes. Some of countries have already surgical castration, which means to remove the testicles or ovaries through an incision in the body. Chemical castration is not the way to castrate the person, nor is it a way of sterilization. According to the medical report, the effect of chemical castration is just temporal, not permanent. Castration is considered reversible when treatment is discontinued. Side effects are the problematic concern. A medical report indicates that chemical castration can cause bone density loss because of Depo Provera use. Child molestation is a serious problem in the world. In Korea recently a few related child molesters are occurred and caught huge interests of mass media. People begin to think that the legal system is lenient with pedophiles, punishing them with insufficiently brief prison sentences. Some child molesters are released back into society. Legislation plans new law to activate chemical castration from 24th of July, to reduce biological desire of male pedophiliac, injecting Depo Provera or other chemical injection. However other experts argue that chemical treatment for castration is ineffective and will not prevent molestation. Forced castration may have the adverse effect of angering a criminal, increasing his violent tendencies. Additionally it easily reversible. Regardless, the chemical castration has been criticized as inhuman criminal policy, in the consideration of constitutionality. As the law shows, a mandatory injection without consent could be unconstitutional. Although chemical treatments can decrease the aggressive fantasies of male offenders, it should be reviewed in line of criminal rationality and specific data-analysing. Chemical castration is not the perfect solution to inhibit child molestation, additionally it discourages the rationality of criminology which dignifies human rights.

      • KCI등재

        존엄사에 대한 형법적 물음

        신동일(Syn Dong-Yiel) 한국형사법무정책연구원 2009 형사정책연구 Vol.77 No.-

        소위 존엄사의 문제는 여러 가지 형법적인 의문점을 남기고 있다. 생명가치의 개인적 처분가능성이나 그 한계에 관한 물음을 넘어 의학적인 살인행위와 자살방조의 면책근거에 이르기까지 다양하다. 최근 발생한 사건들은 형법적으로 그동안 잠재적으로 남겨있던 안락사의 형법적 의미를 다시 논쟁 속으로 몰아넣고 있다. 법학적인 차원을 넘어서 사회적 토론의 대상으로까지 발전하고 있는 안락사, 또는 존엄사의 문제를 형법적으로 생각해보는 것이 이 논문의 주제이며 목표이다. The definition of Euthanasia is “the intentional killing by act or omission of a dependent human being for his or her alleged benefit”. On the legal context, if death is not intended, it is not an act of euthanasia, turns into a murder or suicide. Thus, some medical treatments that are often evaluated “passive euthanasia” are no form of euthanasia, since the intention is lacking. These medical acts include not commencing treatment that would not provide a benefit to the patient, withdrawing treatment that has been shown to be ineffective and the giving of high doses of pain. Some argumentations support that those are part of good medical practice, endorsed by law, when they are properly carried out. Already Holland and Belgium have enacted the law allowing and justifying ‘physician assisted suicide’. The laws on Euthanasia are complex and differ from State to State in the world. These laws may change at any time. So the Korean National Assembly tries to make a law on Euthanasia legislation, a draft has already submitted. Passive Euthanasia has not convicted as a crime since Korean criminal law has several principles to diminish the criminality of passive, conditioned Euthanasia. This legislation of the draft bill asks to achieve full justification of physician assisted suicide like the Holland way. Despite the existence of criminal justifiable circumstances, the laws relating to murder and manslaughter are very similar in Korean jurisdiction. Attempted suicide is now offence too. Law concerning medical treatment, say, every competent patients might have the right to refuse medical treatment including intensive life maintenance kit, so called DNR: do-not resuscitate. This is the core element onto the debate whether possibly law constitutes the right or not. Still we can talk in coarse and vague way as to what extend that an adult's consent has a power to settle down most of legally conflicted situation. This essay exploits the questions we do not answer clearly yet.

      • KCI등재

        모자보건법 제14조: 개정 필요성과 방향

        신동일 ( Dong Yiel Syn ) 안암법학회 2010 안암 법학 Vol.0 No.32

        Many years ago abortion was recognised an individual right by the U.S. Supreme Court. Today it is a public institution. As the Supreme Court observed in the 1992 Casey decision, which reaffirmed Roe v. Wade, a whole world has believed since 1973 in the similar expectation that legal abortion will be available if they want it. Criminal law, however, prescribes harsh criminal penalties for abortion. A prolife doctor`s union recently declares that no more silence or hesitation against abortion in clinics would be prevailed. It suddenly attracts public attention on this lament issue. Sometimes the word abortion is unavoidable, as in mass media accounts of the abortion debates, but then it is almost invariably preceded by a line of smarter-sounding words: "the right of a women-to-choose" abortion. Some private and public organizations that administer birth-control programmes and provide abortions, notably Korean Planned Parenthood, are closely tied to government bureaucracies. In truth abortion today is at Korea in the middle of a governmental commitment to controlling its population. The majority of feminists and their allies have stuck onto the ground of "Me Decade" possessive individualism, an ideology that has more in common than it admits with the prehistoric right, which it claims to oppose but has in fact, critic of the pro-choice position comes from his socialist premises. When the legal experts get to the topic of abortion, they again see that it has turned abortion into an "absolute right" on the Korean Constitution. One thing we must have a clear understanding is how Eugenics can be influenced to abortion. Eugenics is the idea that humans are only the sum of inferior and superior. Like F. Galton once projected, "advocating elimination of the lower class through birth control and abortion: you can start immediately to eliminate the barely educated, unhealthy and poor segment of our country." Eugenics was widely popular in the early 20th century, but has largely fallen into disrepute after having become associated with Nazi Germany. Since the postwar period, both the public and the scientific communities have associated eugenics with Nazi abuses, such as enforced racial hygiene, human experimentation, and the extermination of "undesired" population groups. However, developments in genetic, genomic, and reproductive technologies at the end of the 20th century from the basis on eugenic idea have been survived in many areas in the modern era. We can see its backlash in the abortion clauses at article 14 of Protection of Motherhood. It is unclear to anticipate how we can revise it along with the ideology of Constitution: the right to live.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        “디엔에이신원확인정보 이용 및 보호에 관한 법률”의 문제점과 대안

        신동일(Syn, Dong-Yiel) 한국형사정책학회 2012 刑事政策 Vol.24 No.1

        '스콜라' 이용 시 소속기관이 구독 중이 아닌 경우, 오후 4시부터 익일 오전 9시까지 원문보기가 가능합니다.

        Today DNA databases are used to identify, track, catalogue, apprehend, and prosecute the perpetrators of crimes. The government initialized the regulation on DNA Databases Law to help law enforcement agencies exchange DNA profiles found at crime scenes to identify serious perpetrators and to solve cold crimes. As of July 2010, Korean law enforcement agencies have large forensic DNA database for practical use and adaptation of offender DNA profiles and forensic profiles. Under the law, prosecutor and police can demand to collect DNA forensic samples from individual arrestees for 11 types of crime, e.g. murder, armed robbery, rape, sexual assault against children, drug use, kidnapping and extortion. By passing DNA legislation, law enforcement officials can arrest criminals sooner, prevent crimes, save more lives and use DNA to its potential. The largest DNA database is in the United States of America and the second largest one is in the United Kingdom. The state of California has more than 1.2 million offender California DNA profiles making it the third-largest DNA database in the world. Now forensics is a centralized source to prevent and defeat crimes due to the latest developments concerning DNA databases. DNA Forensics will be using to take DNA of arrestees, (people arrested for a crime but not yet convicted) and prison inmates who have been sentenced. It is still controversial technique of familial searches, where the DNA profile of a suspect is run deliberately through the DNA database in the anticipation that it will be probably matched with the DNA of the suspect’s family member. Furthermore, DNA Forensics provides forensic information clearing houses with leading forensic professionals and law enforcement. It is good to use forensic data and information, but according to some researches and critics, it is also risky to believe those evidences as it is without allowing counter-possibilities. The disputes pop up in the perspective on the constitutionality of these rules. Especially the right to privacy would be harmed in the future.

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